Part 118
Aus, R. D. (1976), "The Relevance of Isaiah 66.7 to Revelation 12 and 2
Thessalonians i', ZNW6j: 252-68. Bailey, J. A. (1978-9), 'Who Wrote II Thessalonians?', NTS 25:131-45. Barclay, M. G. (1993), 'Conflict in Thessalonika', CBQ 53: 512-30. Best, E. (1972), A Commentary on the First and Second Epistles to the
Thessalonians, Black's New Testament Commentaries (London: Adam £ Charles Black). Duling, D. C. (1996), 'Millennialism', in R. L. Rohrbaugh (ed.), The
Social Sciences and New Testament Interpretation (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson), 183-205. Esler, P. F. (1993), 'Political Oppression in Jewish Apocalyptic Litera-
ture: A Social-Scientific Approach', in Listening: Journal of Religion and Culture, 28:181—99.
(1994), The First Christians in their Social Worlds: Social-Scientific Approaches to New Testament Interpretation (London: Routledge).
(3:13-18) Conclusion w. 13-16, there is a great diversity of views among those advocating epistolary or rhetorical analyses of the letter as to where the divisions fall in these verses (Jewett 1986: 224—5). Th£ first four verses (13—16) can either be connected with the previous section, which would mean 'Paul' wanted the 'Thessalonians' to do good to the disorderly and idle troublemakers, or, more likely, constitute a separate section at the end of the letter—beginning with a general exhortation to them to do good (v. 13). Those who do not are to be ostracized (although, as we see in the next verse, only to a limited extent) so that they may be put to shame (v. 14). Here we see the typical association in Mediterranean culture between honour and group-belonging. Nevertheless, such a person is not to be treated as an enemy, but admonished as a brother (v. 15). The person is socially separated as a form of discipline and for a limited time (subject no doubt to a change of behaviour on the malefactor's part). Exclusion from the community for various reasons and for a limited time was also practised at Qumran (see e.g. the CD 8:16—18). v. 16, 'Paul' prays that the Lord will give them peace at all times and remain with them; in i Cor 14:33 Paul notes that God is a God of peace not disorder.
(1998), Galatians (London: Routledge). Jewett, R. (1986), The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric
and Millenarian Piety (Philadelphia: Fortress).
(1993), 'Tenement Churches and Communal Meals in the Early Church: The Implications of a Form-Critical Analysis of 2 Thessalonians 3:10', Biblical Research, 38: 23-42. Lietaert Peerbolte, L. J. (1997), 'The Katechon, Katechon of 2 Thess.
2:6-7', Noi>T39:138-50. Malina, B. J. (1993), The New Testament World: Insights from Cultural
Anthropology, rev. edn. Orig. 1981 (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox). Marxsen, W. (1968), Introduction to the New Testament (Oxford: Black-
well).
(1982), Derzweite Thessalonicherbrief (Zurich: Theologischer Ver-
lag). Masson, C. (1957), Les Deux Epitres de Saint Paul aux Thessaloniciens
(Neuchatel: Delachaux and Niestle). Meade, D. G. (1986), Pseudonymity and Canon: An Investigation into the
Relationship of Authorship and Authority in Jewish and Early Christian Tradition, WUNT 39 (Tubingen: Mohr). Menken, M. J. J. (1994), 2 Thessalonians (London: Routledge). Moxnes, H. (1991), 'Patron—Client Relations and the New Community
in Luke—Acts', in J. H. Neyrey (ed.) (1991), The Social World of Luke-Acts: Models for Interpretation (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson), 241-68. Powell, C. E. (1997), 'The Identity of the "Restrainer" in 2 Thessalon-
v. 17, it was a practice in ancient letter-writing for an author to use a scribe and add a few words at the end in his own handwriting. Paul adopts this practice elsewhere in i Cor 16:21; Gal 6:11; Col 4:18 (leaving aside the issue of whether Colossians is authentic or not). This device would only be effective as a proof of authenticity in relation to the original of the letter, since the difference in the two hands apparent there would disappear in subsequent copies. Although the
ians 2:6-7', BSacri^: 320-32. Romaniuk, K. (1993), 'Les Thessaloniciens etaient-ils des paresseux?',
ETL 69:142-5. Russell, D. F. (1964), The Meaning and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic
(London: SCM). Russell, R. (1988), The Idle in 2 Thess. 3.6-12: An Eschatological or a
Social Problem?', NTS 34: 105-19.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
I22O
Seesemann, H. (1967), 'Pateo and compounds in NT', TDNTv. 943-5. Strobel, A. (1961), Untersuchungen zum eschatologischen Verzogerungs-
Trudinger, P. (1995), The Priority of 2 Thessalonians Revisited: Some
Fresh Evidence', Downside Review, 113: 31—5. Wrede, W. (1903), DieEchtheitdeszweitenThessalonikerbriefuntersucht,
problem: Auf Grand der Spatjiidisch-urchristlichen Geschichte von
Habakuk 2, 2Jf. (Leiden: Brill).
TU NS 9/2 (Leipzig: Hinrichs).
73. The Pastoral Epistles CLARE DRURY
INTRODUCTION These three letters purporting to be from Paul to two of his close companions clearly belong together as a set. They have always been placed together in the New Testament, their concerns and language are shared. Certain key words and ideas permeate the three, connecting them and holding together what at first sight might seem a rather amorphous collection of ethical injunctions and doctrinal assertions, i Timothy and Titus are very similar in character and subject-matter, their teaching concentrating on church order and ethical exhortation. Sandwiched between them, 2 Timothy is more personal than the other two; Paul is in prison, while in the other two he is free. His character and behaviour in adversity are presented as models to Timothy which arouse the reader's sympathy and admiration.
(e.g. i Tim 2:2; 2 Tim 3:5; Titus 1:1) and good conscience (aiTim 1:5,19; 3:9; 2 Tim 1:3). Individual behaviour is bound up in the well-being of the whole group, and there is a clear sense that the church has a future as a community; its organization is designed to enable sound doctrine to continue (i Tim 4:6; 2 Tim 3:10). The ethical teaching is not solely inward-looking, but also aims to ensure that the church is acceptable to the outside world. The behaviour of its members must not draw attention to them as part of a new and suspect cult, they must conform in every way to the moral standards and expectations of the larger community.
4. By the end of the first century the figure of Paul had assumed authority for many in the church and, as his significance grew, so did narratives about his life and interpretations of his teaching. The Acts of the Apostles provides evidence of this sort of development; the figure of Paul is employed to present the author's own image of the Gentile church and its origins. In Paul's speeches in Acts there is nothing that directly contradicts the ideas we find in Paul's own letters, but the picture that emerges is one of a more conciliatory and less theologically sophisticated figure. Both Acts and the Pastoral Epistles witness to a time in the church's development when Paul had become a legendary figure and different groups were competing to be regarded as his true successors. This trend continued well into the second century: the apocryphal Acts of Paul provide evidence of speculation and legends which grew up around the figure of
A. Authorship. 1. The claim that Paul himself wrote the letters seems at first sight obvious and incontrovertible. All three begin with a greeting from the apostle and contain personal notes and asides such as T urge you, as I did when I was on my way to Macedonia' (i Tim 1:3); T left you behind in Crete'
(Titus 1:5) and 'When you come, bring the cloak that I left with Carpus at Troas, also the books and above all the parchments' (2 Tim 4:13). Combined with such emotional appeals as 2 Tim 1:3—5; 4:6—8, the impression of Pauline authorship seems clear.
