Part 44
(Mt 23:35). The present passage may be the historical original, or itself part of the literary development, w. 3-4 show striking similarities with 7:14-15, so much so that it has been argued that this is a variant version of the same story. But the heavily symbolic name given to the unsuspecting child has markedly different overtones: 'the spoil speeds, the prey hastens'. (8:5-8) What follows is printed in prose in NRSV but as poetry in REB and some other translations. This has two implications. We are reminded of the uncertainty of our criteria for determining poetry. Perhaps more important, our approach may be different; we expect factual information from prose, whereas poetry is recognized as allusive and opaque. This passage starts with the idea of rejection, though it is not made clear in what sense the people have rejected Shiloah, the local Jerusalem stream. But 'melt in fear' depends on an emendation of the Hebrew text, which has 'rejoice in' (so RSV; NRSV rather disingenuously has 'Meaning of Hebrew uncertain'). Perhaps the condemnation is of those in Jerusalem (dismissively 'this people') who believe that political solutions of their problems are feasible. But with v. 7 we find the contrast between the gentle stream and God's judgement pictured as a mighty river, destroying all before it. The metaphor becomes a mixed one as the river turns into a bird with wings, and the section ends with a puzzling reference to Immanuel. Whatever its original force the term here has connotations of judgement.
(8:9—15) w. 9—10 (poetry in NRSVas well as in other versions) scarcely fit the context; they are an oracle of judgement warning all those who conspire against the community that the presence of Immanuel ('God is with us') will overthrow their plans, w. 11—15, me theme of conspiracy is taken further, but this time it is addressed against the community itself (or at least some element within it). Though there are details in the passage which are obscure, the general thrust is clear. Political solutions to the community's problems are no solutions; they are to trust in YHWH. 'Let him be your fear, and let him be your dread.'
(8:16—18) These verses have played an important part in shaping theories about the composition of Isaiah; indeed they have been required to bear more weight than they can legitimately stand. They have been read as requiring the 'sealing' of the prophet's words among his disciples, with the implication that they were to guard them and in due course publish them. Isaiah himself, it is argued, withdrew from public ministry, committing his testimony to his followers. Even where so sweeping a conclusion as this has been avoided, it has still been customary to see here the end of the supposed autobiographical Denkschrift which extended from 6:1. Such interpretations seem to read too much into the
(9:2—7) How much of this Psalm-like poem refers to earlier passages must remain doubtful. Are the 'people who walked in darkness' those described in 9:1? Does the child bear any relation to the one mentioned in 7:14? What is certain is that this is a psalm of thanksgiving, closely comparable to such a poem as Ps 2. v. 2, 'deep darkness'; the Hebrew word(s) sal mawet are the same as are found in Ps 23 and traditionally translated 'shadow of death'. 'Death' should probably not be
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specific additions, referring to the north ('Ephraim and the inhabitants of Samaria') as the victims and the Arameans and Philistines as the attackers. At a later stage a redactor has linked this with the preceding passage by referring to the enemies of Rezin of Damascus, but NRSV dismisses this part ofthe text to the margin.
taken literally; the expression is a kind of superlative, meaning 'deepest shadow', v. 3, this is one of the most famous 'mistranslations' of the older versions, which introduced a misleading negative: 'and not increased the joy'. This nonsensical reading can still commonly be heard in Christmas services, though all later translations, such as NRSV, have followed the alternative form of Hebrew which is literally 'increased joy to it'. A successful harvest and the time of dividing the spoil after a battle had been won were the traditional times of rejoicing.
(9:13—17) Another oracle, closely related to what has preceded, sets out one view ofthe reasons for disaster. The people did not 'turn' (the same root sub, as is used ofthe child Shearjashub, 7:3) and therefore the whole structure of society was at risk. A particular concern was the danger from prophets; with conflicting messages, all claiming prophetic inspiration, whom was one to believe? The hostile way in which prophets are referred to here (and cf. 28:7) must make it questionable whether the individual Isaiah was himself a prophet. Would he have spoken so slightingly of a group to which he himself belonged? Perhaps it was only later, possibly Deuteronomistic, shaping which brought all the great figures together under the heading 'prophets' (Carroll 1992: 90—1).
w. 4—5 are printed as poetry but may rather be a prosaic addition, linking the scenes of joy in the poem with comparable occasions from the people's history. 'The day of Midian' is most probably a reference to the story of Gideon in Judg 6-8, a rare example for Isaiah of such a cross-reference. Though the joy has been compared to the gaining of booty, this verse somewhat illogically looks for an end to any such fighting in the future.
v. 6, here is the climax ofthe Psalm. If, as is quite likely, God is the speaker, then what seems like an announcement of a birth may more properly be understood as a coronation or enthronement of an earthly king (cf Ps 2:7), where the king is proclaimed as God's son. What follows is a series of titles, possibly comparable to the titles given to Egyptian pharaohs (von Rad 19660). Four throne-names are given to the newly crowned ruler: 'Wonderful Counsellor' speaks ofthe potential achievements of the king: the word translated 'wonderful' comes from the same root as that regularly used of God's mighty deliverance at the Exodus. 'Mighty God' may imply divine kingship, for which there is some evidence in ancient Israel (cf. Ps 45:6), or 'God' here maybe a kind of superlative: 'Divine Warrior'. 'Everlasting Father' brings out the theme of the king as protector, 'father', of his people; and 'Prince of Peace' implies both freedom from war and the prosperity implicit in salom. In traditional Judaism, these oracles were applied to Hezekiah, around whom an elaborate series of legends developed. In Christianity, the belief of the early followers of Jesus concerning his status made it natural for these words to be applied to him also, though NT allusions are only implicit (Jacob 1987: 141).
