Part 64
11:2—14, taking up the Exodus narrative from 10:20—11:1 (cf. Ex 14:31—15:21) recalls (11:2—3) the wilderness march and battle (Ex 17), focusing like Ps 114:8; i Cor 10:4 on the gift of water from the rock (Ex 17:6); this suggests the insight that the people benefit from the very things that punish their foes (11:5), who themselves feel extra chagrin and awestruck terror at the thought (11:13). II:5 thus brings in the first of the seven contrasts, between (11:6-7; Ex 7:17-18) the never-failing Nile turned into blood (itself a fitting penalty for the 'infanticidal decree' (11:7, 14; 18:5; Ex 1:22) against the Israelite male children) and (11:7-10) the unlooked-for abundance of fresh water from hard stone after thirst (itself a fitting paternal chastening (wis 2:13) which also showed the righteous the torments of their foes, the ungodly. This contrast was later current in the form that the Nile water was bloodied for the Egyptians, but sweet and drinkable for the Hebrews (Philo, Vit. Mas. 1.144; Jos. Ant. 2.294-5; 3-I7)-
The Israelites were Saved, and the Egyptians Punished, by Water; the Egyptians were Punished Also through the Same Irrational Creatures which they had Revered in Idolatry; God could have Acted More Terribly, but His Justice is Measured, and He Loves All that Is (11:2-12:1)
11:2—19:22 continue the Exodus theme of 10:15—11:1, an(^ the address to God begun in 9:1 (wis 9, introduction), but contrast as a whole with 6:1-11:1, and can be regarded as forming the third main section of the book (wis A.I). The structure is no longer governed by the biblical narratives of Solomon's prayer for wisdom, its antecedents and sequel; instead, the narratives of the Exodus are determinative. The figure of Wisdom ceases to be central, and the hints at a manual for kings, sustained ever since 1:1 (wis 10, introduction), are given up; instead, a discursive and homiletic exegetical meditation is addressed to
11:15—16 could start a second contrast, but that is deferred to 16:1. Instead, the plagues of frogs, lice, and flies (Ex 8:6, 17, 24) are taken with some freedom to have been educational punishments (11:16) by the very things with which the Egyptians sinned when, astray through insensate 'thoughts' (logismoi, wis 1:3), they revered worthless 'animals' (knodala, 11:15/7; 16:1; the word covers the range of size from AV 'vile beasts' to RV 'wretched vermin'). Cats or crocodiles, with which deities were indeed associated, would have led more naturally than frogs and unpopular insects to this interpretation; but
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Links with creation and providence (strengthened by association with 8:1) as well as judgement gave n:2oc broad influence as a summary of divine action; it is cited over 30 times by Augustine, for example on the importance of number in
Wisdom gives out standard anti-Egyptian polemic: 'they have put their trust in... creeping things and vermin' (knodala) (Ep. Arist. 138); 'be ashamed of deifying polecats and brute beasts
(knodala)' (Sib. Or. frag. 3, 22, tr. J. J. Collins; Charlesworth 1983-5: i. 471). 11:17—20: the strikingly measured character of divine retribution, on the principle setoutinn:i6, is now brought out by a flight of fancy found also in Philo (Vit. Mas. 1.19). The almighty hand that shaped the cosmos (11:17) c°uld have sent truly fearsome beasts (11:18—19). 'Formless matter' (11:17), fr°m the philosophical vocabulary, will have been held by the author to agree with Genesis (wis A.2); 'it was from our teachers that Plato [cf Tim. 3OA, 5iA, (6()vc)] borrowed his statement that God, having altered formless matter, made the world... the prophetic spirit... said [Gen 1:1—2 LXX]: In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth, butthe earth was invisible and unwrought' (Justin (wis A.IO), i Apol. 59.1, approving Plato and perhaps echoing Wisdom). The pre-existence of matter is probably allowed in 17 (wis A.8), for divine power is being asserted, yet words like 'did not make them out of things that existed' (2 Mace 7:28) are not used; these words too could be reconciled with pre-existence, for in Greek thought non-existence tended to signify lack of definite character rather than utter nullity (Stead 1994: 66-8,107-8), but with fair probability they can be taken as an intended protest against any challenge to divine power implied by preexistence. Growth of objection to the notion of pre-existent matter among Jews in the first two centuries CE is implied by the revised Greek versions of Gen 1:2: the LXX as quoted through Justin Martyr above is replaced by 'nothing and nothing' (Theodotion) or 'emptiness and nothing' (Aquila) (Salvesen 1991: 1-2). 11:17, treated by Origen as a seeming witness to views of pre-existence matter that he opposed (Deprinc. 4.6), was reconciled with creation from nullity by the suggestion that prior creation of matter is assumed; 'we read "... from formless matter "... but that matter itself is made from what is altogether nothing' (Aug. DC Gen. c. Manich. 1.5).
Scripture and in the work of creation (De civ. dei, 11.30,12.19).
(11:21-12:2) 11:20, on power and moderation, expands into an equally influential hymn on God's power and love (11:21—12:2; comparably hymn-like are 12:12—18; 15:1—6; 16:13—14). At its heart it claims (11:23) not simply that 'as his majesty is, so also is his mercy' (Sir 2:17 RV), but rather that he is merciful just because he is almighty, cf. 12:16. 11:230 is echoed in the old collect (before 8th cent.) beginning 'O God, who declarest thy almighty power most chiefly in showing mercy and pity' (Gelasian Sacramentary; English Prayerbook (1662), Trinity XI; Tridentine Roman Missal, Pentecost X). As in Acts 17:30; Rom 2:4, his overlooking of sins appeals for repentance (12:10,19; wis 5:3).
11:24-12:1 is governed by the remarkable declaration that he loves all things that are, hating nothing that he has made, sparing all things, and immanent in all things. The emphasis lies on all created things, rather than (as in Jon 4:11) on all human beings or living creatures; compare the divine love for 'the world' (kosmos) in John (3:16, soon passing to humanity in particular), perhaps also hinted at in Paul on 'the creation' (Rom 8:20-1). Platonic and Stoic views of the cosmos as a living organism (wis A.4) will have assisted this way of thinking. Plato stressed the benevolence of the maker who shaped the world and its soul; 'he was good... and desired that all things should be as far as possible like himself (Tim. 291). In
Ps 145:9, Ps. Sol. 18:1, not dissimilarly, the Lord's mercy is upon all his works, yet thought is immediately focused on his people in particular. Within the biblical tradition, therefore, 11:24-12:1 forms a landmark in the history of the notion of a God of love, combining Greek universality of scope with the strength of the OT imagery of divine love. They are summed up in the epithet 'lover of souls' (11:26 AV; philopsychos), taken up in Charles Wesley's hymn 'Jesu, lover of my soul'; cf. wisdom's entrance into souls (7:27), and the divine 'visitation of souls' (wis 3:13). NRSV, REB 'who love the living' (similarly RV) does less than justice to the importance of the soul (psyche} in Wisdom (A.g). Although souls in human bodies are primarily in view, the thought need not be restricted to them (wis 8:19). 12:1 finally praises the Deity's omnipresence through his incorruptible (RV, cf. 2:23) spirit; perhaps wisdom
11:20 passes from uncanny creatures to wind or spirit (7:20) of divine power (5:23); this was indeed reserved for the Egyptians' ultimate punishment (Ex 15:10). Such tempered and proportionate justice marks (n:2oc) the divine ordering (diatassein', to dispose or ordain, cf. i Cor 7:17); the similar 8:1 uses dioikein, 'manage', but OL disponere and AV, RV, REB 'order' unite n:2oc with 8:1. The triad 'measure and number and weight' would suit Solomon as builder (i Kings 7:9-12), but ii:2oc, with Philo, Somn. 2.192—4, on the Deity as the weighing, measure, and number of all things, and 2 Esd 4:36—7, on weighing the world and measuring and numbering the times, primarily echoes a current formula derived from Plato, 'an equality which is equal in measure, weight and number' (Laws, 757s). Plato here goes on to speak of the best equality, which is the judgement of Zeus, and the phrase is applied to divine judgement in Wisdom; but it also resembles biblical verses on creation (Job 28:25; ^sa 40:12), and T. Napht. 2 praises the beautiful order of creation and the human constitution, made 'by weight, measure and rule' (v. 3). Origen correspondingly applied n:2octo divine creation of the right number of creatures and the right amount of matter; 'he made all things by number and measure; for to God there is nothing either without end or without measure' (De princ. 2.9, 4.4).
(wis 1:4-6), but, strikingly, wisdom is not named (wis 11:2). In view of the fresh emphases of 11:2-19:18 it seems unlikely that the identification is assumed.
12:2 spells out the moral of gradual reformative correction that was suggested by 11:15-20, and is now to be further illustrated.
