Part 28
(23:1—32) The Departments and Duties of the Levites Once the preparations for the temple's construction have been completed (ch. 22), one would expect a building order to follow (ch. 28). Yet between these two chapters lies a large section (chs. 23—7) dealing with the Levites and priests as well as with David's secular officials. Many exegetes regard these chapters as secondary—and partly unified. According to one argument, their strongly cultic theme (cf. also chs. 15-16) does not correspond with the Chronicler's main interests and even contradicts his views on certain points. It is also stated that 28:1 refers back to 23:2 in an example of resumptive repetition. None of these arguments has remained undisputed. For instance, it has also been pointed out that the Chronicler shows great interest in the Levites (whilst dealing more briefly with the priests), that his specific theological profile can still be discerned in this section, and that contradictions should not be overestimated, in view of the large amount of (not always mutually compatible) material he reworked. The parallels between 23:2 and 28:1 are clear, though their differences are also apparent. Furthermore, 13:5 and 15:3 demonstrate that repetitions need not always be 'resumptive', nor necessarily lead to the presumption that the text between them is secondary. Williamson (1987:157—8) suggests an original compromise solution: 23:3-60 contains the plan for what follows: everything pertaining to it stems from the Chronicler's hand (23:6/7—130,15—24; 25:1—6; 26:1—3, 9"IJ> J9J 26:20—32), whilst the rest is part of a pro-priestly reworking of the text which can also be recognized in chs. 15-16. Wide-reaching personnel restructuring measures were carried out in the temple between the conception of the two editions, possibly as a result of notable Jerusalem figures moving over to Samaritan society during the late post-exilic period. Whatever the case, the chapters in their present form declare that David set all the significant religious and secular institutions in place. For readers of Chronicles, this means that David's introduction of these institutions and their officers demands their respect.
v. 4, mention of the Sidonians and Tyrians, who bring cedar wood, is reminiscent of King Hiram (14:1). The Chronicler probably took literary guidance from Ezra 3:7, where Sidonians and Tyrians are also responsible for providing timber (cedar wood) for the second temple, v. 5, David introduces his son Solomon in a similar manner to his self-introduction whilst in prayer at Gibeon (i Kings 3:7). Solomon's youth and inexperience, a literary theme and not a pointer to his actual age, is made with reference not to his ability to rule the country, but to his ability to build the temple. David takes responsible measures in the light of Solomon's inexperience and the size of the task at hand.
w. 6-16, the Chronicler uses David's final decrees as portrayed in i Kings 2 for David's speech to Solomon in his own work. Ignoring the confusion surrounding the accession, however, he copies only David's call to abide by the law and act courageously (i Kings 2:2-3). The relationship between David and Solomon in Chronicles is similar to that of Moses and Joshua (cf also w. 11—13). v6, me direct order to build the temple comes from David, v. 8, Nathan's prophecy (2
w. 3-5, the Levites' census is not a contradiction of 21:6, since it is not a general population census and merely deals with dividing up the duties ascribed to them. The high numbers of Levites (cf. Num 4:48: 8,580) is evidence of the Chronicler's esteem for them. The size of the numbers concerning individual groups reflects the relative significance attributed to them. The Levites are not recorded according to their family trees here, but according to their functions: officers and judges, gatekeepers, musicians. They are listed in inverse order in 25—6. A further list, ch. 24, is inserted between chs. 23 and 25, including, amongst others, names of Aaronite priests, v. 3, the minimum age for holding office varies: 30 in Num 4:3, 23, 30, as here; 25 in Num 8:24; 20 in Ezra 3:8; i Chr 23:24—7; 2 Chr 31:17. Perhaps the age was reduced at times when there were fewer Levites.
Sam 7) contains no explanation as to why David cannot construct the temple. One is included at i Kings 5:17: because of the wars forced upon David, he is impeded from carrying out the plan. The Chronicler takes this theme up, transforming it, however, into a greater principle: because David is a warrior who has shed much blood, he is forbidden to build the temple. This is neither pacifist nor does it refer to individual actions such as Uriah's murder: it simply and objectively excludes the blemish of bloodshed from the temple's construction, v. 9, through the use of a pun, Solomon is depicted as a man of peace and the calm atmosphere is strengthened. According to Deut 12, sacrificial cult can take place from the moment when Israel has peace from its enemies. This precondition is hereby fulfilled, w. 11-13, David encourages Solomon, refers to the forthcoming work, forecasts his success (if he follows God) and confirms God's presence. All these elements can also be found in Josh i (Joshua's succession to Moses). The Chronicler is drawing deliberate parallels in this chapter, at the same time using terms which are very important to him: 'the LORD be with you', 'success'.
w. 6-24, genealogical registers of the three great Levite clans: depending on the counting method used, 24 (Japhet (1993: 43): Gershon 10, Kohath 9, Merari 5) or 22 (Rudolph (1955: 155): Gershon 9, Kohath 9, Merari 4) families existed. These lists reflect the shifts in the relative size and power of the clans (cf. e.g. w. n, 17). w. 25-32 cover the Levites' duties
(partly repeating those mentioned in ch. 9). w. 25—6, 28—32, YHWH grants his people peace (cf. Deut 12:8—12; by contrast i Chr 22:9), forcing changes to be made to the cult. In other
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(i Mace 2:1) and is the first to be named in ch. 24, it has occasionally been suggested that the list (at least in its present form) stems from Maccabean times. This theory is based on two disputed assumptions: (i) The list in ch. 24 names the priest clans in order of their importance. (2) Mattahias's clan was the most important of his time.
words, since the Levites no longer need to carry the tabernacle, they are free to perform other cultic duties which are not stipulated in the Pentateuch, as described in w. 28—32: they must assist the priests. The descriptions in w. 28 and 32 are held together by the phrase 'work for the service of the house of the LORD', v. 32, duties at the tabernacle and the sanctuary: this describes both the Levites' duties in the desert and their tasks in the (future) temple of Jerusalem, thus closely binding the two sites and their sacred buildings, v. 27 is a gloss interrupting the clear continuity of w. 26 and 28. It is probably a crude attempt to explain the contradiction between w. 3 and 24: David made an earlier and a later order regarding the Levites' minimum age in office. (24:1-31) The Classes of Priests This chapter divides into three parts: the first (w. 1—19) deals with the priests, their organization, and their departments. The second contains a list of non-priestly Levites (w. 20-31). Since they are already listed in the previous chapter, and because v. 31 follows on well from 2ob, Japhet (1993: 423) and other researchers have suggested this list to be a secondary insertion. They claim that the original text contained only w. 2oa and 31, which by analogy apply the priests' method of drawing lots to the Levites. The inserted list (which omits some names at its beginning) is seen as an attempt to correct and add to the previous list in 23:6-23.
w. 20—30, the list of Levites is certainly incomplete—the most important Gershonites should have been included. The text has also been damaged here. Although it is very similar to the list in ch. 23, it differs in significant points, reflecting the shifts in power between individual groups, which thus shrink or expand accordingly. New groups appear and existing ones disappear. The list is a kind of update on its equivalent in ch. 23. Some branches include an extra generation compared to ch. 23. v. 31, the Levites use the same system of drawing lots as the priests, using almost the same witnesses. This makes clear that the Levites are (almost) as important as the priests.