(9:18—21) The briers and thorns, so frequent as an Isaianic image of desolation, are recalled here, though this time they are themselves consumed rather than symbolizing the destruction of others, v. 21 might refer to some specific historical event in the former northern kingdom, but seems more likely to be a general picture of the kind of anarchy portrayed throughout this section. (10:1-4) This section functions as a bridge between the series of passages ending with the same refrain (here in v. 4), and the attack on Assyria, with which it shares an introduction (NRSV, rather blandly, 'Ah'). As so often in these early chapters ofthe book, it is the deprivation of justice and ofmispat (here 'right') that is the main gravamen ofthe prophetic condemnation.
(10:5—11) A new section, which stretches throughout the chapter, is here introduced. All the major prophetic books are concerned not only with Israel but also with the surrounding nations, and Isaiah is no exception. The book is anxious to establish the point that the downfall of Israel and Judah does not thereby validate Assyrian or Babylonian claims. They are no more than the rod used by YHWH in his anger. Whereas other prophets, such as Amos, referred in general terms to the inevitability of destruction, Isaiah is quite specific in its reference to Assyria, w. 5—7 bring out the double point that Israel fully deserved her punishment as a godless nation, and that this was inflicted by Assyria as God's own instrument. The 'spoil' and 'plunder' ofv. 6 remind us ofthe child Maher-shalalhash-baz in 8:1—4, where the same words are used. But from v. 8 the fairly standard form of invective takes a new direction. This is not just another attack on YHWH's own people; instead it is the Assyrian who is to be condemned out of his own mouth, w. 8—n picture the Assyrian plans to 'cut off nations not a few', and a list is provided climaxing in Samaria and Jerusalem, yet with the Assyrians themselves imagining that the nations they have already conquered (Calno, Carchemish, and the rest, all cities in northern Syria) are more significant than Samaria and Jerusalem. This type of comparison is an important theme in the Isaiah tradition, with its great esteem for Jerusalem; it will recur again in another 'Assyrian' speech at 37:15. In effect a double charge is aimed against the Assyrians. Their boasting is what the
v. 7, the Egyptian titles comparable to this were usually fivefold, and the unusual form of the Hebrew words at the beginning of this verse has led some scholars to suppose that there are traces of a fifth title here, which has been lost either accidentally or through deliberate rearrangement. In any case the Davidic link, hitherto implicit, is now brought out clearly. There are close links with 2 Sam 7, emphasizing the permanence ofthe covenant with David's house and with Ps 72:1, where justice and righteousness are stressed as royal qualities. The last phrase in the verse is found again at 37:32, surely a deliberate cross-reference emphasizing the certainty of God's protection of his chosen ones against enemy assault.
(9:8-12) The tone changes dramatically as we return to a passage of threat similar to those found in ch. 5; indeed, it has often been held that 6:1—9:7 is to be seen as an insertion into a series of threats. The refrain at v. 12 has already occurred at 5:25. This section seems to use the fate of the northern kingdom of Israel as an awful warning to the south. It looks as if the basic poetry ofthe oracle, which could apply to a variety of situations, has been made more explicit by a number of
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poem, though the reference to Rimmon is entirely conjectural. The poem is a vivid account of the supposed progress of an army attacking Judah from the north; how the foe 'from the north' of Jer 4 and elsewhere might actually manifest itself. It would be unwise to base military strategy on such a list of names, some of which are chosen for their sound and opportunities for word-play rather than their strategic significance. For this reason the discussions in some commentaries as to whose campaign is here described should be treated with scepticism. The shaking of the aggressor's fist (v. 32) is, perhaps deliberately, ambiguous. It is certainly a threat, but may also be understood as a gesture of frustration because of inability to capture the holy city.