2. But things are not so straightforward: signs of the late date of the letters proliferate. The organization of the church under officers such as bishops and deacons is well advanced
Paul. The longest and most complete of them, the Acts of Paul and Thecla, provides a model of the woman's role as teacher and baptizer that the Pastoral Epistles deplore (i Tim 2:11—15). According to Marcion, the second-century heretic, Paul alone had presented the true Christian message of love and grace.
(e.g. i Tim 3:1—13; 5:3—13) and mirrors the situation found in late first-century and early second-century Christian writings such as i Clement and the letters of Ignatius and Polycarp. The situation of the letters seems inauthentic too; they are addressed to two travelling companions whom 'Paul' has apparently just left (i Tim 1:3; Titus 1:5) and expects to see again soon (i Tim 3:14; 2 Tim 4:13; Titus 3:12). Yet they contain teaching of the most rudimentary kind which close associates might be expected to know.
5. Thus the origin of the Pastoral Epistles begins to become clear: the author emphasizes the importance of handing on true teaching through leaders such as Timothy and Titus, authorized by Paul so that false doctrine could be refuted and its promulgators condemned, 'Timothy, guard what has been entrusted to you. Avoid the profane chatter and contradictions of what is falsely called knowledge' (i Tim 6:20; cf 2 Tim 2:1-2, 14-19; Titus 1:1-5; 3:8-11). While a small and declining number of scholars still argue for Pauline authorship, most prefer to see the author's modesty and his admiration for Paul behind his pseudonymity; he was passing on Pauline tradition and the credit was due to Paul rather than to him. The letters can be seen as documents written in and for a community which wanted to hold fast to what they considered true Pauline teaching in the face of persecution or opposition from different kinds of Christian teachers. On the other hand,
3. The teaching that characterizes the Pastorals lacks the fire and passion of the original Pauline epistles; the immediacy of eschatological expectation that lay behind much of Paul's teaching (e.g. i Cor 7:17—31) has gone. Judgement and the future appearance of Christ are still expected, but it is the ordered life of the community that is focal. There is no mention of key Pauline ideas such as the cross, the church as the body of Christ, or covenant. Paul's struggle to identify the role of the law in his new understanding of salvation is absent; in the Pastorals, the law fulfils its normal function of identifying, restricting, and punishing evildoers (i Tim 1:8-11). The teaching of the Pastorals focuses upon the ordered life of the community emphasizing such virtues as piety or godliness
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
3. Alternating with instructions about church organization and ethical teaching are brief kerygmatic statements about God's plan of salvation (i Tim 2:5—6; 3:16; 6.13—16; 2 Tim 1:9— 10; 2:11-13; Titus 3:4-7). These doctrinal sections present familiar ideas about salvation history, none of them inconsistent with Pauline and other New Testament teaching. Indeed Pauline language is sometimes employed; but the ideas are not developed theologically. Their form is often rhythmical; they may have liturgical origins.
some of Paul's teaching on practical matters—teaching about the remarriage of widows for example, and about the ideal ascetic life—is contradicted in the Pastorals (e.g. i Cor 7:7—8; cf i Tim 2:11-15; 3:2~5)- The situation the author was addressing was so different he felt he had the authority to alter Paul's original teaching.
6. This implies that the personal notes and reminiscences, which occur throughout the letters (i Tim 1:3; 2 Tim 4:13; Titus 1:5), are conscious forgeries included to add authenticity. So some scholars (e.g. Miller 1997) have suggested that the Pastorals are a semi-pseudonymous work, containing fragments of genuine Pauline material with later teaching added to these 'notes' to form the epistles as we have them. But a growing number of scholars see the Pastorals as entirely pseudonymous. They argue for complete and intentional pseudonimity; the writer used the device of the letter form, and included the kind of personal details that would convince his readers of the letters' authenticity. If the device was successful the author's opponents would be unassailably refuted. The personal notes are trivial in nature and do not fit with details of Paul's life we know from his undoubted letters, or from the story as presented in Acts. But they were an important part of the fiction and for the author's purpose to work, the fiction must be convincing.
4. The organization of the church and the relationship of its members to one another is based on the Graeco-Roman household. Household codes are found elsewhere in the NT epistles (Col 3:18-4:1; Eph 5:22-6:9; i Pet 2:18-3:7) but their use in the Pastorals is developing so that the church can be described as the household of God (i Tim 3:15). The development is not complete—the terminology is used sometimes in its original sense and sometimes with the sense of church office (e.g. in i Tim 5:1, 17, the Greek word prcsbutcros is used both for 'older man' and for 'elder') but evolution can be seen to be taking place.
5. In the passages of ethical teaching the Pastoral Epistles share some of the ideas about how a virtuous life should be lived with contemporary pagan philosophers as well as with other Christian and Jewish writers. Comparisons with the works of Plutarch, who lived in the second half of the first century, and Epictetus, a Stoic philosopher of the first half of the second century, illuminate our understanding of the Pastorals' teaching about moderation or restraint (sophrosune) and piety or godliness (cuscbda). These terms describe the kind of civic and private virtues that were common subjects for discussion among Greek and Roman moralists at the time. In the Pastorals the meaning of cuscbda is both doctrinal and ethical; it is a word used to describe the kind of lifestyle the author advocates that arises out of a belief in the doctrinal claims he makes; good behaviour is inextricably linked with belief in sound doctrine. Pagan writers also help to put in perspective social issues such as the role of women. The place of women in society was as much an issue for pagan writers as it was for Christians (see Beard, North, and Price 1998: i. 297-9).
B. Character and Situation of the Pastorals. 1. The concerns expressed in the Pastoral Epistles focus on sound doctrine and good behaviour. The two are closely linked in the author's mind and are contrasted with the ideas and behaviour of his opponents. A group within the author's church is trying to convert members of the community to its own way of thinking and living (e.g. i Tim 1:3-7,18-20; 4:1-10; 6:3-4; 2 Tim 2:246; 3:13-17; 4:3-5; Titus 1:10-2:2). This group of people, heterodox from our author's point of view, was having such success in persuading others of its ideas, that the Pastoral Epistles were written to contradict their theories and denounce their behaviour. They are characterized as disputatious and given to theological speculation and argument—teaching which leads to disharmony in the community (e.g. i Tim 6:3—10). The methods the author employs to contradict false teaching and to encourage attachment to his point of view are a combination of exhortations to virtue and condemnations of the teachings of his opponents with warnings of the dire results of following them. Because we have no independent record, we cannot be certain who the opponents were or exactly what they were teaching; we have to reconstruct what we can from the epistles themselves.
i Timothy (1:1-2) The form of the opening greeting is familiar to readers of NT epistles. It follows the conventions of letter-writing of the first few centuries CE, with the sender naming himself and greeting the recipient of the letter. Here, the writer names himself as Paul, apostle of Christ Jesus, as he does with minor variations in the other two letters. The recipient here is Timothy, well known from Pauline epistles and Acts as Paul's companion and fellow-worker (e.g. Rom 16:21; i Cor 4:17; 16:10; Col 1:1; i Thess 1:1; Acts 16:1). Several points stand out in this introduction: Paul's authority is stressed and is in no doubt; not only is he an apostle of Christ Jesus, he is commanded by God. The formality of the greeting, unexpected in a letter between friends and colleagues, has contributed to the belief that the letter is inauthentic. At the heart of the greeting two unusual epithets are employed, God is called
2. The author counters his opponents with his appeal to tradition. Paul, well known and revered as the apostle to the Gentiles, hands on the tradition to two junior companions, Timothy and Titus, who, in turn, are instructed to transmit it to the communities in their care. Within these communities, officers of blameless character will be charged with preserving and handing on this sound doctrine and ethical instructions to the rest. In this way there could be no doubt of the authenticity of the teaching the author presents; it has been transmitted by a direct and faultless route. The character of the officers of the community is a major theme in i Timothy and Titus. They were key people in maintaining true doctrine and in keeping order and discipline within the community.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 1222
are an odd collection, including specific acts such as murder, matricide, and parricide alongside general characteristics such as sinfulness, unholiness, and profanity. At different levels such behaviour would incur disapproval in almost any society, not just under Jewish law. The list is obviously meant to be contrasted with the list of virtues in 1:5. The writer's central theme, that good doctrine leads to good behaviour, is contrasted with the effects of following unsound teaching. He does not explain this teaching very clearly; but simply by placing the lists alongside one another he points up the contrast.