God did not Destroy the Canaanites at Once, as he Might have Done; in Sparing them he Taught his Own Children, hut he Scourged the Unrighteous Egyptians with a Terrible Judgement (12:3-27)
(12:2-18) The national consciousness (wis A.3) of the 'children of God' (v. 7, NRSV marg.), the righteous who worthily inherit his dear and holy land (w. 3, 7), is at its fiercest here. Destruction at their hand (v. 6) was ordained for the Canaan-
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Those who Worshipped God's Works were not Excused; but Yet More Miserable are Those who Worship what Human Hands have Made (13:1-19 J
ites, cannibals whose murderous superstition deserved it (w. 3—5; cf. Lev 18:21; Ps 106:28, 37—8, respectively forbidding and condemning adoption of these customs); but judgement came little by little (w. 6-10; Ex 23:30), allowing time for repentance (v. 10; wis 11:23; 5:3) even though they were an accursed race, and divine power fears no enemy (w. 10—n). The curse of Canaan (v. 10; Gen 9:25—7, predicting servitude; destruction is added in Jub. 22:20-1) is reinforced by the list of capital crimes (w. 3-6) to justify (cf. v. 13) the divine judgement (and implicitly also the conquest, v. 7), and to show the great clemency (v. 10) of gradual retribution—even if it took the form of hornets (v. 8; Ex 23:28). In v. y NRSV, with REB v. 6a, follows a probable division of Greek letters which in many MSS have suffered confusion. 'Opportunity to repent' (v. 10), more exactly 'place of repentance' (RV), recurs towards the end of the first century CE in the apocalypses of Ezra and Baruch (2 Esd 9:11; Syriac Apoc.
Idolatry has been the sin underlying the various crimes detailed since 11:15. Now its nature as the root sin is examined
(13:1-15:19). Gentile observances posed practical problems for adherents of the God of Israel living near or among non-Jews (see i Cor 8, the Mishnah tractate fAboda Zara, and Tertullian On Idolatry; inscriptions and documents in Williams 1998: ii. 46-8, v. 47-55); but chs. 13-15, true in their fashion to the philosophic bent of Wisdom, include not wholly unsympathetic speculation on the origins of idolatry (13:1—9; 14:12—31; wis c.2), and deal with practical problems only implicitly, by polemic and ridicule (13:10-14:11; 15:1-19; wis 11:16). The continuation of biblical idol-satire in the Letter of Jeremy (Bar 6) and Bel and the Dragon had been adapted in Greek with a philosophical tinge like that of Wisdom in Epistle of Aristeas 134-8 (2nd cent. BCE) and Sib. Or. 3 (mainly 2nd and ist cents. BCE).
Bar. 85:12, ETin Sparks 1984: 895); Heb 12:17; ] Clem. 7:5. It is attested in Latin from Livy 44.10 (late ist cent. BCE) onwards, and Acts 25:16 'opportunity to make a defence', literally 'place of defence', suggests similar Greek use outside the Jewish and Christian communities. Wisdom probably therefore uses a current non-Jewish phrase which gained wide Jewish and Christian circulation through the prominence of repentance.
w. 1—9, to which Rom 1:18—23 are cl°se> hail and mournfully condemn as mataioi 'foolish', that is 'vain' (RV) or 'empty' (v. i; Isa 44:9 LXX; cf. Rom 1:21) all who seek (v. 6; Acts 17:27; wis A.IO), yet fail to pass from things seen (v. 8) to'him who is'
(v. i)—a title (from Ex 3:14 LXX T am he that is') 'implying that others lesser than he have not being, as being indeed is'(Philo, Det. 160)—and fail to rise from the power and beauty of creation to 'the author ofbeauty' (v. 3). Plato's doctrine of ideas is in view, as at wis 9:8 (A.4), with particular reference (w. 3, 5, 7) to the ascent from 'what has the name of beauty here' to 'beauty itself (Phdr. 2501; cf. Symp. 2iic); LXX shows thatthe thought of divine beauty implied in the Hebrew OT found increasingly explicit expression among Jews (Ps 50:2, n LXX; 96:6 LXX; Isa 63:1 LXX; wis 7:28-9; 8:2, on wisdom's beauty). w. 10-19, wrth contrasting sarcasm, follow Isa 44:9-20 and kindred texts in drawing a cartoon of the wretched heathen
w. 12—18 form another hymnlike address to God (wis 11:21); his absolute sovereignty sets his sentence of destruction above question, but is in any case manifested in righteousness and forbearance; by contrast yet similarly, his seeming forbearance raises questions in Romans, but still no one is qualified to ask (Rom 3:25—6; 9:20—2). 'Those who know' (v. 17) know God, but do not honour him (Rom 1:21).
w. 19-22 teach repentance and Godlike forbearance. His suffering 'people' (v. 19; 15:14; 16:2, 20; 18:7,13; 19:5) are being prepared for mercy; their prosperous foes are being given time to repent before a scourging far harsher than God's discipline of his children. The imitation of God (v. 19) was also taught in Plato, the Stoics, and Philo, cf. Lev 11:44; Deut 13:4; Mt 5:45; Eph 5:1; i Pet 1:15—16; i Clem. 30:1; Abrahams (1924). 'A man highly esteemed says in the Theaetetus [I76AB]... Flight [to heaven] is to become like God, as far as this is possible; and to become like him is to become righteous and holy (hosios), with understanding' (Philo, Fug. 63, quoting Plato).
(v. 10; cf. v. i; 3:11), whose hope is on or (OL) among 'dead things' (w. 10, 18; Bar 6:32, 71). He whittles an image out of waste wood, not even wanted for the fire (Isa 44:15-17), to fill up his spare moments (w. 12-13), fixing it safely in a niche (Isa 41:7), and then petitioning it for health and wealth (w. 17—19). The piquant contrast between helpless image and divine power was equally familiar to non-Jews, who could likewise treat it satirically; 'the carpenter, in two minds whether to make me into a stool or a Priapus, decided that I should be a god' (Horace, Satires, 1.8.1—3). Greek dedications can indeed mention the material and the making of an image with humorous pride before formulating a prayer, precisely in the sequence mocked in w. 10—19; but they also show an ability to differentiate between image and deity which is ignored in satire like that of Wisdom: 'pray that the herald of the gods may be kind to Timonax, who set me up... in honour of Hermes the lord' (Palatine Anthology, 6. 143, 5th—3rd cent. BCE; the image of Hermes addresses the passer-by).
w. 22-7, revert to the Egyptians, who ignored the relatively mild rebukes of the earlier plagues (11:15-16; 12:2), but under sterner judgements were angry with their idols and recognized the true God, even as they received his final condemnation. This conclusion balances 11:15-16; in unrighteousness
(11:15; I2:23) they were led astray (11:15; I2:24)» worshipping ignoble creatures (11:15; I2^24)> and punished through the things in which they sinned, holding them to be gods (11:16; 12:24). A weighty term in 11:15-15:19 which gains fresh force through this resumption is 'error' (plane, v. 24; cf. Rom 1:27), with the cognate verb 'go astray' (v. 24; 2:21; 5:6; 13:6; 14:22; 15:4; 17:1). Through the LXX it is specially linked with idolatry; images of the heavenly host are forbidden lest 'being led astray, you should worship them' (Deut 4:19 LXX), the false prophet spoke 'to lead you astray from the Lord' (Deut 13:5 LXX), and the holy people dally with but reject error and idolatry (Isa 30:10, 19-20, 22 LXX).
Wooden Ships, not Wooden Images, Save Seafarers, and Idols are Accursed like their Makers; How Idolatry Began, and How it Brings in Sin and Judgement (14:1-3 ij
w. i—n, still on wood, move to ships and the yet frailer wood of the images of their patron deities (v. i; ACTS 28:11). The sea
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social evils (w. 24—6; Rom 1:28—31; Barn. 20, where the catalogue starts with idolatry). What appears in idolaters to be ecstatic joy (wis 10:21; 19:9) is madness, and prophecy falsehood; they live by unrighteousness and false oaths, which will not go unpunished.
between Judea and Egypt is the scene of T. Zcb. 6:1-3 (Egypt reached in a fishing-boat), T. Napht. 6 (storm off Jamnia). Wisdom, named (w. 2, 5) here uniquely in 11:2—19:22 (wis A. i; B.I; 11:2), is the divinely inspired art of the shipwright and navigator; no clear link is made between v. 2 and 7:16 on wisdom as 'fashioner', or w. 5—6 and 10:4 on the wood of the ark.
The True God is Hailed. The Ambitious Maker of Clay Idols Hopes in Vain, hut the Enemies of God's People yet more Childishly Take all the Heathen Idols for Gods, Even Beasts without Sense or Beauty (15:1-19)
Divine 'providence' (pronoia', v. 3; 17:2, cf 6:7) is first mentioned in the biblical books here and in 3 Mace (4:21; 5:30).