Greeks would call hubris, a falsely based pride in one's own capacity. To it is added blasphemy, the supposition that Jerusalem has nothing more thanidols. (Unless, of course, this is tobe seen as an Isaianic dig against false worship in Jerusalem.) (10:12-15) Th£ two speeches by the Assyrian are linked by v. 12, which serves to remind the reader that there is a deeper purpose underlying the devastation which Jerusalem has undergone. The claim in w. 13—14 is close to the claims actually made in Assyrian victory-inscriptions; it is turned upsidedown by the saying in v. 15, a close parallel to which, in both form and substance, is found in a widespread collection of wisdom-sayings known as the sayings of Ahiqar, warning against the danger involved in human pride (ANET 4293). Though the Assyrian reference is not lost, the next section develops it in different ways. A continuation of the present theme is found in 14:24—7. (10:16—19) m its present context this threat, introduced by the characteristic 'therefore', has to be understood as directed against Assyria. But there is little specific to Assyria in it, and it may have have originated as another of Isaiah's many threats against Judah, and been transformed at a later stage
(10:33—4) Many passages in Isaiah depend for their understanding upon the context in which they are found, and this is one such. Placed elsewhere it could readily have been understood as a condemnation of the community's own leaders with their arrogant pretensions (cf. 2:13, where this same comparison with trees is made, the word there translated 'lofty' being here rendered 'tallest'). Following the account of an enemy army it is much more natural to read it as a warning to that enemy, that its failure was determined. It will be disturbing for ecologists to find this destruction of trees attributed to God's own action. (11:1-9) A third passage, following 7:14 and 9:2-7, which has been interpreted messianically, and which certainly speaks of aspirations for the future of the Davidic line. We know little of such aspirations in the Second Temple period, but this passage seems to come from that time, with its reference to the cut-down stump of Jesse most likely implying the end of the monarchy in 587 BCE. In any case the poem as a whole draws out the ideal characteristics to be envisaged in a royal figure, w. 1-30, as indicated the most natural reading of the 'shoot from the stump' is that the Davidic line had been cut down, presumably at the exile, but that some among the community were convinced that that was not the end of the story. The child to be born would be imbued with God's spirit, as was David himself in i Sam 16:13. Th£ Christian tradition has spoken of 'sevenfold gifts of the Spirit' and used w. 2—312 as a basis, but only six gifts are in fact mentioned here. They are the characteristic charismatic qualities of the king, and of all those pictured as being especially close to YHWH (e.g. Moses and the elders, Num 11:25—30; Elijah and Elisha, 2 Kings 2:15). There are also close links with the wisdom tradition, shown not only by the use of the word 'wisdom' itself but also by 'understanding', 'counsel', and 'fear of the LORD'—all terms particularly associated with, for example, Proverbs. But here they are God's direct gift, not dependent on the skills of human counsellors, w. 3^-5, what is meant by being endowed with the divine spirit is then spelt out. As often in Isaiah there are close links with the royal Psalms. The stress on just judgement, with particular concern for the poor and meek, and the display of sedeq (righteousness) and emuna (faithfulness) are characteristic both of the Isaiah tradition and of such a Psalm as 72:12—14. In v. 4 a very minor emendation, adopted by REB but not NRSV, would give 'smite the ruthless (faris)' for 'strike the earth ('eres)', and this would both improve the parallelism (with 'kill the wicked') and give better general sense, w. 6—9, but the just rule of YHWH goes further than
(Eissfeldt 1965: 312). Alternatively, the sheer scope of destruction here gives the passage an eschatological dimension which some will see as a late development within the tradition. There is clearly little room for hope in the picture of a remnant with which the passage ends. (10:20-3) But as we have already seen the notion of a remnant can be interpreted in more than one way, and this passage provides the classic example of such a double reading. In 20—i there is clearly a note of hope, and the passage is linked in a way that is not immediately obvious from the English translation to the hopes expressed in the Immanuel section. 'A remnant will return' is Shear-jashub, as in 7:3; 'the mighty God' is El Gibbor, one of the titles given to the newly crowned king in 9:6. Historical-critical interpreters have been very aware of the tension between the two parts of this passage, the hope of 20—1 being directly followed by the dire threat of 22—3, and have felt it necessary to dismiss one part
(usually the first) as a late, secondary addition. But a reading of the book as a whole may not be so disconcerted by this tension. A remnant could imply both destruction and a hope beyond that destruction; this was an important message for the Second Temple community. (10:24-70) This prose passage links back both to the Assyrian theme of 10:5-15 and to 9:2-7, with its reference to Midian and the throwing off of the yoke (cf 9:4). The introductory 'therefore' on this occasion does not herald a threat; rather the people are told not to be afraid. The Hebrew phrase is identical with that used to Ahaz in 7:4 (who rejected the opportunity) and to Hezekiah in 37:6 (who will be more responsive). We find a reminder of the deliverance at the Exodus (a rare allusion in the early chapters of Isaiah) as a paradigm for what the community can expect when present, temporary afflictions are past. (10:27^-32) v. 27 is very difficult to follow in the Hebrew, and the division proposed by NRSV offers as likely a solution as any. It takes the first part as the conclusion of the preceding prose, the last phrase as an introduction to the following
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set aside, and a fresh section dealing with other nations begins with the formal introduction in 13:1. Each of the major prophetic collections in the HB has a group of 'Oracles against Foreign Nations', traditionally the most neglected part of those collections. To some extent this neglect is understandable—not everyone will want to explore the history of Moab in the eighth century BCE—but it has unfortunate consequences. It overlooks what must have been perceived as an important element in the prophetic vocation, most clearly expressed in Jeremiah when he was appointed a 'prophet to the nations' (Jer 1:5), and it also fails to recognize that these oracles contain major themes (not always very palatable ones) in the understanding of God and his relation not only to Israel, but to the world beyond the nation's boundaries. The origin of such passages may lie in ritual curses against enemies in times of war, but that context has been largely overlaid, and the oracles against the nations now fulfil a predominantly literary function. (Davies 1989 offers a useful discussion of these oracles, considering their place within Isaiah and their larger significance.)