'our Saviour' and Christ, 'our hope'. Outside the Pastorals, only in Cor 1:27 is Christ identified as 'hope' and there it is 'Christ the hope of glory'; God our Saviour is found in the Pastorals a number of times, but elsewhere in the NT only in the Magnificat (Lk 1:47) and in the doxology of the epistle of Jude (Jude 25). The writer wants to make it clear that the message he brings is the true message of salvation, so he presents himself as the apostle Paul, commissioned by God the origin of salvation. Hope and salvation are closely connected; the work of salvation started at the incarnation will be continued through the church and completed at Christ's return.
The qualities belonging to the faith, such as love issuing from a pure heart and a good conscience, are not typical of the teaching in Paul's genuine letters. Paul would certainly not dissent from the ideas expressed, but he uses different language to describe them. The Pastor's view of the law is very different from Paul's own too. For Paul the law symbolized the old dispensation, and its relationship to salvation brought through Christ was extremely complex; it was God-given but restrictive and negative in its effects (e.g. Rom 7:4-25; Gal 3:114). The Pastor, on the other hand, sees it in a much more mundane way: it is a God-given guide to behaviour, which, when abused, works against sound teaching.
v. 2, Timothy, the recipient of the letter, is called a 'loyal child in the faith' as is Titus in Titus 1:4. The word gnesios, translated 'loyal', implies legitimacy in the Greek. In distinction to others who will be invoked, later (e.g. Hymenaeus and Alexander, 1:20), Timothy is Paul's legitimate successor. He is a child and therefore inferior to Paul, but the tradition passed from one to the other is true and authoritative. The threefold salutation is slightly different from those found in other Pauline letters. Grace and peace are familiar; here, mercy is added in the middle of the formula, where 'to you' is found elsewhere (e.g. Rom 1:7; i Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2; Gal 1:3). Mercy is a particular concern in the Pastoral Epistles, where the word appears five times of the ten occurrences in the whole Pauline corpus. God the Father, or Creator, and Christ Jesus our Lord are invoked again at the end of the salutation as the origins of Christian 'virtues'. (1:3-7) Th£ situation envisaged at the opening of the letter is that Paul has left Timothy behind in Ephesus while he has travelled on into Macedonia. Such a situation cannot be fitted into any reconstruction of Paul's life that can be pieced together either from his own letters or from the narrative in Acts. They provide the kind of personal details that lead some readers to argue for authenticity, while others claim that it is exactly the kind of information a pseudonymous author would include to add verisimilitude to his pretence, bringing the characters to life by placing them in relationship to one another in a real setting.
(1:12—17) 13—11 and 18—20 provide a framework for these verses. This biographical section, illustrating God's mercy to his apostle Paul, has the effect of giving Paul tremendous prominence. The section takes the form of a thanksgiving, and describes the radical volte-face of the sometime persecutor turned faithful disciple. The story is familiar not only from Acts (9:1-22; 22:3-21; 26:9-20), but also from i Cor 15:8-10 and Phil 3:1—5. The story of the complete conversion of the persecutor is a tale worth telling. But here more than anywhere else the fate of Paul is inextricably linked with the story of salvation. 'Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners—ofwhom I am the foremost.' Paul's sinfulness is vividly described: T formerly a blasphemer, a persecutor, and a man of violence', but he 'received mercy' because he acted out of ignorance. The sharp contrast between the persecutor and the believer is shown to be an intentional part of God's plan so that Paul might be an example for others, to demonstrate above all the perfect patience of Jesus Christ. So the tale serves a dual purpose; Paul is a typical example of a convert, but his special case gives him a special position as an apostle as the next few verses show. Paul himself talks of his former life in i Cor 15:9 and Phil 3:4-8, to make a similar point, but here the language is stronger and less forgiving. Acts is much closer to this passage when it speaks of the ignorance of unbelievers before their conversion (e.g. 3:17; 13:27; 17:23).
Having established his credentials, the author introduces one of the main concerns of his letter; he wants to combat false teaching and to discredit the teachers. The teachers cannot be identified with any certainty, nor what they were teaching. 1:3— ii provides clues about the teaching; we are told that the opponents occupy themselves with 'myths and endless genealogies which lead to speculations' (v. 4). It may be that a Gnostic group was teaching in the author's community and perverting the faith as he understood it by mythological speculations about creation and salvation. Because his readers must have known who he was referring to, he does not need to identify his opponents specifically, but sets his view of Christian virtues such as love, a pure heart, and a good conscience against the vices of speculative theory and vain discussion. (1:8-11) Here he adds a further dimension to the description of his opponents. They desire to be teachers of the law, presumably the Jewish law, without understanding what it is they are talking about; its true meaning is to regulate the behaviour of lawless and disobedient people. The vices listed in w. 9-10
The central Christian belief (v. 15), that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners, is introduced by a formula that assumes general acceptance. The formula is found five times in the Pastoral Epistles (i Tim 1:15; 3:1; 4:9; 2 Tim 2:11; Titus 3:8), often, as here, drawing attention to a significant doctrinal statement. It is not clear why the author uses the phrase with some doctrinal assertions and not with others. Often, as in this case, it seems that a quotation is being employed. The significance of the expression, 'Christ came into the world to save sinners', lies in the second half of the statement: the writer is not so much interested in the pre-existence of Christ,
1223 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
which may be implied, as in the soteriological effect of his coming (cf 3:16 and 2 Tim 1:10). It introduces the idea of Paul's sinfulness which in turn shows him as a prototype believer and recipient of grace. Patience or forbearance (makrothumia) is a denning characteristic of God in relationship with his people in the Jewish Scriptures. The words found in Ex 34.6—7 where God is described as 'merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and abounding in steadfast love and faithfulness, keeping steadfast love for the thousandth generation' are repeated and echoed frequently in later Jewish writings to contrast the long-suffering constancy of God with the sinfulness and fickle nature of his people (Jon 4:2; 2 Mace 6:14-16; Wis 11:23; I2:I6). Here the attributes have been transferred to Christ, through whom God is working out salvation. Eternal life is in the future, it is a focus for belief grounded in Christ 'our hope' (1:1) for the future and based on what has already been achieved.
a strong tension between living in this age but belonging to the next. This not only affected his sense of purpose but his ethical teaching as well. Now the situation is different. Eschatological hope is still very much alive (e.g. 6:14-15,18-19), but there is no sense of urgency or immediacy. There is a more long-term viewpoint; the church must be firmly established, and respectable, so as to avoid adverse publicity.