Pronoia was a quality of rulers (2 Mace 4:6; 14:9; Acts 24:3) discerned by Plato in the divinity who brought cosmic order out of disorder (Tim. 3OBC), denied by Epicurus to his tranquil deities, but ascribed by Stoics to the world-soul (wis A.2; Stead 1994: 42-51, 146-7); divine providence becomes prominent in Philo, Josephus, and 4 Mace (9:24; 13:19; 17:22). Later Jewish references to pronoia in synagogue inscriptions from Sardis (3rd~4th cent.; Rajak 1998) are contemporary with Christian defence and praise of divine providence in Origen (C. Cels. 6.71; 7.68) and Eusebius (Hist. ecd. 2.14.6). 'Father' (v. 3) is said on behalf of the righteous people of God collectively (contrast the individual, wi s 2:13), as suggested by w. 6-7 on Noah, who set sail when God 'changed the dry land into sea' (Jos. Ant. 1.75) and the giants died (Gen 6:4,17; Sir 16:17; 3 Mace 2:4); he is perhaps the unskilled navigator of v. 4/7. 'World' in v. 6b renders kosmos, but in 6c aion, a future age (wis 18:4). Blessing (v. 7) on the wood'by which righteousness comes', applied in the church to the cross (as by Ambrose, Sermones 8.23; PL 15.130) and in modern study sometimes (improbably) ascribed to Christian authorship, well fits the ark (v. 6) and sharpens the ensuing curse on idols (w. 8-n); they shall have their prophesied 'visitation' (v. n; Jer 10:11, 15
(15:1—6) These hymn-like verses (wis 11:21), used as an Elizabethan model prayer (Clay 1851: 363), begin by varying the formula 'pitiful and merciful, long-suffering and plenteous in mercy, gracious to all' (Ps 145:8-9 LXX) with the significant designations 'true' (alethes), over against idols (cf. i Thess 1:9; i Jn 5:20, alethinos) and 'mercifully ruling' (more exactly 'managing' or ordering, as 8:2) 'all things'; cf. Ex 34:6 LXX; Num 14:8 LXX; Ps 86:15 LXX 'long-suffering, plenteous in mercy, and true (alethinos)' Ps 86:5 LXX 'gracious, gentle, and plenteous in mercy'; 2 Mace 1:24 'only king and gracious one, only supplier of our needs' (my tr.). 'Gracious' (chrcstos), not in the LXX Pentateuch, became a solemn and valued description
(Ps 25:8 LXX; 34:8 LXX, etc.; 'gracious and merciful', Ps Sol. 5:2; 10:8); it is the most frequent epithet for the departed in second-century BCE to first-century CE Egyptian Jewish epitaphs (Horbury and Noy 1992: 272).
v. 2 can perhaps be paraphrased Tf we sin we will not give up our loyalty to our God, for we fear his power [kratos, probably punitive, as at 2 Mace 3:34; 7:17]; but knowing that our repute reflects on our God, out of love we will not sin.' 'Immortality' (v. 3) is again future life (contrast wis 8:13), for (Ps 115:4, 8 are echoed) we are not deceived by 'art or man's device' (Acts 17:29, close to v. 4) into Pygmalion-like desire for an image (v. 5); those who make or desire or revere them are worthy of them. (15:7-13) in a variation on the amateur wood-carver (13:11-19) and the famous sculptor (14:18—20), depicts the maker of clay figures, whose own borrowed soul (v. 8; wis A.4; 8:19; Ps.- Phoc. 106) must be returned (Lk 12:20; Jos J.W. 3.374: do not commit suicide, but return the loan (chrcos, as here) when it is claimed); and who thinks only of gain (v. 12; Jas 4:13) despite awareness of guilt (v. 13). Jewish potters are attested in secondto first-century BCE Egypt (Williams 1998: i. 71), and perhaps v. 13 implies criticism of some who sold images.
(RV 'visitation'); wis 3:7).
(14:12-31) The causes (w. 12-21) and consequences (w. 2231) of idolatry are sketched in the conviction that it is the root of sin (w. 12, 21, 27); 'fornication' (v. 12) has the biblical overtone of disloyalty in religion (Ex 34:15; Ps 73:27 RV). The devising of idols (w. 12-14) was an innovation (perhaps in the time of Serug, Abraham's great-grandfather, as in Jub. 11:4—6, cf. Ps.-Philo, LAB 4.16); it will not last for ever (cf. v. n). w. 15-21 gain force through touches of sympathy (w. 15, 17-20; cf. 13:6-7) and echoes (w. 15, 20) of the Greek Euhemerus (end of 4th cent. BCE; followed in Sib. Or. 3:105—61; translated into Latin by Ennius, 2nd cent. BCE), who held that the gods had once been honoured mortals. The link suggested in v. 15 between this view and the cult of the departed child was consciously made by Cicero after the loss of his daughter (45 BCE) : 'We see that many former human beings of either sex are among the gods ... Best and most accomplished of women, with the blessing of the immortal gods themselves I shall set you in your consecrated place among them' (Consolation, quoted by Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones 1.14). Ruler-cult (w. 6fc-2i), flourishing throughout the Greek world from the fourth century BCE onwards (Walbank 1984: 84-100), could be seen as evidence on the side of Euhemerus; the composed brevity of Wisdom here contrasts with Philo's vehemence on Caligula's cult (Legatio 75-118; wis c.2).
(15:14-19) turns to Gentile oppressors who adopt all heathen gods without discrimination (Ps 115:5—7 is echoed). The gibe suits Ptolemaic government in Egypt; returning to Milton's 'brutish gods of Nile' (11:15), it prepares for resumption of the series of contrasts between Egypt and Israel which was broken off at 11:14 (WIS n-2).
Egyptian Animal-Worshippers were Punished by Vermin, but Creatures of Rare Taste were a Benefit to God's People; Egyptians were Slain by Insects, but God's People were Healed after Chastisement by Serpents, the Brazen Serpent Betokening Divine Salvation; Heat and Cold Changed their Nature to Punish and Starve the Ungodly, but to Delight God's People with Angels' Food (16:1-29)
This error (v. 22) brings, under the name of the 'peace' sought from gods and rulers, what is really internecine war arising from ignorance; for idolatry causes not just the crimes clearly related to it (v. 23; cf. 12:5-6), but the whole range of
(16:1—4) Th£ second contrast (wis 11:2, 15—16) sets the fitting torment ofknodala (v. i; wis 11:15) over against the toothsome
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elements, in accord with Stoic teaching ('the four elements are changed and transmuted up and down', Epictetus frag. 8; Sweet 1965). Harmony wherein even apparently destructive forces work together for good (Judg 5:20; Wis 5:20; 16:17; R° 8:28) is depicted in Sir 39:16—35 (Crenshaw 1975; wis 5:17). In Wisdom the harmony can embrace a change of notes (v. 24; 19:18). v. 28 earnestly commends thanksgiving before dawn and petition 'towards the sunrise' (pros anatolen, perhaps hinting at orientation as well as time). The Essenes comparably prayed 'as though beseeching [the sun] to rise' (Jos. J. W. 2.128). Thanksgiving each day 'when it is beginning' was generally viewed as a Mosaic ordinance (Jos. Ant. 4.212); the morning Shema is said when it is light yet before sunrise, according to a Mishnaic teaching resembling Wisdom (in the name of Eliezer b. Hyrcanus, end of ist cent. CE), but later recitation was also acceptable (m. Ber. 1:2).
quails (19:11-12; Exi6:i3); Egyptians lost their appetite, Israelites relished exotic food like epicures. The wonder is recalled with the happiness of Ps 106:40 rather than the shame of Ps 78:26-31.
(16:5—14) The third contrast adds (v. 9) the locusts (Ex 10:14— 19), which constituted a 'death' (Ex 10:17 RV; LXX thanatos), to the flies, by which Egypt was 'destroyed' (Ex 8:24 (RV marg., LXX), used in the second contrast). These tiny insects sufficed to kill the oppressors (w. 4, 8—9); but when (Num 21:6—9) God's children (w. 10-11) were bitten by writhing serpents (w. 5,10), like the dread 'writhing serpent' to be slain by God's own sword (Isa 27:1; RV, REB retain the full echo), it was just a 'warning' (v. 6) wherein they were saved (v. n) 'sharply' (oxeos). NRSV (v. n) adds 'then' to 'and', without express warrant in the Greek, but perhaps affliction itself is viewed as salvific, and oxeos means 'cuttingly' as well as (NRSV) 'quickly'; cf i Cor 3:15; 5:5; 11:32.