the establishment of true Davidic rule in Jerusalem. There follows an eschatological picture, looking forward to a restoration of paradise conditions in which the primeval way of life would be restored. There are important links here with 65:25, showing how these aspirations draw the whole book together. The ancient Israelites come down to us in their writings as pretty hard-headed people, but such passages as this show that they had the capacity to dream of a better world, and this capacity is particularly illustrated by the prophets. In addition to various passages in Isaiah, Hos 2:18 and Am 9:13 breathe something of the same spirit. Murray (1992: 103—14) offers a sensitive spelling out of the implications of this passage, both in its larger biblical context and in terms of human duties towards animals. He notes the link with the creation stories of Genesis provided by the vegetarian habits of the lion (v. 7), and the way in which the passage brings out both peace from the threat of wild animals and the prospect of living at peace with animals.
(11:10) 'On that day' language is again used, but now in a hopeful sense. The 'root of Jesse' figure, thought of in w. 1—9 as imminent, will be part of the manifestation of the great day ofYHWH.
(13:1) This formal introduction, though it might refer only to chs. 13-14, is almost certainly intended to relate to the whole section to ch. 23. It is described as an oracle (massif), a term used several times in these chapters to introduce passages relating to the different nations (e.g. 15:1; 17:1). It is striking that this first and much the longest passage relates to Babylon.
(11:11—16) This passage displays close links with chs. 40—55, with the raising of a signal to the nations (cf 49:22 and also 5:25) and the more general theme of the gathering of dispersed exiles (Williamson 1994). The reference to the 'coastlands' and the expression 'outcasts of Israel' are also reminiscent of the later chapters of the book. Here exile is no longer a threat but a reality, and it can be seen as a prelude to future promise of restoration. As in Ezek 37, part of the promise for the future is the removal of hostility between north (Ephraim) and south (Judah). The theme of a highway linking the lands where the people had been scattered is an important one throughout Isaiah (cf. 19:23; 49:11), and is a valuable illustration, not only of the unity of the whole book, but also of the way in which what had once been a threat—a means of deportation—can be transformed into a promise of peace between formerly rival nations. The word here used for a 'highway', mcsilla, is especially used of religious, processional ways.
Some have maintained that material originally relating to Assyria has been reapplied to Babylon, for in the eighth century Babylon was a potential ally rather than a threat, and it was only later that it became the great enemy. But if literary rather than historical considerations are introduced the significance of this title within the book as a whole becomes apparent; in chs. 40-55, the climax of the book, Babylon was indeed the great enemy, and here we are being introduced to that point in the very beginning of the material dealing with foreign nations. It is striking also that Babylon seems already to have been taking on symbolic significance as the representative enemy, in a way that Nineveh, the Assyrian capital, did not, except in Jonah.
(13:2—22) There seems to be nothing specific to Babylon in the opening section, w. 2—5, or indeed through much of this chapter. There are numerous similarities between this section and Jer 50-1, and it has been suggested that each of these sections functions as a general expression of divine judgement alongside the more specific accompanying oracles against particular nations (Vermeylen 1989: 31—2). This might help to explain the relation between this general passage and the more specific oracle concerning Babylon in ch. 21. The point is stressed that war is inevitable, and that God himself is involved. The picture of universal destruction is that associated with the apocalypses, and many have therefore argued that this is a very late passage, from the time when apocalyptic language was becoming widespread. Certainly this passage is not concerned with any empirical Babylon; it has become the symbol of human pride and imperialism
(Ch. 12) This brief chapter consists of one, or possibly two, short psalms which round off the first part of the book. Much of the language used is that typical of the Psalms, with their emphasis on giving thanks to and praising God. But v. 2 deserves special attention for its similarity to Ex 15:2, the Song of the Sea. Just as that poem rounded off the account of God's salvation of his people at the Exodus, so here the first part of the story is rounded off. And the word 'salvation' (yesffd) is striking, because of its close similarity to the name Isaiah (yesa'yahu). The words of Isaiah are potentially words of salvation. (Ackroyd 1987: 94-7, rightly characterizes this as part of the 'portrait of a prophet'.) In addition some have seen links with the royal material earlier in these chapters by claiming this section as part of an enthronement ceremony. However that may be, the links between prophetism and the cult, once thought of as bitterly opposed, are clearly brought out.
(Gosse 1988: 167). The passage reaches its climax with the destruction of'the whole earth', w. 6—16, the nature of the destruction is now spelt out in greater detail. First, it is associated with the 'day of the LORD', a theme already often found
(Chs. 13—26) The theme of YHWH's dealings with his own people, in terms both of punishment and of salvation, is now
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ported by the Dead Sea scrolls, offers an excellent parallel. In the following description of the fate which awaits the fallen ruler it would be unwise to try to offer any link with particular individuals; this is what is in store for all who make such arrogant claims. Sheol (v. 9) is the place of the dead. It is not in itself a place of punishment, though it is striking that in the HB it is most commonly those who are disapproved of who are described as coming to Sheol (Barr 1992: 29). Here all earthly distinctions are ironed out. Part of the taunt is that the repaftm, the 'shades', can treat the king of Babylon as on a level with themselves. The inhabitants of Sheol are clearly not extinct; they are fully conscious of what is happening and are able to taunt the fallen king.