(2:1—7) Prayer is the first duty of a member of the community. Four words are used to describe the prayers, 'supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings' but no distinction is made between them. More significant is that prayers are to be made for everyone, particularly kings and those in authority, and not just for members of the community. For God is Creator and Saviour, and desires that every human being should be saved. Prayer for the emperor caused difficulties for Jews and Christians; their refusal to acknowledge his authority sometimes led to persecutions, but there are a number of passages in the NT which follow the same line as this (Rom 13.1—7; i Pet 2:14,17; Titus 3:1; Acts passim). The aim of such prayer was to avoid the possibility of persecution, and so lead a peaceful life 'in godliness and dignity'. There is similar teaching in other firstand second-century Jewish and Christian writers, and the reasons given often echo those given here (e.g. i Clem. 61; Tert. Apol. 30; Jos. J.W. 2.197). Th£
(1:18—20) This section follows awkwardly from the doxology in v. 17 and it is far from clear what 'these instructions' refers to. It may look back to 1:3 where Timothy is urged to give certain instructions, or forward to the injunction to 'fight the good fight' later in the same verse. The word para^dia, translated here as 'instruction', occurs with its cognates six times in i Timothy (cf. Tim 1:3; 4:11; 5:7; 6:13,17) demonstrating how important was the passing on of sound doctrine through properly commissioned people. The prophecies referred to in v. 18 are not to be understood as scriptural prophecies, but recall prophetic experiences such as that described in Acts 13:1-3 and referred to in i Tim 4:14.
nouns translated 'godliness' and 'dignity' are characteristic of the Pastorals and betray their Hellenistic setting; they translate words (eusebeia and semnotes) found elsewhere in the NT only in Acts and 2 Peter. They illustrate the results of living in harmony with the authorities; the ability to devote oneself to the worship of God which results in a respectable and responsible life not outwardly distinct from that of their pagan neighbours. Knowledge of the truth recurs in 2 Tim 2:25; 3:7; Titus 1:1, and helps emphasize the accessibility of the Christian message to all reasonable people. (2:5-6) presents a summary of the true teaching that is the focus of that Christian message. It appears to contain a quotation (NRSV presents it as verse), and is a succinct telling of the drama of salvation in a rhythmical and poetic form—a kind of credal statement (cf. i Tim 3:16; 6.13-16; 2 Tim 1:9-10; 2:1113; Titus 3:4—7). God is one and the Saviour of all people. Christ's role is as mediator; he alone links God and humankind. His humanity is stressed to show solidarity with those he saves—the same word is used in Greek for 'human' and 'humankind'. The word 'mediator' is applied to Christ in the NT only here and in Hebrews (8:6; 9:15; 12:24, wnere he is mediator of the covenant as Moses was in Gal 3:19). The emphasis on a single God and a single mediator may be an attack on the kind of Gnostic 'myths and speculations' referred to in 1:4, and the stress on Christ's humanity may have been included to refute Docetism.
The imagery of fighting or warfare was widespread among philosophers and religious groups in the ancient world and is found elsewhere in the NT epistles (i Cor 9:7; 2 Cor 10:3—6; Eph 6:10-17; 2 Tim 2:3-7,where the image is linked with that of athletic competition). The repetition of the virtues of faith and a good conscience from 1:5 provides a framework for the central section of this chapter. Further emphasis is given by reference to two men, Hymenaeus and Alexander, who have 'rejected] conscience' and 'suffered shipwreck in the faith'. They have therefore been 'turned over to Satan'. As in i Cor 5:5, this is a powerful image describing the radical effects of exclusion from the Christian community. Hymenaeus is mentioned again, alongside Philetus, at 2 Tim 2:17, where their talk is said to spread like gangrene. Alexander the coppersmith is mentioned in 2 Tim 4:14 where he is said to have done Paul great harm. It is impossible to say whether both refer to the same man. Their rejection of the faith is to be contrasted with the steadfastness of Paul and Timothy; by the end of the first chapter, we are left with a clear impression of the apostle and of his legitimate successor; they are the transmitters of the true teaching of the church.
Christ's self-giving as a ransom, also found in Titus 2:14, uses language similar to Paul's in Romans 3:24 and 8:23 and to that used in Mk 10:45, Mt 20:28, where 'he came... to give his life as a ransom for many'. Here, by contrast, the language is totally inclusive; he gave his life as a ransom for all. The language of ransom implies that payment is being made to obtain the freedom of captives or slaves and has as its background both the manumission of slaves and the freeing of Israel from Egypt at the Exodus. By the time the Pastoral
Church Organization and Behaviour (2:1-3:13)
The discussion in chs. 2 and 3 changes from concern about the opposition to a description of the kind of behaviour that should characterize members of the church towards both one another and outsiders. The detailed arrangements for the leadership of this household and relationships within it suggest that the church is becoming more at home in the world. For Paul, who felt he was living at the end of the age, there was
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 1224
places Eve's transgression in such close proximity to the solution that salvation for women rests in bearing children. In any case, a woman's most important role in the Graeco-Roman world was to be the mother of children. For the Pastor, the family and the household were the focus of the church, so bearing children and bringing them up in the faith was vital for its successful survival and growth.
Epistles were written, the language of ransom had become central in Christian thought. In the context of 1:15 freedom from sin is implied. As part of God's plan for salvation, Jesus' death undoubtedly came at the right time. In the Greek the phrase 'testimony at the right time' is part of the credal statement of w. 5—6 rather than a comment upon it.
(2:7) Paul's own role in God's plan is emphasized again. He was not only an apostle but also herald and teacher of the Gentiles. The word translated 'herald' is rare in the NT, and is found elsewhere only in 2 Tim 1:11, where it also refers to Paul, and in 2 Peter 2:5, where it refers to Noah. The cognate verb is, however, found throughout the NT. Paul's appointment as teacher of the Gentiles provides the means for God's plan for universal salvation to proceed. The picture of Paul as apostle to the Gentiles accords with that in Paul's own letters and with the narrative of his journeys in Acts. The insistence on Paul's authority is exaggerated, much more than would be necessary in a genuine letter from Paul to his friend. But in the context of this letter the insistence on authority has its place: the true message of salvation is being handed on to the next generation. (2:8-15) Returning to the subject of prayer, Timothy is now given instructions about the necessary physical as well as emotional attitude. A distinction is drawn between the attitude suitable for men and that for women. Men are to pray with hands raised; they can pray anywhere, in private as well as in communal worship. Their emotional state 'without anger or argument' as a prerequisite to proper prayer recalls the teaching of Old Testament prophets (e.g. Hos 6:6; Am 3:14-15; 5:4-7). The Pastor then turns to the behaviour of women. First they are to dress and behave modestly. This teaching can be paralleled in Plutarch's Advice to a Bride and Groom, 'It is not gold or precious stones or scarlet that makes a woman decorous, but whatever invests her with that something which betokens dignity, good behaviour and modesty' (Mor. 1416). Women were gaining a certain amount of freedom and independence in the Roman empire, and this was no doubt as true among Christian women as non-Christian women. But like other conservative writers, Christian and non-Christian, the Pastor is concerned that women should remain in what he perceives as their proper, subordinate position. Other NT writers make the same sort of point, particularly about the public behaviour of women. It was necessary for the successful continuation of the faith and to avoid persecution, that women should behave in a seemly way in meetings of the community. Part of this was an insistence that women should not teach or be perceived to be in a position of authority over a man (cf. i Cor 14:34). The reason given by the Pastor for women's subordination goes back to Adam and Eve (cf. i Cor 11:8-9). First, he claims that primacy in time implies superiority of status. Second, it was, he claims, Eve who was deceived, not Adam. He is departing from the Genesis narrative at this point. Certainly, Eve ate the fruit first, but she was quickly followed by Adam, and they were both punished. According to some Jewish traditions, Eve's sin was a sexual one, she was seduced by the serpent, so salvation could be achieved only by bearing children. An idea of this sort may lie behind 2:14-15 which
The teaching about women's subordination should not be understood outside its own context. In Rom 16:1 a deacon called Phoebe is commended by Paul. His teaching in i Cor n and 14 suggests that already in the middle of the first century some women were behaving with a freedom which was unacceptable to the leaders of the church. The popular story of Thecla, told in the Acts of Paul and Thecla, is evidence that this trend continued into the second century.