(25:1—31) The Musicians and their Duties The list of temple musicians logically follows on from that of the Levites, to whom they strictly belong (23:30-1; cf. 15:16-24; 16:4-6). The chapter divides into two parts: the first names the three musician families (Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman), whilst the second deals with the drawing of lots to allocate individual members' duties. Whether the Chronicler is the author of all or any of the chapter, and whether the two parts were even written by the same hand, is a matter of debate. Whatever the case may be regarding the first question, it is clear that the lists are entirely artificial, written to create the impression that sacrifice and music are closely intertwined (cf. 23:29—30): since the 24 different temple duties have been individually assigned to the priests, the musicians are also allocated 24 different duties, which are not, however, specified as such. The lists' artificiality is underlined by the fact that none of those named in them are proved to have existed in other texts. Whilst the first and second parts of the chapter are basically in harmony, they differ in some details. Williamson (1987: 1656) suggests that this is evidence of their literary independence from each other. The musicians' families (Chronicler) have been transformed into types of duties (post-Chronicles), without entirely losing their significance.
w. 1-19, the priests' organization as portrayed here is more advanced and systematic than anywhere else in the OTand is rigidly adhered to in the sequel. It is perhaps a result of the surplus of priests during post-exilic times. The system of departments allowed job-sharing and is applied to Levites and gatekeepers (of whom there were initially only a few, as one can see in Ezra and Nehemiah) by later writers. Despite their undisputed place at the top of the cultic hierarchy, the priests, a branch of the Levites, are dealt with only briefly in Chronicles, w. 2—3, all priests were descendants of Aaron's two sons, Eleazar and Ithamar. Eleazar is often mentioned in the Pentateuch and elsewhere. According to this passage, he is the ancestor of Zadok, the priest active during David and
Solomon's time. This is merely a theoretical proposition, as is the much less frequently mentioned relationship between Ithamar and Ahimelech: if Zadok is Eleazar's descendant, Ahimelech must stem from Ithamar! David is assisted by Zadok and Ahimelech in organizing the priests, w. 4—5, no doubt there were power struggles between the unevenly matched groups of priests. Rudolph (1955: 159, 161) even assumes that the (stronger) descendants of Eleazar claimed both (honorary) titles of 'holy princes' and 'princes of God', whose meanings remain unclear. The Chronicler stresses the equal treatment of the two groups in the passage
The organization of the musicians greatly changed with time, whilst individual family influences grew and diminished respectively. Interpretations differ as to whether these developments can be retraced in this passage, or whether it is used to harmonize contradictions within the text. Occasionally all musicians are regarded as descendants of Asaph (Ezra 2:41; 3:10; Neh 7:44). Neh 11:17 and i Chr 9:15-16 mention both Asaph and Jeduthun. A third tradition speaks of three musicians' guilds, referring back to Asaph, Heman, and Ethan (see i CHR 6:44; 15:17,19 for Ethan). The identification of Jeduthun and Ethan has been facilitated by the similar way in which the names are written. It is difficult to reconstruct a history of the temple musicians from the diverse material in the OT, which is only briefly summarized here. The order of the three families is Asaph, Jeduthun, Heman. This probably reflects the earlier hierarchy. In fact the tone of the passage lets Heman's family emerge as the largest ('according to the promise of God to exalt him', v. 5).
(cf 24:31; 26:13). Naturally the larger faction is represented by a relatively larger number of priests in the departments, v. 5, the procedure of drawing lots, in i Chronicles (24:31; 25:8; 26:13) as elsewhere (see e.g. Neh 10:35), emphasizes God's hand in the distribution of the priests, though the practical reasons for such distribution are not known. It is also unclear whether lots were drawn alternately (i.e. one to Eleazar, one to Ithamar), thus leaving the last eight lots to Eleazar, or whether they were drawn in rotation in a two (Eleazar) to one (Ithamar) ratio, v. 7, since Mattathias is a descendant of Jehoiarib's clan
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the verses concerning Obed-edom (w. 4—8) are almost universally regarded as a gloss: they interrupt the connection between w. 3 and 9. Japhet (1993: 451), however, contests this. Although the gatekeepers' duties are not based on David's orders, the following passage is an attempt to legitimize their existence, v. 15, in monarchical times, the southern gate did not require guards since the south wall formed part of the royal palace. This is the clearest, though not the sole, indication that the Chronicler envisaged the second, post-exilic temple, which he knew from his own experience, when writing this passage.
w. 1-7 show a clear attempt to legitimize the musicians. They are introduced only with their duties (in the case of the singers) and instruments. One of their duties is also prophecy (w. 1-3; a marginal interpretation even regards them as prophets). It is unlikely, however, that this duty makes them the heirs to (great) classical prophecy. Moreover they probably do not form part of the continuum of traditional pre-exilic cult prophets. Their singing/playing—and thus the content of their music, the psalms they conceived—can be seen as a kind of prophecy, particularly in view of the fact that i Sam 10:5 and 2 Kings 3:15 emphasize the close relationship between music and prophecy. The Chronicler may even have been thinking of these two passages (especially the first) in connecting prophecy with the musicians. 2 Chr 29:25 refers to the order given by David and supported by two prophets
w. 20-8, this list of treasury officers is linked to w. 29-31 in as far as the Izharites and the Hebronites (v. 23) are mentioned in both passages. It has occasionally been presumed that w. 20-32 were once an independent document containing levitical ranks and their officers. A number of those listed here are also mentioned in 23:6-23. The section distinguishes between the treasuries of the house of God (w. 20, 22) and the treasuries for the dedicated things (w. 20,26). Shebuel of Amram's clan, whose Kohathite origin is not explicitly mentioned (and who also appears in 23:16; 24:20), seems to carry general responsibility for both treasuries. He is mentioned only in v. 24. Gershonites are responsible for the treasuries of the house of God, whilst the Kohathite family administers the treasuries for the dedicated things, w. 26-8, the treasuries of the dedicated things, which are described in detail (unlike those of the house of God), include spoils of war provided by different important persons in a 'democratic' manner typical of Chronicles. The Chronicler probably used Num 31:48, 52, 54 as a literary source for this 'democratic' behaviour. According to Chronicles, these wars had always served the purpose of building a temple. The wars fought by David and Saul are well known. Samuel's wars probably refer to i Sam 7:7-14, whilst Abner and Joab's conflicts probably stem from 2 Sam 2—4.
(Gad and Nathan) confirming the Levites' (permanent!) office as temple musicians, v. i, 'the officers of the army' does not actually refer to the army. The Hebrew word 'army' upon which this is based is an expression for the Levites' rank—as in Num 4, e.g. The Chronicler adopted the term from that chapter; 15:16 uses the term 'chiefs of the Levites', who select the musicians for their office. The term 'set apart' often differentiates the holy from the profane and is used here to denote appointment for a special duty. The 'list' is an appropriate translation for a term usually meaning 'number'. Some commentaries see this word as evidence that w. 2—6 are an insertion, since one would expect the word to be followed by a number, which does not appear until v. 7, after a list of names, v. 5, Heman is the (king's) seer. Asaph (2 Chr 29:30) and Jeduthun (2 Chr 35:15; perhaps together with Asaph and Heman here) are also given this title. This stresses their dependence upon the king and their prophetic role.
The last nine sons of Heman have artificial names which form the following (rather awkward) Psalm if read one after the other: 'Be gracious to me YHWH, be gracious to me, my God art thou; I have magnified, and I will exalt my helper (thy help); sitting in adversity I said, "Clear signs give plentifully" '. This is probably another example of the Chronicler's love of meaningful names. Alternatively, musician families of the period may have been given names corresponding to incipits of individual psalms, although this theory cannot explain why these names form an entire psalm.