in chs. 2-n. The form of words seems to have been widely used, for the same expression is found at Joel 1:15 and (partially) at Ezek 30:3 and Zeph 1:7. A rich variety of expressions is then used to describe the destruction regarded as inevitable; it would be rash indeed to try to tie them to any specific historical circumstances. At the end of this section we come across a ghastly image familiar from another part of the Bible: the 'dashing in pieces' of the infants (v. 16) is reminiscent of Ps 137:9: different verb, same appalling sentiments.
w. 17—22, this last part of the chapter contains expressions making the reference to Babylon more specific. The Medes played an important part in the overthrow of the Assyrian Empire in the late seventh century BCE and were a powerful force in warfare and politics until the rise of Cyrus £.550 BCE. At some point in the Isaiah tradition it was envisaged that the Medes would be more important in the overthrow of Babylon than in fact proved to be the case. The legend of'Darius the Mede' as victorious over Babylon in Dan 5:31 may owe its origin to this passage. It is possible that the references in the later part of the book of Isaiah to things prophesied in 'former times' and 'long ago' are to passages of this kind (North 1964: 161, makes this suggestion with regard to Isa 45:21). The dramatic tension of the book is increased by the likening of Babylon's fate to that of Sodom and Gomorrah. Previously (1:9-10) it was Jerusalem that had been compared with Sodom and Gomorrah; now that fate, symbolic of total destruction, is transferred to Babylon, as the implications of God's 'day' are more widely realized. Babylon did eventually become desolate, but not until much later than any possible dating for Isaiah. During much of the Second Temple period it remained an important, though no longer a capital, city. The imagery of w. 2 0-2 should be recognized as such, without any attempt to relate it to historical developments. (14:1-2) A prose passage takes the opportunity to give encouragement to Israel by contrasting its fate with that just described as awaiting Babylon. This is a passage comparable to the more nationalistic sections of chs. 40-55 (e.g. 49:22-6), which gloat over the expected doom of the oppressors. (14:3-40) Still in prose, this section invites Israel to take up a masal (taunt) against Babylon, and more specifically its king. A masal is a poem setting out 'some form of retribution which will make the person concerned an object-lesson in the abuse of power' (A. R. Johnson 1955: 166). It is basically a prophetic form, warning of the inevitability of disaster; only by concentrating on the effect rather than the purpose can it legitimately be described as a taunt. The basic theme in the poem which follows is a common one, both in the HB and in the ancient world more generally: the attempt of a human being, often as here an enemy king, to make himself like God, and the inevitable fate which attends such presumption. Ezek 28 and 31 are variants on the same theme, found also in prose form in the story of Nebuchadnezzar's madness in Dan 4. It has sometimes been suggested that a similar theme underlies the Garden of Eden story in Gen 3. (14:4^-21) The word 'insolence' provides a good example of the way in which the Dead Sea scrolls have helped in the interpretation of Isaiah. The Hebrew text gives no clear meaning, and older English versions had 'golden city' here. But a slight change, already suggested by some scholars and sup-
v. 12 has played an important part in the history of interpretation, being understood as an illustration of the theme of Lucifer, the fallen angel. (The theme actually owes more to the influence of Milton's Paradise Lost than to any direct biblical references.) The whole passage, w. 12—21, has a widespread mythological background, reflecting stories about Venus, the 'day-star', visible just before dawn, and driven away by the power of the rising sun. The 'heights of Zaphon' is the holy mountain mentioned also in the Ugaritic texts as the assembling-place of the gods. In Ps 48:2 the same words are used to identify Mount Zion as the true divine dwelling-place. The 'Most High' of v. 14 is 'dyon, a divine title also claimed by the HB as appropriate for YHWH (Gen 14:18; Ps 91:1). These pretensions are then contrasted with the certain fate of Babylon, which will not even be granted proper burial-rites (v. 20), a matter of very deep concern in the ancient world.
(14:22-3) This brief prose note is usually taken with what precedes, underlining the point that the poem has been addressed to Babylon. It is possible, however, that it is placed here as a deliberate link between the known fate of Assyria, the subject of the following verses, and the still future threat against Babylon (Clements 1989).
(14:24^7) Assyria is now mentioned, though the bulk of this extended section has related to Babylon. Assyrian power will be broken: v. 25/7 has a clear allusion to the breaking of the yoke from the shoulders as in 9:4 and 10:27. But 'all me nations' (v. 26) are under threat. The picture is of the prophet 'overhearing' what YHWH has decreed. This is one of a number of passages which have been described as 'summary-appraisals' (Childs 1967), offering an outline, in didactic fashion, of YHWH's intended purpose ('This is the plan...').