The brazen serpent (w. 6-8; Num 21:8-9) showed the enemy God's power (v. 40; Deut32:24fc, 26-7); it was a symbol of salvation (OL signum salutis, through Jn 3:14 a designation of the cross; in the medieval and later Western divine office w. 6, 7, and 8 formed antiphons for Holy Cross Day, 14 September.) Not effectual in itself, it recalled the commandment (v. 6b, cf. Mai 4:4; including Deut 6:16 'Ye shall not tempt', cf. i Cor 10:9) and the healing divine word (w. 11—12; Ex 15:26; Ps 107:20); in later Jewish teaching, as here, they looked and were saved iftheir hearts were fixed on God's name
Darkness and Terror Shrouded the Lawless, but Light Guided the Holy (17:1-18:4)
The fifth contrast (Mazzinghi 1995; cf. 16:13) expands Ex 10:22—3, under the heading of 'error' (17:1; wis 12:24) punished by 'providence' (17:2; wis 14:3), into a heightened depiction of the haunted darkness that fell upon Egypt (17:2-21), although light shone from the fiery pillar and a temperate sun on God's holy children (18:1—4). Its style is followed in an eerie passage of Melito, On Pascha (16—33; late 2nd cent. CE; wis A.2). The spectres (17:3-6, 18) perhaps are or come from the 'evil angels' who afflicted Egypt (Ps 78:49). 'Inner chamber' (17:4) is a bland rendering ofmychos, OL here 'cave', used also of hellish 'recesses' (17:14). Lurid flashes of fire, which themselves could not be properly seen, made what could be seen by their light seem still worse (17:6, following OL; cf. Goodrick 1913). The wizards of Egypt were humbled (17:7—8, 14—15; Ex 9:11; 2 TIM 3:8—9); their night (v. 14), like Hades (wis 1:14) whence it came, was adynaton, perhaps in the less well-attested sense 'intolerable' (AV) rather than 'powerless'. Light shone (18:1—3) on those through whom the light of the law (Prov 6:23) would shortly dawn on the 'world' (aion, 18:4; a future age, as in 14:6); in the time of Moses 'the lamp of the eternal law shone on all those in darkness' (zApoc. Bar. 59:2; Sparks 1984:
(Tg. Ps.-Jn. Num 21:8, adding this condition). 'Saviour' (v. 7, soter, here only in Wisdom) is a Hellenistic royal title applied to God in LXX (Deut 32:15; Ps 95:1, etc.); 'of all' (probably all things, as v. 12, not, as i TIM 4:10, people only) gives v. 7 universalist potential (wis 11:24; A-11); despite particularist stress (v. 10).
(16:13—29) The hymn-like w. 13—14 (wis 11:21), developing Deut 32:39, bring in the fourth contrast (see w. i, 5; on 16:15-17:10, Dumoulin 1994). In the plague of hail and thunderbolts (v. 16; Ex 9:22—34; Ps 78:48) fire and water seemed to change their nature; fire in the midst of water spared the pestilential frogs, lice, and flies, yet scorched the crops (w. 17-19), whereas God's people received 'ready' (preexistent, wis 9:8) heavenly manna, food of angels (wis A.g) which, snowlike though it was (19:21) remained and took on any taste desired (w. 20—1). This interpretation, not in Philo, first occurs in Wisdom, perhaps from comparison of Ex 16:31 (honey) with Num 11:8 (fresh oil); so later, in the name of Eleazar of Modin (early 2nd cent. CE), 'anyone who liked what is baked could find in it the taste of anything baked in the world; anyone who preferred cooked food could find in it the taste of any cooked dish' (Mekilta, Beshallah, Wayassa, 5; Lauterbach 1933: ii. 118). In the church v. 21 was applied both to word and sacrament (especially through Mt 4:4; Jn 6:57-8); 'the manna is the word of God, and whatever taste is rightly desired when it is taken is immediately there in the mouth when it is eaten' (Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job, 31.15); 'O may my mind for ever live from thee, And thou, O Christ, its sweetness ever be' (Aquinas, Rhythm on the Blessed Sacrament).
877)-
The Enemies' Firstborn were Utterly Destroyed, but the Plague on the Righteous was Stayed (18:5-25)
The sixth contrast (cf. 17:1) juxtaposes the death of the firstborn (w. 5—19; Ex 12:12—14, 2I~3J) not with the sparing of the righteous (w. 7-9) 'that night' (v. 6), as in Ex 12:12-13, 27> but with Israel's later plague, when after experiencing death (v. 20) they were spared through the person and office of the high priest (Num 16:41—50); compare the third contrast, between the Egyptian plagues of'vermin' and the later Israelite plague of serpents (16:5-14). Pharaoh's 'infanticidal decree' is here (v. 5, differing from 11:6) requited by the slaying of the firstborn and then of the Egyptian host. The saints (w. 6—9) were aware beforehand (v. 6; wis 8:8); v. 9, with Jub. 49:6 and Philo, Spec. Leg. 2.148, anticipates the Mishnah's emphasis on passover hymnody: 'therefore are we bound to give thanks, to praise, to glorify, to honour, to exalt, and to bless ... so let us
w. 24—5 (with w. 17, 23; 19:6, 18—21) allow for miracles in the providential order by envisaging a transmutation of the
THE WISDOM OF SOLOMON 666
say the Hallelujah' (Ps 113-18) (m. Pesah. 9.5). The destroyer (Ex 12:23) is in wI4~I5 me divine word (logos), pictured (v. 16) as a great angel (wis 9:1); this electric description (a Christmastide antiphon in medieval and later service-books, cf. Jn 1:14) helped to form the concept of Christmas as 'silent night'. The 'blameless' Aaron (w. 21—5) stood between dead and living with his censer (Num 16:46—8); Wisdom adds to Numbers an explicit mention of 'prayer', associated with incense
Abrahams, I. (1924), "The Imitation of God', in I. Abrahams, Studies in
Pharisaism and the Gospels, 2nd ser. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 138-82. Alexander, P. S. (1988), 'Retelling the Old Testament', in Carson and
Williamson (1988), 99-121. Armstrong, A. H. (1970) (ed.), The Cambridge History of Later Greek
and Early Medieval Philosophy (corr. repr. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Barclay, J. M. G. (1996), Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora (Edin-
(Ps 141:2; Rev 5:8), and Aaron's 'word' recalling the ancestral covenants, an insertion perhaps modelled on Ex 32:13. His vestment, breastplate, and mitre (v. 24; Ex 28:2—39; 39:1—26) display respectively the cosmos, the glories of the patriarchs, and the divine name itself. This interpretation is spelt out later in Philo (Vit. Mas. 2.117—35; Spec. Leg. 1.84—97) an(^ Josephus (7.^5.232-5; Ant. 3.184-7).
burgh: T. £ T. Clark). Carson, D. A. and Williamson, H. G. M. (1988) (eds.), It is Written:
Scripture Citing Scripture: Essays in Honour of Barnabas Lindars, SSF (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Charlesworth, J. H. (1983-5) (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
(2 vols.; London: Darton, Langman, &Todd). Chester, A. (1988), 'Citing the Old Testament', in Carson and William-
Sinners Justly Met a Strange End in the Sea, but the Righteous were Saved there, for the Elements are Governed in Favour of God's People (19:1-22)
son (1988), 141-69. Clark, J. M. (1952), The Life of the Servant, by Henry Suso (London:
James Clarke). Clay, W. K. (1851), Private Prayers put forthby Authority duringthe Reign
The seventh and last contrast (19:5), from Ex 14:1-15:19, is between the doom that justly filled up the torments of the ungodly by a strange death in the Red Sea (w. i, 4—5), and the safe passage of God's people amidst a series of wonders (w. 6— 12). The same interchange of elements (w. 6, 18-21; wis 16:24) punished the sinners (w. 13-17) and saved God's servants (w. 5—12, 22). 'Fate' (v. 4) represents ananke, 'necessity', a word here as in Paul (e.g. i Cor 9:16) thought compatible with divine predestination. The 'grassy plain' (v. 7), seemingly peculiar to Wisdom, suits the ecstatic gambols of v. 9 (wis 10:20—1); w. 7—9 draw not only on Ps 114:3—4 but also on Isa 63:13—14, where the people at the sea are led like a horse in the wilderness or like cattle in a valley (LXX 'plain'). (19:10-21) brings in hitherto unmentioned points from narratives already considered, w. 10—13 recall 16:1—2 (lice, frogs, quails), then (v. 13) probably 16:16—19, on me plague of hail and lightning which also brought the 'violence of thunder' (v. 13; Ex 9:23, 28-9, 33-4); the thunders that were prominent in this relatively early plague can more naturally be viewed as a 'prior sign' (v. 13) of warning than the thunder just before the Egyptians were drowned (Ps 77:18-19; Jos. Ant. 2.343). Worse than the inhospitable Sodomites (w. 14-17; wis 10:6; Ezek 16:49) awaiting punishment (v. 15; episkope, wis 3:7), they too were struck with blindness (17:2, 17; 18:4; Ex 10:23). w2O-1 recall 16:17-18, 22-3, but more clearly depict the solidity of the snowlike manna (v. 21; Artapanus 3.37, 3r 2nd cent. BCE, tr. J. J. Collins, in Charlesworth 1983—5: ii. 903; Jos. Ant. 3.27). 'Heavenly' (v. 21; ambrosias, RV 'ambrosial') underlines 'angels' food' (16:20) with an allusion to the food of the Olympian gods.
of Queen Elizabeth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Collins, A. Yarbro (1985), 'Aristobulus', in Charlesworth (1983-5), ii.