At this point, part of the story is implicitly incorporated without being explicitly described by the Chronicler. The reader must know the texts at which the Chronicler is hinting. Mention of Saul, despite receiving a negative judgement by the Chronicler, is not a reflection of popular tradition, nor does it suffice to prove that the Chronicler was not the author of this passage.
w. 29—32, in pre-exilic times, the Levites can hardly have performed the administrative tasks ascribed to them in addition to their religious roles here (cf also 23:4 and 2 Chr 19:11). These must have developed in post-exilic times, though it is naturally impossible to ascertain to what extent. They seem to have been especially important during the Maccabean period. The structure described here resembles an ideal draft: the Levites are responsible both for the business of the Lord and for the service of the king (a duplication typical of Chronicles). Their office incorporated both west-Jordan and Transjordanian territory (the latter being stressed by the style of its presentation). This order is based on David's plans. It was partly carried out in post-exilic times (and not during Josiah's reign, as often presumed). It reflects a time in which spiritual and secular elements were closely intertwined and the religious and political claim to Transjordanian territories had not been relinquished. It was important for the Chronicler that it encompassed the entire region (cf. 2 Chr 19; similar phenomenon).
v. 7, each of the twenty-four musical families has twelve members (24 x 12 = 288). The Chronicler explicitly mentions their skilful ability, since he greatly valued hard work. w. 8-31, lots are drawn to assign offices.
(26:1-32) The Gatekeepers; Further Duties of the Levites The unifying factor in this chapter is that it deals only with Levites: gatekeepers in w. 1—19, the temple treasurers in w. 20—8, and the Levite officials in w. 29-32. This structure is logical since gatekeepers tend to be linked to the musicians, whilst ch. 27 deals with civil administration. There are strongly differing arguments regarding the text's unity and sources.
w. 1-12 contain a list of gatekeepers, whereas w. 13-19 describe the work ascribed to them by lot, with w. 12—13 perhaps serving as a transition passage between the two sections. The gatekeepers in Ezra 2:42-3 (i.e. during the period of return from exile) were not of levitical rank but gradually achieved this status in the course of time. In the list in w. i—n,
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than 20. The Chronicler's justification for this way of proceeding 'for the LORD had promised to make Israel as numerous as the stars of heaven' (cf. e.g. Gen 15:5), is nevertheless inappropriate here. If this were true, the significance of those over 20 would be lost. The passage, to a certain extent, remains a mystery.
(27:1-34) The Organization and Administration of the Kingdom This chapter comprises five parts, of which four deal with the secular organization of David's kingdom and the fifth contains a comment on his census, w. 1-15: the military divisions and their commanders; w. 16-22: the leaders of the tribes; w. 23—4: a comment on the census; w. 25—31: David's civil officers; w. 32—4: David's advisers. Some commentaries regard this chapter to be secondary. Whilst Williamson (1987: 174) also believes this passage to be postChronicles, his evidence is its incompatibility with the list of contents in 23:3—60. Others claim its authenticity by pointing to some elements which are typical of the Chronicler (cf esp. i CHR 27:25-31). Whatever the case, the question whether the passage uses older, historically reliable sources regarding David's (or a later king's) reign must also be answered. It follows on well from ch. 26, which is concerned with the Levites' secular tasks. Seen in their entirety, the previous and present chapters give us an impression of perfect administration and organization—and this is, no doubt, intentional.
w. 25—31, David's treasurers: this section contains detailed information about David's fortune, the geographical dispersal of his estates, and his highest-ranking administrative officers. The list is often regarded as a reliable historical document that correctly reflects David's treasury. Its historical authenticity is supported by a number of impressive arguments: the administration is even simpler than during Solomon's reign and nothing contradicts the list's authenticity. The use of foreigners (Bedouin) as David's administrators would have been concealed in post-Davidic times. These were chosen for their skill at keeping camels and smaller livestock. The round number of twelve senior administrators, which has often been seen as a coincidence, is unsettling. So is the extensive discussion of agriculture, which seems to correspond with the economically obsessed Zeitgeist of the Chronicler (see Uzziah's love of agriculture in 2 Chr 26:10).
w. 1-15, the commanders of the divisions: according to this representation, the military forces consist of 12 divisions of 24,000 men, each subdivided into thousands and hundreds. Each division serves for one month a year. The divisions' commanders are all mentioned in the list of David's heroes (11:10-47), though they are not the first twelve names stated. The total army is enormous (288,000 men) and is only deployed as a militia in times of war. Its organization somewhat resembles the ranks of officers amongst the priests and Levites, whilst the one-month spell of duty reminds one of
w. 32-4, David's closest officials: his kitchen cabinet. These verses are not a parallel to 18:15-17, in which David's state officials are listed. The historical information is given as an aside, showing that they do not form an official list.
(28:1-21) The Order to Build the Temple Together with ch. 29, this chapter follows on from ch. 23:1-2. David (who in contrast to his portrayal in i Kings 1—2 is still in full possession of his powers) addresses all the officials of Israel at an important assembly (w. 2-8). He then turns to Solomon (w. 910, 20-1), handing him plans for the temple's construction. The central themes of this chapter are (David and) Solomon's rule and their keeping of the law, in which the people and the construction of the temple also play an important part. The Chronicler repeats certain points which he has already introduced, varying them significantly, whilst other material is entirely new.
Solomon's system of twelve royal officers in charge of supplying the royal court (i Kings 4:7). Although this army cannot have existed in this form, some incongruities with ch. n as well as certain other details (such as two commanders of some departments) suggest that this passage is based on real circumstances. The question is, what circumstances? In this context, one should note that by contrast to ch. n, the army commanders' origins are named here: they all come from the centre of David's kingdom.
w. 16—22 (24). The list of army leaders (and their departments) is followed by the (political) leaders of the tribes, though their role is not revealed. Presuming w. 23-4 are an integral part of the passage, it is easy to suspect that they were involved in carrying out the census reported in v. 23.
w. 1-2, David addresses all of his people in v. 2, but his first comments in v. i are addressed to the leading ranks of his state, which are listed here more comprehensively than anywhere else in the OT. Thus the Chronicler manages to emphasize both the special responsibility laid upon his officers and the presence of the entire population in a way that would not have been possible if David had addressed both at the same time. w. 2—8 report David's speech to his people. The Chronicler repeats Nathan's promise (2 Chr 17), varying it in a familiarly individual way. w. 4-5, the choice of David and Solomon here is in a sense compared to the system of drawing lots. The resulting impression is stronger than in the source model: YHWH is the active force in creating a kingdom which (as the Chronicler stresses) will be eternal (cf. w. 7-8). Solomon does not accede to the throne after terrible human turmoil. The Chronicler merely refers to such events with the seemingly innocuous words 'And of all my sons, for the Lord has given me many...'. w. 9-10, having given a lengthy sermon to all the officials of Israel, containing many references to YHWH, David addresses Solomon more briefly. In the slightly (but significantly) adapted tone of a Deuteronom-
The twelve tribes are not listed according to a consistent system in the OT, nor does it always use the same names. Different lists reflect different historical realities. This list is most similar to its equivalent in Num i (which also involves a census), though the two are not identical. The omission of Gad and Asher and the claim that the Aaronites were an independent tribe apart from Levi are particularly notable in the present list. Why is the latter, if named at all, not named first? The names of some tribal chiefs can only be found in Chronicles, w. 23-4 are an extremely artistic attempt at twisting the story of the census (ch. 21) to grant David forgiveness for his deed. According to this chapter David forces Joab to carry out the census. Joab, however, fearing the Lord's word, does not include Benjamin and Levi. This passage contains no explicit incrimination of Joab, but (implicitly) exonerates David by making him follow the rules laid down for censuses in Num i (w. 2-4). He counts only those men who were older
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construction materials they used refers back to many other biblical texts.
istic theologoumenon, David calls upon his son to serve YHWH with an undivided mind and a willing heart (a phrase characteristic of the Chronicler). The relationship between this statement and the subsequent explanation that YHWH can search all the hearts of men and understand all men's thoughts is not wholly clear. It is certainly motivating, perhaps stirring up a deeper obedience to the law.