(14:28) The reference to the death of Ahaz (which should be retained in the text, despite the proposals of many scholars to emend it) is reminiscent of that to the death of Uzziah in 6:1. The date of Ahaz's death is unknown, but it may be significant that he was succeeded by Hezekiah, in whom such great hopes were placed. It is not easy to see any link between the massa' (oracle) announced here and the passage which follows. (14:29-32) The Philistines were ancient enemies of Israel from the time of Saul and David, but little is known of their later history. Here an unknown occasion of rejoicing is said to be only transitory; worse troubles will come, and Judah should avoid becoming entangled with the Philistines, v. 32 looks like
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here: repaim is the word translated 'shades' in 14:9, and it may be implied that the people will be no better off than the shades. Deut 24:19-20 paints a beautifully generous picture of harvest and gleaning, with the alien, the orphan, and the widow allowed to join in; one may doubt whether such idealism normally prevailed. A further 'in that day' passage, this time in prose, brings out the theme of idolatry, with the hope that in due course the attractions of rival worship will be set aside. The terms used are all part of the standard vocabulary for attacks upon false worship. The 'sacred poles', Heb. dsmm, will have been wooden representations of the goddess Asherah. In v. 9 the Hebrew text is very uncertain, as can be seen by comparing the text of NRSV with the footnote. NRSV follows the Greek, which may itself have been trying to make sense of a difficult form. However that may be, the section ends by recalling once again the twin themes of a harvest which cannot be shared and of idolatrous worship.
a later addition, stressing in psalm-like fashion the inviolability of Zion as a sure refuge (cf Ps 132:13—15).
(15:1—16:12) These two chapters are directed against Moab, Judah's neighbour east of the Dead Sea, and they pose problems for the interpreter of Isaiah because much of the material in them is found again, with minor variations, in the comparable oracles against foreign nations in Jeremiah: specifically Jer 48. It raises the question of whether much material of this kind was used as required in the Jerusalem cult and could be taken up into different prophetic collections as 'independent adaptation of traditional material' (Jenkins 1989). Much of it reads like a gazetteer of contemporary Moab, but many of the place-names are chosen to bring out specific wordplays. Many of the places referred to are of uncertain location; those seeking more precise details must refer to the larger commentaries (Wildberger 1978: 604 ff). In comparison with the gloating over the anticipated fate of Babylon in 13—14 here a note of sympathy can be found (15:5; 16:11), alongside a recognition that even worse disasters may be anticipated (15:9). The most striking section in the passage is one which has no parallel in Jeremiah: another messianic passage (16:4/7-5) looking forward to a time when devastation will have ceased and a ruler concerned with mispat (justice) and sedeq (right), those two key Isaianic terms, will rule 'in the tent of David', an expression without exact parallel elsewhere in Isaiah. Moab's worship is condemned (16:12), but less harshly than the false worship of Israel itself (1:12—17).
(17:12—14) A fresh oracle on a new theme. The repetition of the last part of 12 at the beginning of 13 may be for emphasis, but is more likely to be an erroneous repetition, and some translations (e.g. REB) omit it. This is a vision of an eschatological battle, comparable to that fought against Gog of Magog in Ezek 38—9, with emphasis on the inviolability of Zion. The passage ends with another summary-appraisal of the type already noted in 14:26. It rounds off the section dealing with Israel's neighbours with an assurance that God would protect his people against those who had plundered them. (Ch. 18) This chapter lacks the usual introduction, but its application soon becomes clear. Ethiopian dynasties ruled in Egypt from time to time, and this passage concerns them. It is highly artificial: the messengers are apparently from the Ethiopians themselves, but it is odd to describe a people to their own messengers, and no indication is given of the contents of the message or of how it might be answered. Ethiopia was a symbol of distance and strangeness (Am 9:7), and that may well be part of the point here. The passage quickly becomes an oracle of judgement, threatening destruction on a scale usually reserved for the Babylonians and Assyrians. But the chapter ends with a prose addition, picturing the distant Ethiopians acknowledging the supremacy of YHWH on Zion. This theme is found several times in the prophets; we may compare Zech 8:23, and the more specific application to Egypt in Zeph 3:10 and Zech 14:18, and also Ps 68:31. The bringing of gifts from afar is also reminiscent of Isa 60:5—7. During the Second Temple period we know of links between the Jerusalem community and the Jewish colony at Elephantine on the Nile—such links may underlie passages such as this and the others noted. (Ch. 19) contains some of the most remarkable and neglected material in the whole book of Isaiah. It well illustrates the development of the tradition, from the essentially negative picture found in the opening verses to a remarkably positive assertion concerning both Egypt and Assyria in the conclusion. (19:1-4) There is no hint of any positive development in this opening oracle. Egypt's idolatrous practice is condemned in terms very similar to those used against Israel (8:19). The Egyptians were famous for their skill in wisdom and counsel; here by contrast they are reduced to internal division and
(16:13—14) This postscript to the Moab oracles illustrates the development of the tradition. Earlier material was indeed valid, but in a later situation a further devastation of Moab could be anticipated. We have no means of precise dating: we do not know to what the 'three years' refers, though this could be an adannu of the kind we noted as a possibility for 7:8. The same phrase, referring to 'the years of a hired worker' is found in a similar context at 21:16.