831-6. Crenshaw, J. L. (1975), 'The Problem of Theodicy in Sirach', JBL 94:
47-64. Day, J., Gordon, R. P., and Williamson, H. G. M. (1995) (eds.), Wisdom
in Ancient Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Deane, W. J. (1881), The Book of Wisdom (Oxford: Clarendon). Dumoulin, P. (1994), Entre la manne et I'eucharistie: Etude de Sg 16, ij-
17, la, Anbib 132 (Rome: Pontificio Institute Biblico). Goldin, J. (1955), The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan, Yale Judaica
Series 10, (New Haven: Yale University Press). Goodrick, A. T. S. (1913), The Book of Wisdom (London: Rivingtons). Grabbe, L. L. (1997), Wisdom of Solomon, Guides to Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press). Gregg, J. A. F. (1909), The Wisdom of Solomon (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press). Hengel, M. (1974), Judaism and Hellenism, ET (London: SCM). Horbury, W. (19940), The Wisdom of Solomon in the Muratorian
Fragment', JTSNS 45: 149—59.
(1994(7), 'Jewish Inscriptions and Jewish Literature in Egypt, with Special Reference to Ecclesiasticus', in J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst (eds.), Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (Leiden: Brill), 9-43.
(1995), The Christian Use and the Jewish Origins of the Wisdom of Solomon', in Day, Gordon, and Williamson (1995), 182—96. Horbury, W, and Noy, D. (1992), Jewish Inscriptions of Greco-Roman
Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Horst, P. W. van der (1985), 'Pseudo-Phocylides', in Charlesworth
(1983-5), ii. 565-82. Kilpatrick, G. D. (1981), review of Thiele, Sapientia, Fascicles i-iv, JTS
NS 32: 214-16. Kloppenborg, J. S. (1982), Tsis and Sophia in the Book of Wisdom',
HTR 75: 57-84. Knox, W. L. (1937), The Divine Wisdom', JTS 38: 231-7.
v. 22 concludes the address to the Lord taken up in wis 11:2; as shown by the seven contrasts discerned in the Exodus, his 'people' (wis A.3; 12:19) have been 'exalted' (Ps 20:6, 8 LXX and 'glorified' (18:8; Isa 43:4; 44:23 LXX; Sir 24:12; Rom 8:30) by his observant assistance 'at all times' (Ps. Sol. 16:4) and 'in all places' (Prov 15:3). Just so (perhaps it is remembered) his 'people' pray 'at all times' (Ps 34:1, i Mace 12:11) and 'in all places', at home and abroad (Mai 1:11).
(1939), St Paul and the Church of the Gentiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Lauterbach, J. Z. (1933), Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael (3 vols.; Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America). Malherbe, A. J. (1969), The Holy Spirit in Athenagoras', JTSNS 20:
538-42Mazzinghi, L. (1995), Notte di paura e di luce: esegesi di Sap 17, 1—18, 4,
An bib 134 (Rome: Pontificio Istituto Biblico).
667 THE WISDOM OF JESUS SON OF SIRACH
Montefiore, C. G. and Loewe, H. (1974), A Rabbinic Anthology, repr.
Sweet, J. P. M. (1965), "The Theory of Miracles in the Wisdom
with Prolegomenon by R. Loewe (New York: Schocken). Puech, E. (1993), La Croyance des esseniens en la vie future: Immortalite,
of Solomon', in C. F. D. Moule (ed.), Miracles (London: Mowbray), 115-26. Vermes, G. (1997), The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (London:
resurrection, vie etemelle'? (2 vols; Paris: Gabalda). Rajak, T. (1998), 'The Gifts of God at Sardis', in M. Goodman (ed.),
Allen Lane). Walbank, F. W. (1984), 'Monarchies and Monarchic Ideas', in F. W.
Jews in a Graeco-Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon), 229-39. Salvesen, A. (1991), Symmachus in the Pentateuch, JSS Monograph, 15
Walbank et al. (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, vii. The Hellenistic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Weber, R. et al. (1975), Biblia Sacra iuxta Vulgatam Versionem, 2nd edn.
(Manchester: University of Manchester). Scarpat, G. (1989- ), Libra della Sapienza, i-ii (in progress; Brescia:
Paideia). Smalley, B. (1986), Medieval Exegesis of Wisdom Literature, ed. R. E.
(2 vols.; Stuttgart: Wurttembergische Bibelanstalt). Williams, M. H. (1998), The Jews among the Greeks and Romans: A
Murphy (Atlanta: SBL). Sparks, H. F. D. (1984) (ed.), The Apocryphal Old Testament (Oxford:
Diasporan Sourcebook (London: Duckworth). Woude, A. S. van der (1995), 'Wisdom at Qumran', in Day, Gordon and
Clarendon). Stead, C. (1994), Philosophy in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge: Cam-
Williamson (1995), 244-56.
bridge University Press).
44Ecclesiasticus, or The Wisdom of Jesus Son of Sirach
JOHN J. COLLINS
author. The approximate date of composition is also disclosed by the grandson's preface to the Greek translation. The grandson, we are told, arrived in Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of King Euergetes. The reference can only be to Ptolemy VIII (VII) Euergetes II (Physcon), and the date of arrival is 132 BCE. The translation was completed some years later, probably after the death of Euergetes in 117 BCE. If we assume that the grandson was an adult when he moved to Egypt, and that the grandfather's prime was about half a century earlier, we may infer that Ben Sira's book was compiled somewhere in the first quarter of the second century BCE. Since it claims to present accumulated wisdom, it can scarcely be the work of a young man. Consequently, a date towards the end of that period is likely. The glowing praise of the high priest
A. Title and Author. 1. The book of Ben Sira is known by various names in Jewish and Christian tradition. The Greek MSS usually provide a title at the beginning and again at the end: The Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach. The Latin is similar: The Book of Jesus son of Sirach. The beginning of the book is not extant in Hebrew, but MSB from the Cairo Geniza refers to the book as The Wisdom of Simon son of Jeshua son of Eleazar son of Sira (51:30; cf 50:27). The name Simon is probably introduced by mistake, because of the praise of the high priest Simon in ch. 50. The author's grandson, who translated the book into Greek, refers to his illustrious ancestor as 'my grandfather Jesus'. The full name was presumably Jeshua ben Eleazar ben Sira. The 'ch' in the form Sirach derives from the Greek Sirachides, son or grandson of Sira, and so the Greek and Latin 'son of Sirach' is redundant; here we will use Ben Sira or Sirach. In many MSS of the Latin Vulgate the book is called simply 'Ecclesiasticus', or 'church book'. The medieval Jewish commentator Saadia calls it The Book of Instruction.
Simon in ch. 50 suggests that he was a contemporary of Ben Sira, although the eulogy was probably written after his death. Simon II was high priest from 219 to 196 BCE. The book shows no awareness of the upheavals of the time of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (175-164). The prayer in ch. 36 is so alien to the thought world of Ben Sira that it must be regarded as a secondary addition, possibly from the Maccabean period.
2. Ben Sira was evidently a scribe, and he provides a eulogistic account of his way of life in 39:1—11. In his view, the ideal scribe is a man of piety, devoted to the study of the law and to prayer, but also concerned with the wisdom of all the ancients. He also appears before rulers and travels in foreign lands. The book concludes with a quasi-autobiographical poem (51:13—30), in which the author refers to travels in his youth and invites the uneducated to 'lodge in the house of instruction'. The first part (w. 13-20) of this poem, however, is found independently in nQPsa and its authenticity as a composition of Ben Sira is disputed (J. A. Sanders 1965: 79—85; but see Skehan and DiLella 1987: 576—80, who take it as autobiographical). Regardless of the authenticity of this passage, however, it is likely that the author of the book was a teacher and that it preserves a sample of one kind of instruction offered to the youth of Jerusalem in the period before the Maccabean revolt.