w. 10—29, like prayers in Chronicles, this one serves to emphasize central theological thoughts close to the author's heart at an important turning-point in the narrative. This technique, which is also significant in the Deuteronomistic History becomes increasingly important in Chronicles and intertestamental scriptures. The prayer begins with a doxology which does not directly refer to the context, continues with an interpretation of the voluntary donations and concludes with a double wish, referring backwards and forwards in the text— one calling for these thoughts never to be forgotten by the people, the other addressing the future rule of King Solomon.
w. 11-19, David now gives his orders for the temple's construction, its contents, and all matters pertaining to it. They are based upon God's plans, which David possesses in writing and declares to Solomon. This is probably the best way to understand v. 19. According to Ex 25-31, YHWH first instructed Moses to build a tabernacle before this was carried out. Great weight is given to the fact that it occurred following divine orders. This is also true (though in a different way) of the new temple's construction, which Ezekiel sees in a vision
w. 10—20, the form of this praise of God is unusual, being in the second rather than the third person. Everything belongs to God (the tenfold repetition of the key word 'thine' cannot be a coincidence). In his hand is power and might. The Chronicler develops these thoughts more elaborately than anywhere else. The same idea is contained in the Chronicler's repeated claim that Israel's kingdom belongs to and is granted by YHWH. In an extension of these general ideas, the Chronicler continues by claiming that the voluntary gifts made by the people ultimately stem from the hand of God. The people own nothing but the sincere convictions with which they make the donations (v. 17). There is a combination of absolute humility and profound pride here. An indirectly motivated passage concerning the fragile human condition, which the Chronicler has taken from a variety of source material, is inserted into this second part of the chapter.
(Ezek 40-4). The Chronicler uses these texts, thus clearly diverging from i Kings, where Solomon builds the temple without referring back to divine instructions. This also emphasizes how closely the tabernacle and the temple are connected in Chronicles: the temple is a kind of completion of the preceding tabernacle. Perhaps this passage is an accurate impression of the second temple's actual condition, or at least gives an idea of its ideal form. One peculiarity here is the lack of concrete instructions. The Chronicler only states that they have been given. In a general way they cover all aspects of the cult, including the buildings, their rooms, personnel, (cultic) services, equipment, and the temple's treasury, v. 18 contains three objects: the incense altar made of particularly valuable gold, the golden chariot, and the cherubim which spread their wings to protect the Lord's ark of the covenant.
w. 26—30, summaries of the rule of individual kings are standard practice in the books of Kings. David's rule differs greatly from the usual pattern and is integrated more smoothly into the narrative context (i Kings 2:10-12). Chronicles' version is closer to the other kings' concluding formulae in the books of Kings, though it differs in significant ways. Like its source model, Chronicles distinguishes between David's reign in Hebron and in Jerusalem. Unlike Kings and their Deuteronomistic prototype, Chronicles does not mention David's funeral. This is not due to lost text, since the positive judgement that can accompany a burial note is present in the indirect comparison with Abraham (Gen 25:8), (Isaac 35:29), Gideon (Judg 8:32), and Job (Job 42:17), all of whom died in old age. The Chronicler bestows more riches and honour upon David than upon any of these men.
w. 29-31, David calls upon Solomon to be strong and courageous and to be persistent until all the work has been completed. He encourages his son, reminding him of God's presence (a common phrase (theologoumenon) in Chronicles) and the willing support of the priests, the Levites, and the entire population, providing him with the ideal conditions for the project's implementation.
(29:1—30) Donations for Construction of Temple, David's Prayer, Solomon's Accession to the Throne, Conclusion of Story of David This chapter, which concludes the story of David, divides into four parts: w. 1-9: the voluntary gifts; w. 10—20: David's prayer and the people's reply; w. 21—5:
Solomon's accession to the throne; w. 26—30: concluding praise of David's rule.
In stating his sources, the Chronicler refers back to the three prophets (with their differing titles) who appeared in his text during David's reign. At this point, David's rule is indirectly portrayed as having influence across the entire known world (beyond merely the neighbouring countries). This is clearly an allusion to the Persian empire (and Alexander's realm).
w. 1-9 concern the voluntary gifts. The youth and inexperience of Solomon, David's chosen successor (according to the story of succession), leads the outgoing king to draw the necessary conclusions and take some prudent measures. There are clear parallels here with reports concerning the tabernacle. Moses' call upon the Israelites for voluntary gifts was in fact rather imperative; David prefers to promote his cause. This principle of freedom shows David contributing to the costs of the temple's construction both as a king (as in i
2 Chronicles
Solomon's Rule over the United Kingdom (2 Chr 1:1-01:31)
Kings) and as an ordinary believer. His people's leading classes respond to his call and the people rejoice at the 'willing' (a key word in this chapter) nature of their deeds. Freedom and joy are closely connected. The people give far more than David's private donation. The passage concerning the
The Beginnings of Solomon's Reign (2 Chr 1:1-17)
The Chronicler ignores the confusion surrounding David's successor, beginning this chapter, after an introductory note
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in v. i, with the sacrifice made by Solomon and God's appearance to him at Gibeon. He simultaneously extends and shortens his source model material. As is his habit, he organizes the procession to Gibeon democratically. At the same time he creates a close link between the tabernacle and the temple in Jerusalem, which does not exist in i Kings 3. The extended scene at Gibeon in this chapter is a shortened version of the source model which has then been enriched with the Chronicler's own theology, w. 3-13 contain a 'theology of the sanctuary' in a nutshell.
to his source model. Narrative elements almost entirely give way to speech and letters, w. 2—9, in Solomon's message to Hiram he makes the initial move and keeps the initiative. This skilfully structured passage actually contains temple and temple-cult theology. The temple clearly appears to be the second tabernacle, v. 3, Solomon names everything pertaining to the temple cult here, ordered on the basis of the Pentateuch: see amongst others Ex 30:1-8; Lev 24:5-9; Num 28-9. w. 4-5, the Chronicler uses an adapted argument from the dedicatory prayer in 6:18. He is less concerned with God's transcendence than with his own subjective inability to build a house for God. He must do this, however, in order to make sacrifices to God. v. 6, the man sent by Hiram should—unlike in the source material—not only be skilled in carpentry, but also understand other crafts and be able to work with various materials (note e.g. the curtain in 3:14 which does not appear in the source). He is the equivalent of Bezalel and his assistant Oholiab, who constructed the tabernacle (cf. Ex 31:1—8). The Chronicler creates another parallel with David here: just as he worked together with the Phoenicians (i Chr 22:4) so does his
In the source model, God's appearance at Gibeon is followed by the story of Solomon's judgement. It allows Solomon to display the wisdom that has just been bestowed upon him. As with all pieces in the source concerning Solomon's wisdom, the Chronicler omits this episode. While some exegetes claim thatthe passage taken from i Kings 10:26-9 describing Solomon's wealth (w. 14-17) is used to stress Solomon's wisdom, others argue that this insertion serves the purpose of proving that Solomon had the necessary wealth to construct the temple. (David had, however, already supplied the necessary materials.) The passage is repeated in an only slightly altered form in 9:25—8, at the end of Solomon's rule. This repetition underlines the importance the Chronicler attached to wealth (and thus power) as signs of God's blessing.
son Solomon here. It is, however, made clear that foreign craftsmen do not build the temple alone. They work under the auspices of masters stemming from Judah and Jerusalem
(the two names are often employed for the post-exilic temple community), w. 10-15, letters as part of historic works are known from Greek (and Roman) historiography. The Chronicler is perhaps orientating his text by them. v. 14, 'my lord': this statement completely endorses Solomon's supremacy over Hiram, v. 15, Joppa is an important post-exilic Israelite port (if not the most important, Jon 1:3; Ezra 3:7). Ezra 3:7, which also concerns trading relations with the Phoenicians
(1:1-13) Solomon's Sacrifice and Prayer at Gibeon w. 3-5, the Chronicler attempts to unite all legitimate cultic sites and the most important cultic objects. Solomon begins his reign by concerning himself with the cult once he has secured his accession—just as David did. The priestly theology of the Pentateuch concentrates on the tabernacle bearing the ark at its centre, whilst the historical texts focus entirely on the ark. The Chronicler combines both perspectives, underlining the presence of the tabernacle as the temple's precursor. It is stressed that Moses created the tabernacle in the desert. The tabernacle which is mentioned earlier in i Chr 16:39; 2I:29 must be distinguished from the tent for the ark that David erects in Jerusalem, v. 9, the Chronicler no doubt deliberately turns 'a great people, so numerous they cannot be numbered or counted' (i Kings 3:8) into 'a people as numerous as the dust of the earth': the same address is made to Jacob (i.e. Israel), the most important founding father in Chronicles (Gen 28:14). Despite shortening his source material, the Chronicler adds a new element here, namely the reference to a promise of an eternal dynasty made to his father (let your promise to my father David now be fulfilled'; cf. i Chr 17:1112). This reflection back to David can also be found in v. i, where Solomon is pointedly introduced as David's son.