(3:1^7) 'The saying is sure' may refer back to what has just been said, as in 4:9 or Titus 3:8, or forwards to the instructions about church offices. When the same phrase was used before in 1:15, it introduced an important Christological saying, as it does in 2 Tim 2:11. It is not quite clear here if either the preceding saying or what follows is thought by the author to have this special significance. The writer's teaching about women is important to him but so is his teaching about church officers which follows.
w. 1/7-7 concern the office of the episkopos, literally overseer, but translated in the NRSV as bishop. The discussion indicates that the church has reached a settled situation, where it needs capable and dignified men to run it. But the information we are given is tantalizingly incomplete, for while the qualities required of a bishop are clearly set out, his duties are not described. If, as is quite likely, one of the patterns of organization and worship in the early church was the synagogue, then the episkopos would, like a Jewish synagogue leader, lead the community and represent its interests in the outside world. His good character and reputation among outsiders was essential for the community's welfare and continuing stability. The parallel drawn in 3:5 between the household and the church provides another clue. Graeco-Roman households which consisted of family, slaves, and more loosely dependent groups of people were run by a paterfamilias who had complete authority. The church in the Pastoral Epistles is seen as the household of God; everyone—men, women, children, elders (presbyteroi), servants (diakonoi)—has his or her place in it and its smooth running is overseen by an episkopos who must be of impeccable character.
The list of virtues expected of such a community leader is conventional in both Jewish and Hellenistic societies, including that favourite 'restraint' (sophrosune, translated in the NRSV as 'temperate'). His duties include a responsibility for teaching, that is handing on the tradition as he has had it handed on to him. There are some points that may be surprising to a modern reader; the episkopos is expected to be married and to be the head of a household (3:2,4-5). Furthermore he is to be 'married only once', literally, 'the husband of one wife'. Polygamy is not being forbidden here; remarriage after divorce may be in question, or it may be that the remarriage of widowers is also excluded for episkopoi. If so, the rules are different for different groups in the community, for young widows are encouraged to remarry (5:14). Perhaps, though,
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reminiscent of those necessary for episkopoi and deacons. A deacon, like an episkopos, must be married only once, literally 'the husband of one wife', and must be a good head of his household. Single men, slaves, and, to judge by this qualification, women, seem to be excluded from holding office. The requirements that an episkopos should be hospitable and a teacher are not included for deacons, but Timothy is referred to as a deacon in 4:6, and since he was expected to 'pass on all these instructions', in other words, to teach, it may be that the categories are quite fluid and ill-defined. The face that the church presents must be respectable, so all its representatives must be beyond reproach. (3:14-16) w. 14-15 open with a personal note designed to add verisimilitude to the fictional situation. It is common in the Pauline epistles to refer to personal travel plans, so this reference places the epistle firmly in its genre as well as supporting the picture of Paul's personal involvement. The use of the word 'household' summarizes the whole section from 2:1 to 3:13. More will be said of the household later in this letter and also in the other two. But the picture we have so far presents a picture of a solid establishment, run by responsible figures. Any assailant will have a difficult task.
this is rather an extreme translation of the Greek; what is meant is that the episkopos should be a faithful husband to his wife, but that sequential monogamy is not out of the question. His conversion to Christianity must not be recent. There may have been important individuals in the community who felt that their standing or wealth qualified them to become leaders in the church. But to be an episkopos one must be firmly rooted in the faith; the implication must be that the church itself is firmly established too.
We do not know whether each community had one episkopos, or more. Ignatius, who was bishop of Antioch in Syria, argued strongly in the first decade of the second century for a monarchical episcopate, that is, having one episkopos as overseer of the Christian communities in each town, who presides over and is distinct from the deacons and from the elders, 'that you may be joined together in one subjection, subject to the bishop and to the presbytery, and may in all things be sanctified' (Ign. Eph. 2.2; cf. 20.2). But it is certain that there was no universally accepted pattern of leadership at this period, and from the Pastoral Epistles themselves no clearly defined organization can be discerned.
(3:8-13) Just as there is information about the character but not the duties of the episkopos, only the virtues necessary for a deacon are described in w. 8—13. Indeed, the virtues of episkopos and deacon overlap to a great extent. This suggests that the functions were clearly understood already in the community being addressed; the issue was to find suitable people to perform the functions. The Greek word diakonos, translated 'deacon', originally meant 'servant', but in the apostolic fathers (e.g. Didache 15; Ign. Trail. 2, 3; Ign. Magn. 6, 13) and the NT Epistles it is used to describe an officer of the church (e.g. Rom 16:1; i Cor 3:5; Eph 6:21; Phil 1:1; i Thess 3:2; cf. Acts 6). The narrative in Acts 6 traces the diaconate back to the Jerusalem church when 'seven men full of the Spirit' were appointed to distribute food to the Greek-speaking widows of the church. This may be later rationalization of the origin of the office, linking the function of serving to the diaconate when its origins were already obscure. In Mk 10:45 Jesus uses me verb cognate with diakonos when he says T came not to be served but to serve'. The qualities of an episkopos and a deacon were similar; their roles apparently not dissimilar except for a greater emphasis on management and teaching in the case of the episkopos. Little information is given here about the work of a deacon, but it is clear that a test was necessary for those aspiring to become deacons to prove themselves blameless. The 'mystery of the faith', God's hidden purpose only understood by believers, refers to the true teaching of 2:5-6 and3:i6.
The 'mystery of our religion' is described in the quoted formula which follows. For similar passages see i TIM 2:5-6. The word translated 'religion' is eusebeia; normally in the Pastorals eusebeia and its cognates denote piety or godliness, here it carries a sense of the system of belief that inspires piety. The earlier formula in ch. 2 dwelt on the human nature of Christ; this confessional formula consists of three pairs of contrasted statements. The main point of contrast being the last word of each line: in the first pair flesh and spirit, in the second it is angels and Gentiles, in the last pair the contrast is between the world and glory. The structure is chiastic, ABBAAB (where the earthly world is represented by A, the heavenly by B) which makes the formula memorable and helps unify the whole. In every line the verb is in the same tense and is followed by a noun in the same case preceded, with one exception, by 'in'. Heaven and earth are being contrasted and yet shown to belong together, united by the revelation of Christ and its effects. There is no direct reference to Christ's death and resurrection, nor to the end of the world, but a clear picture is created of the unifying and universal nature of the coming of Christ. Christ's triumph and glory are placed in contrast to the teachings of demons which are to be the subject of the next passage. The household of God rests on sure foundations. (4:1-5) No attempt is made to elucidate the confessional statement, instead, the author moves on to describe dangers of his opponents' teaching, and the importance and strength of true doctrine. The contrasts between flesh and spirit, earth and heaven are emphasized by reference to revelation through the Spirit in w. 1—2. The Spirit who inspires true prophetic utterances has foretold opposition to the faith in 'later times', or the last times. It was a commonplace idea in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic that the end would be preceded by a time of persecution and suffering (e.g. Mk 13; i Cor 15:24—8). The sense of urgency and immediacy are absent from the Pastoral Epistles, but there is a lingering feeling that before the end there will be difficult and dangerous times.