C. Genre. Ben Sira's book stands in the tradition of Proverbs, which in turn stood in a tradition of wisdom instruction that is best represented in Egyptian literature. The basic genre of wisdom instruction includes a blend of observational sentences and commands and prohibitions. Sir 3:1—16 is a typical example: 'Those who respect their father will have long life... Honour your father by word and deed.' Traditional wisdom forms of speech in Sirach include comparisons (Sir 20:31: 'Better are those who hide their folly than those who hide their wisdom'), beatitudes (26:1: 'Happy is the husband of a good wife'), numerical sayings (50:25-6: 'Two nations my soul detests and the third is not even a people...'), and hymns in praise ofwisdom (1:1—10; 24:1—34). But Sirach also incorporates literary forms that are not part of the repertoire of Proverbs. These include hymns of praise to God (39:12-35; 42:15-43:33) and at least one prayer of petition (22:27-23:6; 36:1—22 is probably a later addition). Some departures from Proverbs have precedents in Egyptian wisdom literature,
B. Date. The book is exceptional among the wisdom books of the Bible and Apocrypha in disclosing the name of the actual
THE WISDOM OF JESUS SON OF SIRACH 668
There is also evidence of Stoic influence in the notions of complementary opposites (33:14—15), teleology (39:21), and in the striking affirmation about God that 'He is the all' (43:27). There may be an echo of Epicurean teaching in 41:1—4. Sirach certainly shows no aversion to foreign wisdom, but he seems to have favoured Hellenistic material that resembled Jewish traditions and conversely pays little attention to the most distinctive aspects of Judaism such as the levitical laws.
notably the use of autobiographical narrative (33:16-18; 51:1330) and the critique of the trades (38:24—34). The most striking formal departure from biblical wisdom, however, is found in the Praise of the Fathers (chs. 44-50) which uses the history of Israel as a source of instructional examples.
D. Ben Sira and Biblical Tradition. 1. One of the hallmarks of the biblical wisdom tradition, as found in Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Job, is the lack of reference to the distinctive traditions of Israel. The concern is with humanity as such, not with the special status of one people. Sirach, in contrast, pays considerable attention to Israel and its Scriptures. The grandson, in the preface, says that Sirach 'devoted himself especially to the reading of the Law and the Prophets and the other books of our ancestors', and implies that he envisaged his own book as comparable to the ancestral writings. This interest in the Scriptures cannot be explained simply by the spirit of the times. Ecclesiastes may be close to Sirach in date, but makes no mention of the law and the prophets. Sirach, however, says that all wisdom is 'the book of the covenant of the Most High God, the law that Moses commanded us'
E. The Text. 1. The textual history of Ben Sira's book is exceptionally complicated. We know from the grandson's prologue that the book was composed in Hebrew, but it has not survived intact in the original language. For many centuries the Hebrew text was known only from rabbinic citations (Schechter 1890—1). At the end of the nineteenth century, however, several fragments were found at Cambridge University, in the collection of MS S recovered from the Cairo Geniza (Schechter and Taylor 1899). These fragments represented four distinct MSS, A, B, C, and D. More leaves of MSS B and C were discovered later. Fragments of another manuscript (M S E) were discovered in the Adler Geniza collection at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York and yet another (M S F) at Cambridge (see Skehan and DiLella 1987: 51-3). All these Geniza fragments are of medieval origin. They include most of chs. 3— 16 and fragments of chs. 18—36. The Dead Sea scrolls yielded further, much older, fragments, from around the turn of the era. Two fragments from Cave 2 (2Qi8) contain only four complete words and some letters from ch. 6 (Baillet, Milik, and de Vaux 1962) but nQPsa contains Sir 51:13-20, and the last two words of verse 30/7 (J. A. Sanders 1965). Then 26 leather fragments were found at Masada (Yadin 1965). These dated to the first century CE and contained portions of chs. 39— 44. In all, about 68 per cent of the book is now extant in Hebrew (Beentjes 1997). For a time, some scholars expressed doubts about the Hebrew text preserved in the medieval Geniza fragments, and entertained the possibility that it might have been retranslated from Syriac. The Masada fragments, however, confirmed the antiquity of Geniza MSB, and indirectly enhanced the credibility of the other fragments. The present consensus is that the Geniza fragments faithfully preserve a text from antiquity (DiLella 1966; Skehan and DiLella 1987: 54).
(24:23) and he describes the sage as 'one who devotes himself to the study of the law of the Most High... and is concerned with prophecies' (39:1-2). It has been claimed that he cites or alludes to all the books of the HB except Ruth, Ezra, Esther, and Daniel (Skehan and DiLella 1987: 41). This claim is misleading, however. Most of the allusions occur in the Praise of the Fathers. Elsewhere there are frequent allusions to Proverbs and to Genesis, and several to Deuteronomy. But many of the alleged allusions are loose, and may be coincidental. For example, when Sirach writes 'The rich speaks and all are silent, his wisdom they extol to the clouds' (13:23), an allusion to Job 29:21 is often suggested: 'They listened to me, and waited, and kept silence for my counsel.' But the saying is a truism, and the allusion is accordingly doubtful. Despite Sirach's reverence for the law, his teaching remains in the form of wisdom instruction. It is neither legal proclamation nor legal interpretation. He subsumes the law under the rubric of wisdom, as its supreme example. He does not subsume wisdom under the law. Moreover, he ignores certain sections of the law, particularly the cultic and dietary laws of Leviticus. Not all biblical laws are equally useful as illustrations of wisdom, and there remain other avenues to wisdom besides the law of Moses.
2. The Hebrew fragments bear witness to two textual recensions. The second recension is distinguished from the first primarily by additions (e.g. 15:14/7, iy). These passages can be recognized as secondary because they are not found in the primary MSS of the Greek translation, and in some cases they are reflected in overlapping Hebrew fragments. There is also a second Greek recension, which expands the text in a way similar to the second Hebrew recension. The second Greek recension is also reflected in the OL. One of the distinctive features of this recension is the belief in eternal life and judgement after death. The textual situation is further complicated by the fact that the Greek text is poorly preserved. The edition of the Greek text by J. Ziegler contains more emendations and corrections than any other book of the Septuagint
2. The extent to which Sirach drew on non-biblical, nonJewish sources is also controversial. The maximal view (Middendorp 1973) finds over 100 passages where Ben Sira betrays dependence on Greek sources, but here again there is difficulty in distinguishing between imprecise allusion and coincidental commonplace. Many commentators grant an allusion to Homer's Iliad 6.146-9 at Sir 14:18: both passages use the figure of leaves on a tree to express the transience of human life. Even if the allusion be granted, however, we can no more conclude that Sirach had read Homer than that someone who ponders 'to be or not to be' has read
Shakespeare. The strongest evidence for Sirach's use of non-Jewish sources concerns the sayings of Theognis and the late Egyptian wisdom book ofPhibis, preserved in Papyrus Insinger (J. T Sanders 1983). In both cases, the material bears a strong resemblance to traditional Jewish wisdom.
(Ziegler 1965).
3. In all extant Greek manuscripts 30:25-33:130 and 33:13/7-36:160 have exchanged places, probably due to the
669 THE WISDOM OF JESUS SON OF SIRACH
transposition of leaves. The Greek order of these chapters is often given in parentheses. Only the Hebrew order is given here.
expression in 'the book of the covenant of the Most High God, the Jaw that Moses commanded us' (24:23). Yet Ben Sira's emphasis is not on the fulfilment of the specific commandments of the Torah. It is rather on wisdom as a discipline: 'My chiJd, from your youth choose discipline, and when you have grey hair you wiJJ stiJJ find wisdom' (6:18). The discipline involves meditating on the commandments of the Lord (6:37) but aJso requires mat one 'Stand in the company of the eJders. Who is wise? Attach yourself to such a one. Be ready to Jisten to every godJy discourse, and Jet no wise proverbs escape you' (6:35). The hymn in ch. 51 informs us that wisdom is to be found in 'the house of instruction', but it can aJso be sought by travel and requested in prayer. Fear of the Lord, then, is an attitude which requires obedience to the commandments but reaches beyond this. It entaiJs reverence towards received tradition, and towards the eJders who transmit it. It is a conservative attitude to Jife. It is often said to be opposed to the Hellenistic wisdom that attracted many in Jerusalem in the pre-Maccabean period (HengeJ 1974: i. 131— 53). Ben Sira does not poJemicize against Hellenism, and is not averse to borrowing Hellenistic notions on occasion. He has little sympathy, however, for the spirit of adventure and innovation and does not appear to advocate new ideas consciously. In so far as Hellenization Jed some people to reject established Jewish traditions, as eventually happened in the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (cf 2 Mace 4), Ben Sira wouJd sureJy have opposed it.