(17:1—3) The introductory masse? refers only to Damascus, but the following threat takes in the area of northern Israel also; we are back in the hostilities typified by the Syro-Ephraimite conflict of ch. 7. Indeed if the Hebrew is followed there is a link also with Moab, but 'Aroer' in v. 2, a place in Moab, is usually emended, as by NRSV. It is not clear why some of Israel's neighbours are referred to by the country's name (e.g. Moab), whereas for others the capital is seen as personifying the country (as here, Damascus, the capital of the Aramean kingdom). Damascus fell to the Assyrians in 732 BCE, and many commentators see in this oracle a genuine survival from the eighth century. But Kaiser (1974) points out that it was equally applicable to the condition of Damascus in the fourth century; possibly an earlier nucleus has been reapplied and expanded. The difficult phrase in v. 3 may be intended ironically; the Arameans will be reduced to a remnant (and here surely the theme implies a threat) comparable to the once glorious northern kingdom of Israel.
(17:4—11) There is no further reference to Damascus; instead, the theme of 'that day' is reintroduced, linked with what precedes by the reference to 'glory'. There will be a rich harvest, but the people are at risk of not benefiting from it. The 'Valley of Rephaim' is known from 2 Sam 5:18 as a place near Jerusalem, but the name may be deliberately chosen
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sacrificial worship, understood to be the Jerusalem temple, required by the Deuteronomistic tradition, here an altar and a massebd (pillar) in Egypt are treated as positive signs. There was in fact a temple of YHWH at Leontopolis in Egypt in the second century BCE; whether an allusion to that is here intended cannot be certain. Just as in Gen 31:48, 52 (Jacob and Laban), the masseba is a 'witness' between two neighbouring and potentially rival communities. Even more remarkable is the promise that a messianic figure, a 'saviour', will be sent, whose mission extends beyond the holy land itself. There are important anticipations of some of the later chapters of the book here. The 'striking' of the Egyptians is a theme already found in the earlier passages; here, however, it is the prelude to 'healing', and we have the picture, hinted at in ch. 18, but now expressed more specifically, of Egyptians turning to the worship of YHWH and being welcomed.
desperate measures to find out what action to take. The 'hard master' and 'fierce king' of v. 4 may well be a reference to the protracted claims to rule over Egypt by the Persian rulers. A striking omission throughout this section is of any reference to the Exodus tradition. As we have seen (e.g. 4:5; 12:2) this was not totally ignored in the first part of I saiah, but it is not as prominent as it becomes in the latter part of the book, and here, where allusions might have been expected, there appears to be nothing of the kind. (19:5-15) w. 5-10 are much more specific than other passages depicting future desolation. Here the applicability of the threats to the civilization which was so heavily dependent upon the Nile for many aspects of its life is abundantly clear. The Nile would dry up, and daily life would be thrown into chaos. The implication is certainly that YHWH was regarded as the effective ruler of Egypt; the Egyptian gods themselves were envisaged as powerless to maintain the life of their own country, w. 11—15, again a very specific application to Egyptian tradition is found. The 'princes' referred to here are pictured as a kind of cabinet of expert counsellors who could provide the Pharaoh with the appropriate answers to all the problems which confronted him. Despite their hereditary background and their training in wisdom techniques they are reduced to being no more than fools. Egyptian wisdom was famous and elsewhere in the HB is treated in a neutral way; here it is mocked as quite incapable of guiding those who trusted in it. In v. 15 the reference to head and tail, palm-branch and reed is a—surely deliberate—allusion to 9:14, where the same expressions are used in describing the downfall of Israel. (19:16-25) Five short prose passages are appended, each headed 'On that day' but differing markedly from one another in content and tone. We have not attempted in this commentary to offer precise dates for most of the passages discussed, but it is striking that many commentators have seen here some of the latest material to be added to the whole book, perhaps reflecting the political situation of the Ptolemies and Seleucids of the third century BCE, after the conquests of Alexander the Great.
w. 23-5. These last two passages take that openness even further. In the first, Israel will live at peace with the great powers of the day: Assyria is probably here, as in Jonah, symbolic of the current Mesopotamian great power, or may stand for Syria, if the passage be dated in the Seleucid period (3rd cent.). In the second passage Israel is not only at peace with Egypt and Assyria but is regarded as their equal, and it is stressed that all are part of YHWH's favoured creation. It would be instructive to hear a contemporary exposition of this passage, but at least in the Christian tradition it is curiously neglected by most lectionary schemes.
(Ch. 20) This short prose section differs markedly from what has preceded. The link which presumably accounts for its inclusion at this point is the reference to Egypt and Assyria, but they are mentioned in a spirit very different from that of ch. 19. Commentators concerned with the historical setting of the passage differ sharply in their judgement. For some it is a primary piece of eighth-century material, reflecting a time of rebellion against Assyria when it seemed to be in difficulties elsewhere. The rebellion was brought to an abrupt end when Sargon's tartan (NRSV: 'commander-in-chief') captured Ashdod and so ended any hopes of a successful stand against Assyria by an Egyptian-led coalition. Others note that this historical reference is confined to v. i and that the main thrust of the episode is what can be described as the development of an Isaiah legend, the story of the prophet specially attuned to the divine will and able to interpret the signs of the times. It is noteworthy that there is no first-person material here; like ch. 7 it is a story about Isaiah rather than one directly attributed to him. As we saw in the introduction there are many fewer stories about Isaiah than about Jeremiah.