(Sidon and Tyre), is probably the source for this passage. Above all it explicitly mentions Lebanese wood being transported across the sea to Joppa. v. 16, the possible interpretation of i Kings 9:22 (cf. 5:29), by which no Israelites were employed as forced labourers, becomes a certainty here. In keeping with the general tendency of Chronicles, the foreigners are no longer regarded as such, since they have such a close relationship with the people of Israel. Again the Chronicler stresses that Solomon acts like his father (i Chr 22:2).
(3:1—17) Construction of the Temple: Measurements, Holy of Holies, Interior Decoration However much the Chronicler wished to legitimize the temple as a place of worship, he comments much more briefly on its construction and interior decoration than his source text, though keeping its structure. The report in i Kings 6 was greatly reworked, resulting in a rather poor piece of literature. This may have been one reason for the Chronicler's alterations. Another reason could be his lack of interest in God's dwelling as a building. It is impossible to say by what criteria he shortens this passage. He occasionally concentrates on the central theme, whilst noting details (which he perhaps knew from the second temple) elsewhere. The Chronicler often draws parallels between the temple and the desert tabernacle. This chapter even links it with Abraham. Many parts of this text are unclear or even spoilt, especially concerning the measurements. This commentary only touches upon such a technically complicated subject.
(1:14—17) Solomon's Wealth w. 14—17, Solomon's riches here are almost identical with the source model (i Kings 10:26—9).
Construction of the Temple (2 Chr 1:18-7:22)
(1:18—2:17) Solomon's Contract with Hiram of Tyre Solomon eagerly engages in his father's (and not the Phoenician king's) construction project. Unlike the author of his source material, the Chronicler takes every step to diminish the Tyrian's contribution to the temple's construction. Above all he states that
Solomon is stronger and more important than Hiram. The temple he erects is both a sacrificial site and God's residence. This explains the strong emendations the Chronicler makes
w. 1-2, the author of the books of Kings calculates dates not only from the year of Solomon's accession, but also by the
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from 2 Chronicles; i Kings 7:38 corresponds to 2 Chr 4:6; i Kings 7:38—90 is reworked at 2 Chr 4:600, but w. 60/7—9 have
Exodus, which is important to Deuteronomistic historiographers. This emphasis is greatly reduced in Chronicles. The Chronicler is not as interested in the exact date of the temple's construction (omitting the month Ziv as recorded in i Kings 6:1), as in its exact position and its authentication: YHWH appeared to David on Mount Moriah, and the king fixed its place which was confirmed by YHWH who sent fire from heaven on the altar of burnt offering. The name of Mount Moriah appears elsewhere only in the story of Isaac's sacrifice (Gen 22:2), which clearly contains hidden references to the temple of Jerusalem. Moriah can be interpreted in folk etymology as 'appearance of the Lord'. Since YHWH has already appeared to David, the Chronicler can use this element to develop a motif which has its roots in Gen 22. (The Samaritans identify their holy Mount Gerizim as the mountain upon which Isaac was to be sacrificed, although only much later; however, v. 3 does not contain any polemic content directed against the Samaritans.)
no origin in Kings, and i Kings 7:39^—51 corresponds to 2 Chr 4:10-5:1. This gives the literary action in ch. 4 a clear unity. The attempt at a solution cannot, however, explain why the Chronicler was prepared to take so many contradictions into account (though this is also the case elsewhere). It is notable that the Chronicler omits the (lengthy) passage concerning the stands for the basins, though they reappear in v. 14. Perhaps the figures upon them seemed too heathen for the Chronicler! His insertion of w. 7-10 disturbs the more convincing order of his source text. He seems keen to add some golden implements at this point of the text.
v. i, the bronze altar appears only later in the source model (i Kings 8:64; 2 Kings 16:14-15). The style of the description here (including mention of measures) is more typical of i Kings. This leads to the suggestion that this section was lost from i Kings 7 over the course of time. The altar, probably made of wood and covered with bronze, was an impressive size. The measures mentioned probably refer to the base. v. 6, the basins' original function is unclear: they seem to have been related to cosmological symbolism and were thus heathen in the eyes of the Chronicler. He claims them to be Israelite in order to allow him to refer back to Ex 30:17-21, where a copper basin is used for ceremonial washing, thus integrating them into the sacrificial cult.
w. 6—7, perhaps there was a mosaic made with precious stones on the floor (cf i Chr 29:2).
From v. 8 onwards, the parallels between the temple and the tabernacle become stronger, as the repeated phrase 'he made', which characterizes the report in Exodus, emphasizes, v. 9, 'nails ... of gold': fifty shekels of gold is far too much for one nail and too little for all of them. This is probably a symbolic number (cf. 2 Sam 24:24). The fact that such small objects as nails are mentioned at all could suggest that a relatively small amount of gold was used for the second temple. These golden nails have certain parallels with the (differently named) golden nails in Ex 26:32, 37. v. 10, unlike his source, the Chronicler does not mention the height of the cherubim, instead stressing the art with which they were constructed and the gold used to cover them. He values quality above all. w. 11—13, again> unlike the source, this text gives a more exact impression of the cherubims' position. This addition may have been due to the Chronicler's desire to be precise, v. 14, the source does not mention a curtain in Solomon's temple. Was it originally mentioned in i Kings 6:2ib and later lost? According to Josephus (J.W. 5.5.5) a curtain certainly existed in the second temple. In any case the curtain reminds us strongly of the tabernacle (Ex 26:31).
w. 7-9, the Chronicler uses the list of golden materials in i Kings 7:48-50 (cf. w. 19-22) earlier than his source model, presenting them in the order of his own (original) list in i Chr 28:15—18. v. 7, the tabernacle was equipped with only one lampstand (Ex 25:31), an interesting similarity to 13:11. v. 8, in both the tabernacle (Ex 25:23-30) and Solomon's temple (i Kings 7:48) the number of tables was not ten, but one. By contrast to the one table (Ex 25; i Kings 7) and the Chronicler's shewbread tables (i Chr 28:16), these are not explicitly characterized as covered in gold—a surprise, given the Chronicler's love of the material, v. 9, i Kings 6:36 mentions the inner courtyard only briefly. In keeping with the values of the time, the Chronicler distinguishes clearly between the priests' court and the precinct for laymen. (5:2-6:2) The Ark's Installation The Chronicler made extensive cuts to his report on the temple's construction, as a comparison with his source model shows. Apart from i Kings 8:53-61, he does, however, use everything in Kings relating to its consecration, even adding his own material. Whilst i Kings 8—9 consists almost entirely of speeches, there are more narrative elements in its equivalent passage in Chronicles. Ch. 5 follows its source in Kings quite closely, though it includes a festive ceremony celebrating the ark's placement in the temple. YHWH then takes (provisional) possession of the temple and his magnificence is hailed.