In the midst of the description of a deacon's character is a verse about women. The word translated 'women' also means wives in Greek, so there is a real possibility that the verse describes the qualities required in a deacon's wife rather than in a woman deacon. If that is the case, they must be as far beyond reproach as their husbands. On the other hand, Phoebe is called a deacon in Rom 16:1, so it is possible that this verse refers to the qualities such women need. If so, their role must be limited by the constraints put on women's behaviour in 2:11—12, where women were told to be submissive to men and to learn in silence, and were forbidden to teach or have authority over men. The characteristics mentioned are
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The opposition described in these verses comes from people whose teaching is dangerously close to that of the author and yet markedly different. It seems to be based on asceticism; marriage was rejected and so was the eating of certain foods. Paul had faced similar problems in Corinth, but his response, recommending celibacy as the ideal, was conditioned by his belief in the imminence of the end (e.g. i Cor 7:8-9, 25-31). The perspective of this writer is longer, he envisages a future for the church, so marriage and the procreation of children who will be brought up in the faith is important to him. Sexual asceticism would rob the church of the next generation of believers. The Pastor feels so strongly about his opponents that he claims that their teaching is inspired by demons (v. i). His own monotheism is clear and, in contrast to such teachers as Marcion, he believes that 'everything God created is good'. Like Jesus when discussing Jewish food laws (Mk 7:19), he believes all food may be eaten. This particular controversy may support the thesis that some, at any rate, of his opponents were Jewish.
Further Matters of Church Order (5.-1-6:2)
Like ch. 3, this passage concerns church organization. Here the subject is widows and elders. In Greek the •wordpresbuteros is used to designate old age as well as being the title of an office in Judaism and Christianity. This can lead to ambiguity in interpretation; the natural reverence for the senior members of the group developed into hierarchical organization. For the modern reader it is not always easy to distinguish between the two uses of the term, particularly at the stage of development we see in the Pastorals when the original use is still found alongside its titular use. In w. 1—2 the meaning is the original one, 'older men', as can be seen from the context. Later in the chapter instructions are given for presbuteroi, the leading 'elders' of the community.
(5:3-16) The instructions concerning widows are extremely detailed and precise compared with those relating to other groups (3:1—7, 8—13; 5:17—22). We have already seen that the position and activities of women were of particular concern to the Pastor. This group of women commands his special attention. It was regarded as a special duty among the Jews to care for widows who had no family to provide for them. This is the group referred to here as 'really widows'. Women who would otherwise be genuinely destitute deserved the community's support, whereas those who had families able to support them were not the financial responsibility of the community. The clear moral message of the author stands out in v. 8; failure to provide for widows in one's family was tantamount to a denial of the faith. Widows have a religious duty themselves: to offer prayers night and day (v. 5). But the widow 'who lives for pleasure' (v. 6) does not deserve the community's support. The reference to such women may be to highlight the plight of the 'real widow', or there may have been such a case within the community and known to the readers.
(4:6—10) The rest of the chapter continues in the same tone; encouraging Timothy as a 'good servant' or 'deacon' to pass on to his fellow Christians the sound teaching he has received, while avoiding or rejecting the 'profane myths and old wives' tales' of the opposition. We are given little more information about the content of sound teaching or of its opposite. Presumably, both were well known to the recipients of the letter and did not need to be spelt out, but the false myths obviously play an important part in the opponents' teaching (cf 1:4). Eusebda, here translated 'godliness', appears again as the most important Christian virtue. It characterizes behaviour now and holds promise for the life to come.
In v. 9 the formula 'the saying is sure' is repeated (cf. 1:15; 3:1). Again, it is not clear whether it points back to what has gone before, or forwards, or whether it is meant to refer to the whole passage about holding fast to the faith and rejecting false teaching, v. 10 mentions hope again (cf. 1:1). As well as looking back to the historical events of Christ's life and death, attention was fixed on hope for the future (cf. 2 Cor 1:10). God's universal salvation here is more limited than in 2:6 'especially to those who believe', but there is no suggestion of an alternative fate for those who do not believe. (4:11-16) Timothy is again addressed personally. Such personal references help to carry the fiction of Pauline authorship. He is instructed to teach, to exhort, and to read aloud: in other words, to pass on the tradition he has received from Paul, until Paul himself arrives (cf. 2:14-15). Teaching was one of the functions allocated to the episkopos: Timothy is not named as an episkopos anywhere in the Pastorals, but he is portrayed as carrying out some similar functions (in Ign. Magn. 3 the church is recommended to respect and obey their episkopos despite his youth). He is to set an example by his behaviour and deportment. He is gifted as a teacher, from the time he was commissioned by the laying on of hands by the council of elders (also referred to in 2 Tim 1:6). Laying on of hands was a means of transferring the power of the Spirit from one person to another for teaching or healing. It was a transference of authority, a commissioning or consecration to a particular office or task.
(5:9—16) It seems, however, as if 'real widow' may have a titular sense as well. The expression in v. 9, 'Let a widow be put on the list', suggests some sort of formal enrolment; perhaps, like the term 'elder', the word had acquired a technical sense. Those enrolled might consist of'real widows' or be a separate group. In any case, qualifications for enrolment are strict and are reminiscent of those for bishops and deacons in ch. 3. The enrolled widow must be 60 years old or more, she must have been married only once, and she must have brought up children. If the widows of 5:3—5 are included in this group, they also have the religious duty to pray continuously for the community. In v. n the subject changes to younger widows, a group of women whose behaviour the author finds particularly unacceptable. His characterization of these young women, though it may have been based on his knowledge of one or two individuals, is a gross over-generalization, and one that has done women harm. His solution, as in 2:15, is marriage and childbearing.
(5:17—22) As a council, the group of elders exercised authority in the community (cf. 4:14; Titus 1:5, etc.). Here we find rules for their payment and their discipline. Some may have achieved their status as elders simply on account of their age, and a group of them, 'those who rule well', are worthy of double honour or double payment (the same word is used in Greek to denote payment and honour). Any ambiguity
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already familiar, Timothy is exhorted to pursue virtues which have been recommended before, and to fight the good fight. w. 13—16 contain a doxology or liturgical formula similar to others in the Pastorals (see i TIM 2:5-6). It illustrates the ideas of salvation and hope with which the epistle began. God the Creator, whose glorious and transcendent nature is extolled in a series of rich images, will bring about the second manifestation of Christ at the right time. God's transcendence is thus balanced with his involvement in human history, in the two appearances of Christ, one past, one still to come. Jesus Christ is introduced, in his first manifestation, as an example of faithful testimony before Pilate. Although this does not fit neatly with any of our gospel accounts, that he supremely bore witness to the truth is undeniable for the Pastor. As with the other similar passages, the language is poetic and defies precise interpretation, but the rhetoric is clear: God is one, he desires the salvation of all believers through the mediation of his Son, Jesus Christ.
about the word here disappears in the light of v. 18 which contains the scriptural quotation also found in i Cor 9:9. There is further justification for the disciplinary procedures by an allusion to a catchphrase also quoted in Mt 10:10 and Lk 10:7.
The disciplining of elders is based on the Jewish system of public accusations supported by at least two witnesses; this has the double effect of ensuring that casual accusations are not made and that 'the rest' would be put off committing the same sin. The rest may refer to the whole community or just the other elders. Impartiality, a word used only here in the NT, is to be the basis of all judgements. Timothy is urged 'not to ordain anyone hastily'. This could imply that extra care taken about the appointment of elders would avoid the need for discipline later.