F. Structure and Composition. 1. Attempts to discern a literary structure in Ben Sira have met with only limited success. In the judgement of A. A. DiLella 'the book manifests no particular order of subject matter or obvious coherence' (Skehan and DiLella, 1987: 4). In contrast, an elaborate structure has been proposed by M. H. Segal (1972) and W. Roth (1980). These authors distinguish an original book in 1:1-23:27 and 51:1—30. This book was made up of four sections: 1:1—4:10; 4:11—6:17; 6:18—14:19; and 14:20—23:27 + 51:1—30. Each section was introduced by a prologue: 1:1-2:18; 4:11-19; 6:18-37, and 14:20-15:10. Three additional sections were subsequently added: 24:1—32:13; 32:14—38:23; 38:24—50:29. (So Roth 1980. Segal 1972 distinguishes the Praise of the Fathers as an additional section.) Each of these also has a prologue: 24:1—29; 32:14-33:15, and 38:24-39:11. The key to this structure is provided by five passages on wisdom (1:1—10; 4:11—19; 6:18—37; 14:20—15:10, and 24:1—34). These passages seem to mark stresses in the first part of the book, but they have no discernible effect on the passages that precede or follow them (Gilbert 1984: 292—3). There are some indications that the book grew by a series of additions. The personal reflection in 24:30—4 appears to be the conclusion of a section rather than the beginning of the second half of the book. A similar autobiographical note is found in 33:16-18. First-person statements at 39:12 and 42:15 may also mark new beginnings, and the Praise of the Fathers in chs. 44-9 is formally distinct. There is a concentration of hymnic material in chs. 39-43. These observations render plausible the hypothesis that the book grew gradually, but they do not amount to proof.
2. The Lord revered by Ben Sira is all-powerful and little short of overwhelming. The hymnic passages in chs. 39 and 42—3 affirm that 'all the works of the Lord are very good, and whatever he commands will be done at the appointed time'. He is closely identified with the power of nature. The climactic declaration 'He is the all' sounds close to pantheism, but Sirach quickly adds that 'he is greater than all his works' (43:28). In these passages Sirach seems to affirm that all that is, is good. God has made everything for a purpose. The world is constituted by complementary pairs, so that evil is necessarily the opposite of the good, and as such contributes to the harmony of the cosmos. All humanity can do is submit to the will of God. Sirach would seem to be influenced by Stoic philosophy here, if only unconsciously. In other passages, however, Sirach affirms a more traditional, Deuteronomic theology of free will: 'Do not say "It was the Lord's doing that I fell away"; for he does not do what he hates. Do not say, "It was he who led me astray"; for he has no need of the sinful' (15:11—12). When Sirach is praising God's creation, even evil has a purposeful role, but when the focus is on human behaviour it is an abomination to be rejected.
2. In this commentary the structure proposed by Segal and Roth is modified to yield the following division: Prologue; Part I: 1:1—4:10; 4:11—6:17; 6:18—14:19; 14:20—23:27; 24:1—34. Part II: 25:1—33:18; 33:19—39:11; 39:12—43:33; 44:1— 50:29; 51:1-30. 3. Sirach differs from Proverbs in so far as its material is not a collection of individual sayings, but consists of several short treatises. Some of these are devoted to traditional practical wisdom (e.g. relations with women, behaviour at banquets). Others are theological reflections on wisdom and on the problem of theodicy. Even when the material is largely traditional, Sirach often concludes his reflections by commending the fear of the Lord or observance of the law (e.g. 9:15-16;
37:I5)- 4. The prayer for the deliverance and restoration of Israel in 36:1—22 contrasts sharply in tone and style with the remainder of the book. It may have been added during the upheavals of Maccabean times. Another prayer, in 51:13-30, is attested independently in nQPsa and evidently circulated separately in antiquity. Whether it was composed by Ben Sira remains in dispute.
3. The problem of theodicy, or the justice of God, recurs intermittently throughout the book. It is made more acute for Sirach by his steadfast rejection of any belief in reward or punishment after death, beliefs which appear in apocalyptic literature around the time that Sirach wrote. 'Whether life lasts for ten years or a hundred or a thousand, there are no questions asked in Hades' (41:4). Having ruled out the possibility of retribution after death, Sirach offers a range of considerations, from simple submission to the divine will to the unconvincing claim that death and bloodshed fall 'seven times more' heavily on sinners than on others (40:8-9;
G. Major Themes. 1. The major theme of the book is the pursuit of wisdom. In accordance with Proverbs (1:7) and Job (28:28), wisdom is identified as 'fear of the Lord': 'The whole of wisdom is fear of the Lord, and in all wisdom there is the fulfilment of the law' (19:20). Wisdom finds its objective
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see Crenshaw 1975). There is, of course, an inevitable tension between the affirmation of the omnipotent goodness of God and the reality of evil in the world. While he is less than consistent, Sirach generally insists on human responsibility. When God created humanity, 'he left them in the power of their own inclination [NRSV: free choice]. If you choose, you can keep the commandments, and to act faithfully is a matter of your own choice' (15:14-15). Sirach does not pause to ponder the origin of the human inclination, a subject that fascinated later writers such as 4 Ezra (cf 2 Esd 3:20—6).
indiscretion was all too obvious (Camp 1991). If a woman should be divorced, she would return to her father's house, and become, again, his responsibility. Yet Ben Sira is exceptional in so far as his worries are not relieved by any joy or delight in his daughters. In part this may be attributed to his anxious personality—compare his view of the human condition at 40:2: 'Perplexities and fear of heart are theirs, and anxious thought of the day of their death.' But for whatever reason he also shows a personal antipathy for women that goes beyond the prejudices of his society: 'Better is the wickedness of a man than a woman who does good; it is a woman who brings shame and disgrace' (42:14). Negative statements about women are more plentiful in Greek literature than in the Hebrew scriptures (see Lefkowitz and Fant 1982). Familiarity with Hellenistic views may have been a contributing factor of Ben Sira's view of women, but he was quite selective in his borrowings from Hellenistic culture, and so a deeper explanation must be sought in his personality.
4. Ben Sira breaks with the tradition of biblical wisdom by devoting extensive attention to the history of Israel. This history is not presented, however, as the history of the acts of God, or even as a sequential narrative. Instead it is cast as the praise of famous men, who stand as examples for future generations. The examples are chosen primarily because of leadership in their exercise of the offices of priest, king, judge, or prophet (Mack 1985: 11—65). Aaron is praised at greater length than Moses, and Phinehas is singled out for his role in securing the covenant of the priesthood. The whole series ends with a eulogy of Simon the Just, who was high priest at the beginning of the second century BCE. It seems fair to conclude that Sirach was an admirer and ally, and perhaps a protege, of the high priest Simon. History for Sirach is not a process leading to a goal but a storehouse of examples from which the scribe may draw lessons that are essentially ahistorical.
H. Canonicity and Influence. Of all the pre-Mishnaic writings that were eventually excluded from the Hebrew canon, the book of Ben Sira was the most widely used. The fragments found at Qumran and Masada show that the book was widely used in antiquity. (Nothing about it was especially congenial either to the Essenes of Qumran or to the Zealots.) Although its use was reputedly banned by R. Akiba, it was venerated by many rabbis in the subsequent generations. Verses from the book are often cited as popular proverbs, and it is also often cited by name (Leiman 1976: 92—102). None the less, the Hebrew text was eventually lost. In Christian circles, the status of the book was ambiguous, like that of the other Apocrypha. On the one hand it was widely cited, and included in some canonical lists; on the other hand some authorities, most notably St Jerome, limited the canonical scriptures to those found in the HB (see Box and Oesterly 1913: 298-303). Unlike the Hebrew text, however, the Greek and Latin versions of Sirach were transmitted continuously with the other scriptures.
5. Much of Sirach's instruction is taken up with the traditional wisdom concerns of family and social justice. The social teaching is quite conventional. Sirach has a keen sense of class distinctions: 'What peace is there between a hyena and a dog? And what peace between the rich and the poor?... Humility is an abomination to the proud; likewise the poor are an abomination to the rich' (13:18, 20). Observations of this sort are commonplace in Proverbs and in Egyptian wisdom literature. More distinctive is Sirach's negative characterization of merchants: 'A merchant can hardly keep from wrongdoing, nor is a tradesman innocent of sin. Many have committed sin for gain, and those who seek to get rich avert their eyes' (26:29— 27:1). Martin Hengelhas argued that such passages reflect the conditions of the early Hellenistic period in Palestine, as exemplified in the story of the Tobiad family in Josephus (Ant. 12.154—236; Hengel 1974: i. 138). But Sirach's admonitions lack historical specificity, and his remarks on merchants must also be read in the context of his general condescension to the trades in ch. 38.
The Prologue
The prologue was written by Ben Sira's grandson, who translated the book into Greek. It establishes approximate dates for both the original Hebrew book and the translation. The grandson arrived in Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of Ptolemy Euergetes, or 132 BCE. Assuming that the grandson was a young adult at this time, the grandfather would have been in his prime some fifty years earlier. It has been argued that the translation was made after the death of Euergetes in 117 BCE, since the grandson uses the aorist participle synchronisas to indicate that he lived through the remainder of that king's reign (Smend 1906: 4; Skehan and DiLella 1987: 134).