(4:1-5:1) Further Interior Decoration By contrast to his reworking of previous passages, the Chronicler followed his source model in i Kings 7:39—50 closely to produce 4:10—22, which has led some commentators to suggest that this passage is a later insertion intended to bring Chronicles closer to Kings and to add omitted material. This is supported by several contradictions to ch. 3 in this section (cf. e.g. 3:16 with 4:12). (The Chronicler's description of the temple's construction omits references to gates (i Kings 6:31-5), probably because the curtain replaced them; they reappear in 4:22 (i Kings 7:50).) The theory is flawed for two reasons, however: such an insertion or gloss would also have been necessary elsewhere and there is no specific reason for changing this section alone. Japhet (1993: 562) takes a different line, pointing out that the Chronicler adhered strictly to his source model for orientation—even using its order of events—whilst omitting some parts and making other additions: i Kings 7:23—6 corresponds to 2 Chr 4:2—5; i Kings 7:27—37 is omitted
5:4, the Chronicler replaces the ark-bearing priests with Levites, thereby conforming with Moses' instructions in Deut 10:8; 31:25 and David's orders in i Chr 15:2 (leaving the priests with the more important sacrificial duties). As v. 7 and 29:16 show, Levites are forbidden to enter the most holy place. 5:11-13, the Chronicler cannot imagine that the final act of placing the ark in the most holy place was not accompanied by
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theology by highlighting the importance of the ark and the anointed. Peace and calm under Solomon's reign are the prerequisites for the temple's construction. Only Solomon (not David) can supply them. Once the temple has been constructed God can be at rest. The psalm passage also refers to the priests who play a central role in the (Chronicler's) temple cult. It includes the terms 'salvation' (source model: 'righteousness'), rejoice (source model: 'shout for joy'), goodness, all of which are central themes for the Chronicler, though he only touches on them here.
a ceremony. He therefore creates one himself. Itlacks nothing that he values and is uplifting. All participants are sanctified
(cf i Chr 15:14) and all three musician families are present, singing and playing. Their cries, 'For he is good, for his steadfast love endures for ever' (cf. i Chr 16:41), are especially close to the Chronicler's heart. Everything occurs unanimously (resembling the support for David in i Chr 12:39). 5:13, only once music has begun does a cloud fill the house— one which must have reminded the Chronicler of the cloud which came down on the tent of meeting in the desert (e.g. Num 12:5). 6:i, the Chronicler simplifies the scarcely comprehensible text in his source model, keeping only the idea that God wished to dwell in darkness. The Hebrew expression for this links it with God's manifestation on Mt. Sinai (Ex 20:21; Deut 4:11; 5:22), which must have suited the Chronicler. God now appears at his eternal cultic residence. (6:3-42) Consecration of the Temple; King's Speech; Dedicatory Prayer After a doxology, the first part of this chapter deals with the choice of Jerusalem and David and the temple's construction. The promises given by YHWH regarding them have been fulfilled. The second part of the chapter contains a lengthy prayer, or rather a prayer-formula (and a prayer-theory) that refers particularly to the perilous situation of the individual and the people (w. 32—3 are concerned with foreigners). Only the chapter's conclusion and its final plea differ greatly from its source model. The Chronicler follows i Kings 8 so closely because the subject-matter is also central to his own theological perspective (David's dynasty and the temple). Furthermore, the perilous situations described in the prayer-formula are both timeless and also may have been a contemporary problem (to some extent) for the Chronicler.
(7:1—22) Conclusion of the Ceremony and God's Covenant for the Temple By a series of omissions and additions, the Chronicler changes his source material (i Kings 8-9) to give the narrative a more flowing and logical structure. He deletes i Kings 8:54—61, much of which is a paraenetic warning conforming with the Chronicler's own principles. In v. 55, Solomon blesses his people, a privilege reserved for priests in post-exilic society. The main reason for the omission of this relatively long passage lies in the Chronicler's wish to report on God's positive response to the plea expressed in 6:41, most importantly his acceptance of the temple as his own. He thus describes God's descent upon the temple in the Chronicler's own material in w. 1—3. The Chronicler subsequently returns to his source model for orientation, though he cannot resist mentioning the musical duties of the Levites in connection with the sacrifices performed (v. 6). w. 13—15 form a third substantial addition to the source text, in which YHWH does not summarize his response (as in Kings), but actually uses some of the dedicatory prayer's language in his reply.
w. 1—3 legitimize the sacrifices, the altar, and the temple. This section applies Lev 9:122)23—4 to the temple. (The people's blessing as performed by Moses and Aaron in v. 23 is omitted, however.) The tabernacle and the temple are two forms of the same holy place. YHWH's glory took provisional possession of the temple in 5:13—14 and was described in similar terms. Here, there is the added element of an endorsing fire which falls from the heavens. These events are witnessed not only by the religious elite, but also by all the Israelites, since God's glory does not only fill the temple, but is also above it (cf. also Ex4o:34 for v. 2). Williamson (1987: 222) goes against the general consensus by claiming that this report does refer back to 5:13-14, and that v. 2 ought to be translated as an adverbial sentence in English: 'and during all this time the glory of YHWH still filled the temple'.
w. 24—39, According to Williamson (1987: 219) w. 24—5, 34-5, 36-9 could be a reference to the revolution against the Persians led by Tennes the Sidonian, which resulted in deportation to Hyrcania, Babylon, and elsewhere, w. 32—3, in the time between the conception of Kings and the Chronicler's own lifetime, the significance of foreigners to the people of Israel had increased; this led to a changed theological perspective on God's attitude towards them. They are clearly given the opportunity of turning to God here. w. 34—9, the theme of imprisonment plays a central role in this passage. The author of the source model in i Kings 8 had the (Babylonian) Exile in mind, which had developed into a diaspora (in Babylon and Egypt) by the Chronicler's time. This changed situation is reflected in the unspecific nature of the Chronicler's call to help those still living abroad, i Kings 8:50 ('and grant them compassion in the sight of their captors, so that they may have compassion on them') can be seen as a call for them to return to the holy land. Such a return is not appropriate for the diaspora of the Chronicler's time. He also omits mention of the Exodus here and in Solomon's concluding plea. Interestingly, however, i Kings 8:50 is taken up again in the letter written by Hezekiah to the rest of the northern kingdom
w. 8-10, in i Kings 8:66, the celebration surrounding the temple's dedication and the Feast of Tabernacles, lasting seven days, seem to be simultaneous. This impression is corrected at the end of the previous verse ('seven days and seven days, even fourteen days'—there were two separate feasts) and the Chronicler removes any remaining doubt on this. According to his version the temple dedication and the Feast of Tabernacles cannot possibly take place simultaneously: the temple dedication takes place from the 8th to the I4th of the seventh month, whilst the Feast of Tabernacles lasts from the I5th until the 2ist of the same month. The concluding feast (as in Lev 23:36, 39) is on the 22nd, so that Solomon can dismiss the festive community on the 23rd, as stated in v. 10. The Chronicler's Solomon adheres strictly to the festal calendar according to the Pentateuch, Moses' law. v. n grandly
(30:9). v. 40, the Chronicler keeps only a bare skeleton of the source model's plea, deleting the reference to the Exodus and therefore to Moses.
w. 41-2, by contrast to the source model, Solomon's prayer ends positively. Here, the Chronicler takes Ps 132:8-10 and greatly changes it to enhance the central themes of his own
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to marry his daughter to Solomon). He rewrites the information given in the source. Solomon's wife is not to come into close contact with holy matters, not because she is a foreigner, but because she is a woman. Thus a house is built out of necessity, rather than in a gesture of high regard.