(5:23-6:2) Before turning to instructions for slaves, a personal instruction is given to Timothy about drinking wine. Ostensibly it is a personal note referring to Timothy's health, which helps support the impression of intimacy between the two. It may also be a roundabout way of attacking the asceticism of the writer's opponents (cf. 4:3-4). Church officials are to be neither drunkards nor ascetics. 5:24—5 contain general truths which may be meant to refer back to the elders of the previous verses, or, more generally, to members of the congregation.
In the final injunction to Timothy the importance of handing on the tradition is repeated, for that is 'what has been entrusted' to him. 'What is falsely called knowledge' became part of the title of Irenaeus' late second-century refutation of Gnosticism.
2 Timothy
(6:1—2) Slaves are given special instructions, though there are no corresponding instructions for their masters as there are in other epistles (e.g. Col 3:22-4:1; Eph 6:5-9). The institution of slavery is not questioned here or elsewhere in the NT; it was seen as a necessary part of society. The only issue was how slaves should be treated by their owners, but the Pastoral Epistles are not concerned even with that issue. The slaves are divided into two groups, those who belong to nonbelieving masters and those whose masters are members of the community. Unquestioning obedience is demanded of the first group so that the name of the church should not fall into disrepute. Those who are slaves of Christian masters are advised not to presume on their shared beliefs, though they are all brothers and sisters, sons and daughters of one God. Nevertheless, the social constraints that exist in their everyday lives are not to be overstepped.
2 Timothy shares many of the concerns of i Timothy and Titus, and many of the same expressions, but there is a difference of tone. There are far more personal touches in this letter; people are mentioned by name, fellow-workers, friends, and relations as well as opponents. The relationship between Paul and Timothy is made to seem closer and less formal. There are more references, mostly indirect, to Paul's letters particularly to Romans.
Greeting and Warnings (1:1-18)
The opening greeting recalls that in i Timothy, but the call is by the will of God rather than by his command (cf. i Cor 1:1; 2 Cor 1:1; Col 1:1; Eph 1:1). Paul is said to be an apostle for the sake of the promise of life which is in Christ Jesus, which expands the idea of Christ Jesus, our hope, in i Timothy. 'In Christ' is an authentically Pauline expression, but there is no sense that the author has grasped the deep metaphysical meaning of life in Christ as understood by Paul himself. Timothy is called 'beloved' rather than 'loyal' or legitimate child here (see i TIM 1:1-2). Thus we already have a hint of the different tone of the letter; there is not so much concern about passing on the authentic tradition.
(6:2^-21) The apparently haphazard collection of teaching, unified by its hortatory character, links false teaching with bad conduct and identifies cuscbda, godliness or piety, with true wealth. As we have seen, piety in the Pastorals denotes the manner of life of a true believer who honours God as Creator and Redeemer of all, and who treats other human beings with respect (cf. 2:2; 4:7, 8; 5:4). It also separates sound teaching from false. False teachers believe that what they call piety is a source of mercenary gain, while 4:8 points to its real value. In w. 3—10 piety is contrasted with all kinds of vices ranging from envy to morbid craving for controversy, from wrangling to a desire for wealth. Teaching about the vanity of riches here and in 6:17—19 frames a paragraph describing the true Christian life.
Paul's letters often open with a thanksgiving like this, but different Greek words are used here, perhaps because the Pauline word eucharisted which originally meant 'give thanks' had acquired special eucharistic connotations by the time this letter was written. The tension Paul himself clearly felt between his Jewish ancestry and his Christian faith is lacking here (1:3; cf. Rom 9-11). Timothy's own ancestry in the faith is exemplary: his grandmother Lois and his mother Eunice were believers before him. Meanwhile, the closeness of the relationship between Paul and Timothy is emphasized by Paul's constant prayers for Timothy and by the emotional memory of tears and the anticipation of joy when they meet again. This, together with the naming of Timothy's mother and
w. 11-12 present the reverse image; the righteousness and piety of the person who shuns the attractions of wealth are contrasted with the behaviour described in w. 3—10. The list of antisocial and untruthful behaviour in w. 4—5 is balanced against the beliefs of one who pursues godliness, in language
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(1:11—14) We are brought into the present by the reference to Paul's appointment as apostle and teacher, both familiar terms, and herald, already used once in a similar way in i Tim 2:7 (elsewhere in the NT only in 2 Pet 2:5). In Greek the word is related to the verb 'to preach', and to 'proclamation'. This triple role has led to Paul's imprisonment, but Paul can remain steadfast because of his trust in God and his assurance of vindication. 'What has been entrusted to me' is a better translation of 1:12 and refers back to i Tim 6:20; with the help of Christ and the Holy Spirit, the sound teaching will continue uncorrupted. The line beginning with Christ, and passing to Paul, now continues through Timothy. (1:15-18) Paul is presented in these verses as being held in a prison in Rome, where he was visited by the faithful Onesiphorus. The example of Paul's faithfulness and that of Onesiphorus (cf. also 4:19) is contrasted with the behaviour of those in Asia who have turned against Paul, including two individuals, Phygelus and Hermogenes. Nothing else is known about these two men, but the verb used for 'turn away' is found also in 4:4 and Titus 1:14 where it has a sense implying the rejection of true teaching, rather than personal rejection. (A man named Hermogenes the coppersmith is mentioned in the Acts of Paul and Theda, 3:1, where he is a companion of Paul but a hypocrite and flatterer. Onesiphorus is also mentioned in the next paragraph.) Ephesus, where Timothy receives these letters, was the capital of the Roman province of Asia, the western part of modern Turkey.
grandmother, provide the kind of personal details that add to the sense of authenticity. But the very fact that three generations of Christians within one family are mentioned implies a post-Pauline date; 3:15 makes it clear that Timothy had been brought up as a Christian from childhood.
From 1:6 it seems that Timothy received the laying on of hands from Paul himself rather than from the council of elders as was suggested by i Tim 4:14. They may refer to two separate occasions where authorization or commissioning was given for different purposes, or they may simply reflect the different tones in i and 2 Timothy, the latter being more personal, the former more formal and official. What is certain in both cases is that through the laying on of hands God's Spirit is passed from one to the other, whether from Paul the apostle or from the council of elders. The qualities imparted by the laying on of hands are both new and familiar in these epistles. Self-discipline translates one of the sophrosunl words familiar from the other two epistles, and together with the spirit of power and love is contrasted with the spirit of cowardice. The idea of cowardice is linked with that of shame in the next paragraph, with the mention of Paul's imprisonment. The Pastor instructs Timothy not to be ashamed of bearing witness to the gospel or of Paul's imprisonment (cf. Rom 1:16). Philippians presents a clear account of his imprisonment and of its effects on Paul and his fellow Christians. Neither i Timothy nor Titus mentions it, but here it adds to the sense of authenticity. Paul has by now acquired the status of a hero, someone of whom his successors must not be ashamed; another indication of the late date of these letters.