6. The family ethic is also grounded in tradition, but here again Ben Sira strikes some original notes, especially in his negative view of women (Trenchard 1982). He affirms the authority of mothers as well as fathers, and is aware of the benefits of a good wife. He discourses at greater length, however, on the bad wife. His most distinctive utterance is found in 25:24: 'From a woman sin had its beginning and because of her we all die.' There is no precedent in the biblical tradition for this interpretation of Genesis. He regards daughters as occasions of anxiety, lest they lose their virginity before marriage or having married, be divorced (42:9-10). In part, Ben Sira's worries reflect the reality of life in ancient Judea. Honour and shame loom large in the value system of the society, and the danger of shame through a daughter's
The prologue falls into two parts, the first addressing the grandfather's purpose in composing the book, the second dealing with the translation. The grandfather, we are told, was well versed in the law, the prophets, and the other writings, and wished to add to the tradition. His goal was to help
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as such it pertains to the central theme of the book, which is laid out here in the opening chapter.
people live according to the law. The translation is undertaken in the same spirit, presumably for the benefit of the Jewish community in Egypt. The prologue attempts to deflect possible criticism of the translation by asking the readers' indulgence. In fact, the corrupt state of the text probably has its root cause in the difficulties of the Hebrew, which often result in a Greek translation that is less than felicitous.
Fear of the Lord is primarily an attitude of reverence towards God and respect for received tradition. Some of its practical implications will become clear as the book unfolds. One fundamental requirement is noted here: 'if you desire wisdom, keep the commandments' (v. 26). Even though Ben
Sira pays scant attention to the ritual commandments of Leviticus, their observance is probably taken for granted. We may compare the attitude of Philo of Alexandria, who was far more strongly inclined to emphasize a spiritual meaning than was Ben Sira. None the less, Philo faulted those who neglected the literal observance of the laws, and argued that Jews should be 'stewards without reproach... and let go nothing that is part of the customs fixed by divinely empowered men greater than those of our time' (Migr.Abr. 89-93). For Sirach, too, fear of the Lord entails diligence even in matters to which he does not otherwise accord importance.
The most controversial point raised in the prologue concerns the formulaic reference to 'the Law, the Prophets and the other books of our ancestors'. By the time of Sirach, there can be little doubt that the Torah had taken its definitive shape. There was evidently also an authoritative collection of prophets, although we cannot be sure where the boundary line was drawn between the prophets and the writings. (David, the putative author of the Psalms, is often regarded as a prophet in the NT era.) The collection of writings that eventually became canonical was certainly not current at this time. The book of Daniel had not yet been completed. Ben Sira does not refer to Ruth or Esther, and surprisingly fails to mention Ezra in the Praise of the Fathers. It is not apparent that Ben Sira's collection of Scriptures included any book that did not eventually become part of the HB. Early sections of i Enoch, which seem to have been authoritative for the Qumran sect, would not have been congenial to Sirach, but most of the books now classified as apocrypha and pseudepigrapha had simply not been composed when he wrote.
Beyond observance of the commandments, fear of the Lord entails patience (v. 23), discipline, trust, humility (v. 27), and sincerity (w. 28-9). These are age-old virtues of Near-Eastern wisdom. They offer a pointed contrast to the behaviour of profiteers such as the Tobiads in the Hellenistic period, but there is nothing peculiarly anti-Hellenistic about them. The fruits of wisdom and fear of the Lord are often described in rather vague terms, such as glory and exultation, w. 12—13 are
most specific. Wisdom leads to a long life and happiness even in the face of death. This is the traditional view found in the HB, especially in the Deuteronomic and sapiential books. By the time of Ben Sira, however, its inadequacy was widely perceived. Within the wisdom tradition, Job and Ecclesiastes had pointed out the all too obvious fact that wisdom does not guarantee a long life, and that those who ignore the counsels of the sages often prosper. The religious persecution of the Maccabean era would put a further strain on the traditional theology of retribution. Accordingly, notions of retribution after death were gaining credence in Judaism by the time of Ben Sira (cf i Enoch, 1—36, which may date from the 3rd cent. BCE) and would become widespread in the apocalyptic writings of the Maccabean era (e.g. Dan 12).
Part I. Chs. 1-24 (1:1-4:10) (1:1-10) The Source of Wisdom The book begins with a short hymnic passage in praise of wisdom. Similar passages are found in 4:11—19; 6:18—37; 14:20—15:10, and at greater length in ch. 24 (Marbock 1971; Rickenbacher 1973). The opening affirmation is characteristic of Sirach: all wisdom is from the Lord. On the one hand, this sentence affirms the priority of Yahwistic revelation over all philosophy and wisdom. On the other hand it co-opts all philosophy and wisdom into divine revelation. Wherever wisdom is to be found, it is the work of the Lord.
Two biblical passages come directly to mind here. Prov 8 asserted that the Lord created wisdom as the beginning of his way. Temporal priority here bespeaks primacy of importance. The midrash on Genesis, Genesis Rabbah, ascribes this priority to the Torah, which was supposedly created 2,000 years before the creation of the world. In Proverbs, and also later in
At least one commentator has argued that Sir 1:11-13 i™" plies a belief in retribution after death (Peters 1913:13—14). He points to the parallel in the Wisdom of Solomon 3:1—11 ('The souls of the righteous are in the hand of God...'). Cf. also the eschatology of the Rule of the Community from Qumran. The children of Light, who walk in the way ofhumility, patience, and goodness, are rewarded with 'great peace in a long life, and fruitfulness, together with every everlasting blessing and eternal joy in life without end, a crown of glory and a garment of majesty in unending light' (iQS 4). But Sirach lacks the specific references to eternal life that are explicit both in Wisdom (Wis 3:4: 'their hope is full of immortality') and in the Rule of the Community. Since Sirach states unequivocally in ch. 41 that there is no retribution after death, there is no justification for importing ideas of an afterlife into ch. i. However problematic Sirach's belief in this-wordly retribution may be, even for his time and place, he holds to it consistently.
Sirach, wisdom then becomes God's implement in creation. The second biblical passage that comes to mind here is Job 28, which emphasizes that no one but God knows where wisdom can be found. Unlike Job, Sirach does not consider wisdom to be hidden: God has poured it out upon his works. Sirach does, however, pick up the conclusion of Job 28:28: 'the fear of the Lord, that is wisdom'. The fear of the Lord becomes the leitmotif of the following passage in Sirach. A few Greek MSS read 'he lavished her on those who fear him' in v. 10, instead of'those who love him'.
(1:11-30) Fear of the Lord This passage begins and ends with reference to the fear of the Lord. The motif recurs over 60 times throughout the book. (For a tabulation, see Haspecker 1967: 48—50.) Fear of the Lord is constitutive of wisdom, and
(2:1—18) Trust in God In one MS this passage has the title 'On Patience'. The address to 'My child' suggests the paradigmatic
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one who honours his parents can expect to be honoured by his own children in turn. There is then a very practical reason for admonishing the son to be kind to the father who is old and senile (w. 12-13). Th£ son may find himself in the same position one day. Sirach does not rely entirely on the reciprocity of human behaviour, however. He also offers that one who honours his parents atones for sins (w. 3, 14). This idea is in accordance with the tendency in SecondTemple Judaism to associate atonement for sin with good works (cf. Dan 4:24). Sirach attributes potency to the blessing of a father (cf. the blessing of Isaac in Gen 27) but also to the curse of a mother (v. 9; the parallelism of the verse implies that both cursing and blessing are effective on the part of both parents).
setting of wisdom instruction, a father speaking to his son. The testing in view here consists of the normal trials and setbacks of life. It does not imply persecution with the threat of death, as it does in Dan 11:35 and in Wis 3. Sirach echoes the language of older Scripture to make his point. The questions in w. 10 and n recall the arguments of Job's friends (e.g. Job 4:7; 8:8) and the assertion of the psalmist that he has never seen a righteous man go hungry (Ps 37:25). Since Job's friends are eventually rebuked by God, we might have expected more reticence on the part of Sirach here. He could, of course, point to the restoration of Job to support his point. The scriptural warrant for Sirach's confidence is found in Ex 34:6-7: the Lord is 'a God merciful and gracious'. This appeal to divine mercy is exceptional in the wisdom literature of the Hebrew tradition, where God does not normally interfere in the workings of the universe, but lets the chain of act and consequence take its course (Koch 1955; this view seems applicable to Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, though not to Job). Sirach's view of God is informed by the Torah and the prophets in a way that the earlier wisdom books were not. The result is a more personal view of God, which also opens up a space for prayer in the world-view of the sage.