concludes the section in Chronicles, whilst the parallel text in its source model opens the following section. It is an opportunity to deliver one of the Chronicler's favourite messages: since Solomon behaves in an exemplary manner, his every undertaking succeeds.
v. 14, there are four ways in which the Israelites could move YHWH to action: humility, prayer, seeking his face, and turning from wicked ways. These become repeated themes in the following chapters, w. 17-22, a form of theodicy: it explains the Davidic monarchy's collapse and the temple's destruction, v. 18. In an important alteration from the source model, the Chronicler turns 'a successor on the throne of Israel' (i Kings 9:5) into 'a successor to rule over Israel'. Should this phrase (which is taken from Mic 5:1) imply messianic undertones? if it does, could it be that the Chronicler did not necessarily require the Messiah to be a king? This would mean that an exemplary high priest could have taken this position at the time of the Chronicler, v. 18 contradicts this theory, since the Chronicler deletes the phrase 'over Israel for ever' from his source. In v. 19, he omits the phrase 'or your children', thereby invoking the responsibilities of the present generation.
w. 12—16, the cult: the source model reports that Solomon made burnt-offerings and peace-offerings including incense three times a year (i.e. at pilgrim festivals) at the altar. The Chronicler greatly extends this passage, v. 13, the order of sacrifice is derived from Moses' instructions and conforms with the Pentateuch (cf. however, v. 14). The three annual festivals are named here, along with the daily sacrifices, which are sorely missed by the Chronicler in his source model. The sabbath and the new moons are also mentioned here. This systematized description aims at being complete, v. 14, the regulations regarding the temple personnel cannot be as easily derived from Moses as the Pentateuch's sacrifices, leading the Chronicler to refer them back to David. Does this signify a lesser dignity ascribed to them than the sacrificial rules?
The Queen ofSheba, Solomon's Wealth, and his Death (2 Chr 9:1-31)
Various Reports on Solomon (2 Chr 8:1-18)
The source text of this passage (i Kings 9:10-28) is not homogeneous in its content; however, the Chronicler regards the events described in it as a unity. They are placed in the period of the temple's foundation up to the project's conclusion. The successful expedition to Ezion-geber takes place at the same time (cf. w. 16, 17). As Williamson (1987: 233) has nicely demonstrated, it represents a reward for the temple's construction. The Chronicler employs his usual methods in reworking his source material in this passage: he deletes (i Kings 9:14-170), he inserts (3, 4^-5, nfc, 13-160), and he emends (v. 2).
(9:1-12) The Queen of Sheba's Visit The story of the Queen of Sheba's visit to Jerusalem, along with other reports regarding Solomon's wisdom, are probably among the latest pieces in the books of Kings. The Chronicler makes an almost identical copy of this story, since it fits extremely well in his political and theological plan, particularly in his striving for international recognition of Judah's rulers (cf. e.g. i Chr 14:17). The Chronicler makes a few stylistic changes to his source model (i Kings 10:1-13) as W£U as tw0 important theological alterations in v. 8, whilst strengthening Solomon's position in his relationship with the Queen of Sheba at certain points.
w. i—6, according to Willi (1972: 76), the source model the Chronicler used was damaged, which would explain many of the discrepancies between the two texts. It is difficult to regard the Chronicler's usual editing methods as the cause of some of these, w. 1—2, in the source text, Solomon is forced to cede twenty cities to Hiram, king of Tyre, the quality of which Hiram complains about. The Chronicler probably inverts this unwelcome information and drastically reduces its length. Another theory suggests that both versions could be applicable: Hiram and Solomon cede cities to each other (in an exchange?). Willi shows how easily the manuscript (see, amongst others, LXX) could be misinterpreted as to who gave what to whom. The source model's text does not presume that Hiram had to pay for the cities. The 120 talents of gold mentioned there do not appear in Chronicles and are more probably a gift or tribute, both of which are historically more unlikely than the cession of cities to Hiram. The idea that
v. 8, the monarchy and the throne belong to God, as the Chronicler never tires of declaring. Thus he replaces 'set you on the throne of Israel' with 'set you on his [i.e. God's] throne'. Going beyond his source model, the Chronicler also emphasizes that God established Israel forever—a logical statement since the kingdom belongs to God.
(9:13—28) Solomon's Wealth The section contains substantial information regarding Solomon's splendour and power, following on well from the story of the Queen of Sheba's visit. Its content partly overlaps with the descriptions in 1:14-17. Solomon's power and wealth frame the description of Solomon's reign; in v. 26 the Chronicler includes i Kings 5:1. This insertion and other alterations distinguish the episode in Chronicles from its source model in i Kings 10.
v. 18, the Hebrew source model (wrongly) vocalizes 'round head' instead of'bull head'. The Chronicler reads 'bull head', seeing it as a reference to heathen deities, unacceptable to him. Thus he replaces the phrase with 'a footstool of gold', adding more gold to the already richly decorated passage, v. 21, the expression 'ships of Tarshish' (i Kings 10:22) roughly means 'large, seaworthy vessels'. The Chronicler misunderstands the phrase and lets the ships sail to Spain (Tarshish). Solomon and Hiram undertake a combined expedition in the source model. The Chronicler does not accept this, sending the king's ship to sea with no more than Hiram's men.
Solomon sent Israelites to settle there is unique and strange (cf. the Assyrian policy towards the defeated northern kingdom in 2 Kings 17:24-8).
w. 7—10, the remaining population of other peoples were broughtup as slave workers by Solomon. Israelites, who acted as guards, were exempted, v. n, Solomon, proud at having the Pharaoh's daughter as his bride, builds her a house. This motif is unknown to the Chronicler (if he had taken it over, he would have asserted that the Pharaoh was proud to be able
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w. 25-8, in this passage v. 250 corresponds with i Kings 5:6
democratic inclinations, the Chronicler cannot compromise the high position of the king.
(though the source modelcontains4O,ooo, insteadof4,ooo— a transcription error?), v. 25/7 with i Kings 10:26/7, and w. 27—8 with i Kings 10:27-8. Some of the omitted parts of i Kings 10 can be found in i: 14-17. It is difficult to discover the individual reasons for this complicated reorganization of the text.
Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:1-12:16)
(11:1-23) The Beginning of Rehoboam's Reign Rehoboam's reign clearly falls into two phases: he is rewarded for his adherence to the way of God by constructing fortresses, increasing the number of priests, Levites, and laymen from the north, and bringing up a large family. His increased power makes him arrogant, however, leading to his godless phase.
(9:29—31) Solomon's Death v. 29, the Chronicler makes three changes to the source text's concluding acknowledgement of Solomon: 'from first to last' replaces 'all that he did (i Kings 11:41), a common correction made by the Chronicler. He also deletes Solomon's wisdom from the source model. The king is wise also in Chronicles, but this is not his most significant quality. For the same reason, the Chronicler deletes other passages referring to his wisdom. '[I]n the Book of the Acts of Solomon' (source model) is replaced by 'in the history of the prophet Nathan, and in the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of the seer Iddo concerning Jeroboam son of Nebat'. Like David (i Chr 29:29), Solomon is given three prophetic sources which the Chronicler claims to have reworked (they are of course none other than i Kings i-n): Nathan was active at the beginning of Solomon's reign (i Kings i), whilst Ahijah appears at its end (i Kings 11:29). Iddo is mentioned again as a source for the books of Kings in 12:15 (Rehoboam) and 13:22 (Abijah). He is not mentioned at all in i Kings, though the Chronicler may have recognized Iddo in the anonymous prophet of i Kings 13:1-10.