Charge to Timothy (2:1-3:9)
The link between God's saving work in the past and the present sufferings of the apostle are continued in the kerygmatic passage that follows in 1:8-14. It is a summary of the theological doctrine of the kind the Pastor makes in i Timothy and Titus (cf. i Tim 2:5—6; 3:16; 6:13—16; 2 Tim 2:11—13; Titus 3:4—7). Like those passages, it depends on Pauline teaching, it uses some Pauline language, but is subtly and markedly different from Paul. For example, Paul rarely uses the verb 'to save' in the past tense (a notable exception being Rom 8:24, where it is in the context of future hope). The ideas expressed in v. 10 are based on the teaching in Romans 16:25-7, <mev proclamation of Jesus Christ according to the revelation of the mystery that was kept secret but is now disclosed'. The notion that God's plan of salvation was a mystery hidden from people for generations before the appearance of Christ was one that quickly took root. It created a historical schema which could link events and prophecies from Scripture not only with Christ's life and death, but into the present and up to his future reappearance. Although the idea has Pauline roots, it is expressed here in language typical of the Pastorals: Christ is described as Saviour, his appearance as epiphaneia, a word found in the NT only in the Pastorals (cf. i Tim 6:14; 2 Tim 4:1, 8; Titus 2:13) and in 2 Thess 2:8. Christ's death had the effect of abolishing death and through the gospel he brought life and immortality. The Greek word translated 'immortality' actually means 'incorruptibility', an associated but not identical idea. Immortality, translating a different Greek word, is said in i Tim 6:16 to belong to God alone. Paul himself talked of resurrection rather than immortality, so again we are presented with Pauline ideas presented in unPauline terms.
(2:1^7) Timothy is urged to 'be strong in grace' following the example of Onesiphorus. Again he is presented as the link in the chain between Paul and the church at the time of the Pastorals. He has heard Paul's gospel directly and indirectly through the teaching of others. What has been entrusted to him, he is to pass on to those who will, in their turn, teach others. But the role of a faithful Christian is not simply belief and loyal transmitting of tradition, it entails suffering as well. This is a theme that is hardly touched upon in i Timothy and Titus, but is prominent in 2 Timothy. Three images are used to describe this wholehearted commitment to the gospel: a Christian must be like a soldier dedicated to serving his commanding officer, like an athlete winning a race according to the rules, or like a farmer toiling over his crops. The three images are not explained; Timothy is told to work out their meaning for himself, with the help of the Lord (v. 7), but the general sense is clear. Work is involved in all three images, they are familiar from Paul's epistles and other NT works, and are found in popular teaching of the time. The first two belong quite closely together, they involve willing obedience to a commanding officer or to the rules of competition. The farming image recalls i Cor 9:7-12. (2:8-13) v8 recalls Rom 1:3-4 and i Cor 15:20. It represents a formulaic summary of the author's message. Jesus Christ, whose own suffering is not mentioned but is assumed behind this passage, was raised from the dead. The Son of David, he was human, even though of royal descent. In a few words much is implied to contradict the opponents' teaching. The preaching of this message had led to Paul being held in chains like a criminal in a Roman prison. But his enthusiasm for the
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
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teaching (e.g. i Cor 15). It became a popular idea among some Gnostics and sometimes accounted for their dismissive attitude to the physical body. The teaching of Paul was regarded as authoritative by both Gnostics and anti-Gnostics in the second century. Both groups could interpret his teaching in ways which supported their own outlook. The Pastoral Epistles stand out firmly against 'knowledge falsely so-called' and became the basis for many later anti-Gnostic positions.
spreading of the gospel was not diminished or held back by his imprisonment; this epistle is meant to provide proof of that. For the sake of the gospel, Paul is even willing to be held as a criminal, innocent though he is, so that those who believe, 'the elect', may obtain salvation and share in eternal glory along with him. Salvation and glory are familiar themes in the Pastorals, but glory is normally a property of God. The idea of sharing in his glory after death or after the end of the world is, however, a frequent image in Paul (Rom 8:21, 30, etc.)
The building metaphor of w. 20—2 is common in Christianity, and is found elsewhere in the Pastorals (i Tim 3:15), where it is associated with the author's favourite metaphor, the household of God. Behind this passage lies Isa 28:16, quoted by Paul in Rom 9:33. From the same chapter of Romans comes the inspiration for the image of different utensils. But here it is not used in the same way as in Rom 9:21, which is about election, nor in the same way as the image of different parts of the body in i Cor 12. At first glance it seems to be a parable about important and less important vessels, along the same lines as the body metaphor, but some of the meaning has become lost in the retelling. The NRSV translation obscures the meaning further; the words translated 'special' and 'ordinary' mean 'honourable' and 'dishonourable' in Greek. From the context we can understand the passage to be an instruction to Timothy to cleanse himself of any teaching except that advocated already as sound doctrine, thus he and those he teaches will become useful, that is honourable, utensils. Again, orthodoxy is closely bound up with ethics. The list of qualities Timothy should cultivate, begun in v. 15 but then interrupted, continues in v. 22. His youth, mentioned in i Tim 4:12, is not to be an excuse for immature behaviour. The qualities mentioned in w. 22—4, are already familiar from this letter and its companions; there is particular emphasis on avoiding quarrels and controversies which is the special interest of 2 Timothy, and it is worth noticing that the injunction to be an 'apt teacher' was used in i Tim 3:2 of the episkopos. (3:1-9) The distress of the last days was a common theme in Judaism and early Christianity. Sinfulness and corruption of all sorts would prevail for a time, but it was believed that none of this was beyond God's control or outside his purpose. The gospels present us with a picture of cosmic terrors, such as earthquakes, famines, and eclipses (e.g. Mk 13:14-27). Like the commentary on Habakkuk by the Jews of Qumran
A rhythmical passage follows (w. 11—13), introduced by the formula 'the saying is sure' (cf. i Tim 1:15; 3:1; 4:9; Titus 3:8). It explains in poetic form the salvation that is in Christ Jesus, for his suffering and death are patterns for the suffering and death of his followers, and the results of his endurance will be shared with those who also suffer in his name. The parallel saying in v. 12 b makes the same point but in the negative, while 2:130 emphasizes that Christ remains faithful to the purposes of God whatever human beings do. The ideas are based on Rom 6, but are developed further. It is impossible to know whether the Pastor included here, as possibly elsewhere
(for refs. see 2 TIM 1:9-10), existing liturgical passages, butthe emphasis on the need for faithfulness in suffering fits this context perfectly.
(2:14—26) From the encouragement to remain faithful, the passage turns to countering heterodoxy. The ultimate aim set out in 2:24-6 is to bring the heterodox back into the fold. Correction rather than expulsion is the theme here (cf. i Tim 1:20 where Hymenaeus and Alexander have been handed over to Satan). Repentance is in God's gift, he provides the only way that the heretics can be released from the power of the devil into whose snare they have fallen. We are reminded of i Tim 2:4 where God desires the salvation of all.
Before we reach this conciliatory point, however, we learn something of what the opponents were teaching. They liked above all to enter into disputes about words. The Greek word, logomachein, to dispute or wrangle about words, is found in related forms also in i Tim 6:4 and Titus 3:9. Clearly, acceptance of sound doctrine means not asking questions or questioning definitions. A clear exposition of accepted doctrine was the only proper method of teaching. Discussion could only lead to dispute, and so must be avoided. If the teacher is above reproach, then opponents have no grounds for raising questions. As is often the case in these epistles, good behaviour and sound doctrine go hand in hand. If, like those in 2:4— 6, Timothy works at expounding the truth clearly, literally 'cutting a straight path', then he will have nothing to feel ashamed of before God or people. Profane chatter was the subject of a warning in i Tim 6:20, as it is here. There it was coupled with 'what is falsely called knowledge', here it is said to lead to impiety and will spread like gangrene; a vivid medical image. Hymenaeus and Philetus are singled out. Like other named people in the letters we cannot be sure whether they were known to the community at the time of writing, if they were well-known historical figures, or if they are fictitious characters introduced to make the situation more vivid and realistic. The particular impiety of the two named heretics is the belief that the resurrection has already happened. This idea was already prevalent in Paul's lifetime and resulted from one possible interpretation of his own