From now on, the Chronicler ignores everything that exclusively concerns the northern kingdom, concentrating on Judah (and its relations with the northern kingdom!). The Chronicler compensates for the loss of the report on Jeroboam by dealing with all important matters within the report inversely: building (i Kings 12:25: Jeroboam's motives in building a fortress are to reunify the kingdom of Israel), religious life (i Kings 12:26-33: the king makes two golden calves and sets them up in Bethel and Dan, and he appoints new priests; these measures are judged negatively), the family (i Kings 14:1-18: Jeroboam loses a son). Conclusion: wherever Jeroboam acts wrongly or is unlucky, Rehoboam behaves correctly and is fortunate.
w. 1—4, Rehoboam refrains from waging war against Jeroboam due to prophetic intervention. This is an example of the obedience for which he is rewarded. Here the Chronicler keeps closely to the source text (although he naturally omits the report on Jeroboam's coronation, since this affects the northern kingdom alone), w. 5-12, God-fearing kings may build, and especially may erect fortresses. This is part of the Chronicler's dogma of retribution for which the enormous buildings of Alexander and the Diadochian kingdoms during the Chronicler's time must have served as an impressive example, w. 6-10 are a list of the cities that were transformed into fortresses. Apart from Adoraim, all cities are mentioned elsewhere in the OT. They lie east, south, and west of Judah, but are not listed in any strict order, although the first four lie to the east. It is especially surprising that Arad is omitted and Hebron is mentioned last. The north is not protected by fortresses, inferring that Rehoboam did not wish to endanger the reunification they hoped for.
The History of Judah from the Division of the
United Kingdom to its Collapse, and to Cyrus's Edict (2 Chr 10:1-36:23)
The Loss of the Ten Northern Tribes (2 Chr 10:1-19)
The kingdom's division presents the Chronicler with a difficult problem. According to Deuteronomistic literature, it is caused above all by Solomon's falling away from God. It is YHWH's will that the northern tribes should be ruled by Jeroboam, as his prophet Ahijah the Shilonite proclaims (i Kings n). The Chronicler ignores Solomon's falling away and sin, regarding the northern kingdom as illegitimate. Whilst he cannot even out all the contradictions resulting from this clash between the source model and his own ideology, the Chronicler attempts to conceal some of them: the omission of i Kings ii increases Rehoboam's responsibility, even if this is immediately revoked by the reference to his tender age and the cowardly men around him at 13:7. Jeroboam appears in the same chapter, not as the upright man of i Kings n, but as a rebel against Solomon rising up against the legitimate monarchy. The Chronicler's reinterpretation of i Kings 12 is a central theme in ch. 13 but only a side issue in ch. 10. Clearly, the Chronicler conforms with the source model's interpretation that the kingdom's division was God's will, thereby implying a reference to Ahijah's prophecy (omitted by the Chronicler) and thus to Solomon's guilt. The Chronicler's omission of Jeroboam's accession to the throne is selfexplanatory.
w. 13-17 describe the consequences in Judah of Jeroboam's cult 'reforms'. According to the source model, Jeroboam placed two golden calves in Bethel and Dan and recruited new non-Levite priests who pledged allegiance to him. The Chronicler combines these two reports in one and adds to them (v. 15). He then states the essential consequences this had upon Judah. v. 14, 'they left their common lands and their holdings': a remark typical of the Chronicler, who was interested in possessions above all. The remark is not essential to the present context. 'Jeroboam and his sons': this expression makes a cryptic reference to the religious nature of future conflicts between the northern and southern kingdoms, v. 16, the reaction: laymen from the northern kingdom come to Jerusalem in an attempt to take part in the only legitimate sacrificial rite. Whether they are merely pilgrims or wish to settle in Judah is not entirely clear. Precisely what Jeroboam wished to avoid with his religious policy actually takes place: people pour out of the northern kingdom into Jerusalem.
v. 7, the Chronicler weakens the source model, by which Rehoboam should be a servant to his people, listen to them... only a friendly attitude towards the people, kindness, and good words are expected of him in Chronicles. Despite his
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describes the composition of the army according to the soldiers' place of origin and weaponry. Lybians and Ethiopians: also in Nah 3:9; Dan 11:43 (perhaps taken from here); 2 Chr 16:8. The Sukkites appear only here. Does this structure perhaps indirectly mirror the Chronicler's contemporary situation? The army is rather large, but not enormous in comparison to other armies against which Judah must fight. Those who regard this as documentation of a historic source readily assume that the 60,000 horsemen were actually 6,000. v. 4, according to the inscription upon which Shishak describes his campaign, he seems mainly to have conquered (unfortified) settlements in the Negeb. Aijalon is the only city fortified by Rehoboam that is mentioned on the inscription. The Chronicler cannot allow the Pharaoh to conquer these cities without giving theological reasons. Thus, Rehoboam must be punished where he is strongest and where it hurts most. w. 5—8, the prophet Shemaiah's intervention is an example of regular interventions made by prophets at times when the king and his kingdom are in danger (cf. e.g. ch. 20). Shemaiah addresses the king and the princes of Judah. Judah is a political term while Israel is meant religiously, implying Judah's claim to be the sole legitimate monarchy instituted by YHWH. Shemaiah's speech is filled with theologoumena which are typical for the Chronicler, their order and the inclusion of elements found only here giving the text its unmistakable character, v. 5, 'You abandoned me, so I have abandoned you': the Chronicler uses such repetitions of the same (Heb.) words in his constructions. This also linguistically emphasizes the dogma of retribution expressed here.
w. 18-21, according to the Chronicler, as is evident in the 'genealogical forecourt', a large family and numerous children are an indication of God's blessing. The Chronicler does not report on Solomon's large family, perhaps because it is combined with the idea of idolatry. His work contains numerous other references to large families (which do not appear in his sources—see e.g. i Chr 3:1—9). w. 18—20, the statements concerning Rehoboam's two wives cannot be made compatible with others mentioned elsewhere (or only by using extremely audacious constructions). What appears important is that (at least) the reader notices that Mahalath and Maachah are both closely related to David's family.
(12:1—16) Rehoboam's Established Rule and his Falling away from God The Chronicler typically reworks i Kings 14:21-31, using deletions and insertions, amongst other editing methods. The source text begins with a general description of Rehoboam's rule, portraying the Judahites as terrible sinners, before continuing with Shishak's military campaign and ending with the concluding judgement passed upon all kings in the books of Kings. In Chronicles, Rehoboam has already been active as king (11:5—23). Thus the text contains merely a programmatic reference to his kingdom's increase in power and the king's violation of the law, before leading directly on to Shishak's campaign. As elsewhere in Chronicles, a prophet (Shemaiah) intervenes with words of reprimand. These have the desired effect, as Rehoboam becomes more God-fearing and therefore more powerful. From this point on, the Chronicler follows his source model more closely, with the paradoxical result of having to let Rehoboam sin once more to conform with it. The passage closes with references to the sources and a note on the king's burial. Thus the Chronicler transforms a three-part structure in his source model (Rehoboam's rule, Shishak's campaign, Rehoboam's rule) into two parts: Shishak's campaign, Rehoboam's rule.
w. 6—8, the kings and princes act immediately and correctly as a consequence of this criticism. They humble themselves, which leads, also immediately, to God's leniency in response: Jerusalem is not conquered, but its people must experience being ruled by foreign powers instead of the Lord. The Hebrew root of 'servant/service' is highlighted here and used three times, v. 12, things also went well in Judah: this either means that Judah itself behaved correctly, or that it did not suffer too much. For the Chronicler, these two sentences go together like two sides of a coin. Thus the uncertainty surrounding its correct translation is not important, w. 13-14 describe a further phase of Rehoboam's rule. As soon as he has recovered, Rehoboam immediately apostasizes again (cf. v. i). Once more he is criticized only in general terms: 'He did not set his heart to seek the LORD' (typical terminology).