w. 16-17, me theme here is fear. Whereas Israel is often encouraged not to fear, the warning is given that Egypt will have real cause for fear—even of Judah itself, by comparison apparently so insignificant.
v. 18 presumably refers to the phenomenon of the diaspora, the development whereby increasing numbers of Jews came to be settled in Egypt and other parts of the Mediterranean world. Hebrew is here called 'the language of Canaan', an important corrective to the picture found in Deuteronomy and elsewhere which pictures Israel and Canaan as bitterly opposed entities. Hebrew is a Semitic language, very close to what is known of different Canaanite dialects. There are interesting variants in the name of the city: NRSV 'City of the Sun' is the well-known Egyptian city of Heliopolis. But the Greek translation (LXX), which originated in Egypt, has 'city of righteousness', the name given to Jerusalem (1:26), and many Hebrew MSS have 'city of destruction'! We are warned that the notion of a fixed, unchanging biblical text can be illusory.
The 'sackcloth' of v. 2 appears to be characteristic prophetic clothing; this is the nearest we come to a portrait of Isaiah as a professional prophet. We need not suppose that he was literally naked; the removal of his outer garments, symbolic of his office, was sufficiently shameful for the 'sign and portent' to make their point (cf. Mic 1:8, though there in a poetic context it is difficult to know how literally the words are to be understood). The action is best seen in the context of the other symbolic actions in Isaiah, such as the naming of children. It is certainly not to be understood simply as a kind of 'teaching aid'; the sign is set out as an effective prefiguring of action which is determined by God. It is noteworthy, in view
w. 19-22, again a different stress from that characteristic of Deuteronomy is found here. Instead of the single place of
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nations, the 'valley ofvision' here must surely be Jerusalem itself. The whole theme of the book relates to the ultimate deliverance of God's people, but that deliverance must not be falsely anticipated by premature rejoicing. There must be destruction before there can be legitimate hope for restoration. (This assumes that NRSV is correct in its reference to the 'exultant town'; other translations, notablythe REB, do not find such reference here.) A characteristic Isaian theme is the uselessness of the normal human agencies of self-reliance; the 'rulers' in whom trust might be put had fled ignominiously. There is ambiguity, perhaps deliberate, in the use of personal pronouns here: the 'you'/'your' clearly refers to Jerusalem and its inhabitants, but the T of v. 4 can be understood either of Isaiah or of God himself.
of the importance of servant' language in the latter part of the book, that Isaiah is here described as 'my servant'. 'Three years' is curious, not least in the way that this period is only mentioned in the subsequent explanation (Stacey 1990: 1234). There may be a cross-reference here to the 'three years' of 16:14. It is striking, and very unusual, that the passage ends with a question; we are presumably meant to look for at least part of the answer in what follows. (21:1-10) The reference in the body of this oracle is clearly to Babylon, but that is not indicated by the heading. Once again there are links with Jer 49, suggesting the common use of cultic material. Indeed the problems in making sense of this chapter have led one scholar to describe it as a 'palimpsest', in which 'the text has been reworked in order to make it relevant to a later situation' (Macintosh 1980: 75). Such a theory is difficult either to prove or to disprove; we may simply note that we seem once again to be in the world of 'theological geography'. Like the 'valley ofvision' of 22:1, 'the wilderness of the sea' does not appear on any map. The passage is, as v. 2 makes clear, a vision of utter destruction. The prophet speaks in the first person, spelling out the anguish which his vision causes him, in a way without close parallel elsewhere in the book; little attention is normally paid in Isaiah to the psychology of the messenger, though in both Jeremiah and Ezekiel this feature is more prominent. But he has no alternative but to carry out his mission of summoning the nation to their task of destruction. Only in v. 9 is the object of this destruction made clear: Babylon. The proclamation of the fall of Babylon is found also in Jer 51:8, and is picked up in the NT by the seer of Revelation (Rev 14:8; 18:2).
(22:5—80) Two themes characteristic of Isaiah are brought together here. The 'day of the LORD' may be future, but it can be prefigured by events that have already taken place. Secondly, YHWH is pictured as using foreign armies as the instruments by which he punishes his own people; so it is with two enemies from the East here, 'Elam' and 'Kir'. As elsewhere in these chapters there is evidence that material found also in Jeremiah is used here; cf. Jer 49:34 ff. (22:8b-n) This prose passage comes somewhat unexpectedly in the middle of the series of poems, and has been much used as a basis for historical information concerning Hezekiah's attempts to render Jerusalem impregnable. The Assyrian king Sennacherib in his Annals referred to Hezekiah strengthening his city, and both 2 Chr 32:2—8 and Sir 48:17 have approving references to such work by Hezekiah. But recent archaeological and literary study has cast doubt on the extent of this work which actually goes back to Hezekiah's time—much may more properly be dated to the Hasmonean period—and these later passages may more probably be seen as part of the development of a Hezekiah legend. There is in any case no reference to Hezekiah in our passage, and the tone is sharply condemnatory as against the praise of Hezekiah in the other passages. Here by contrast we have the familiar Isaian theme of legitimate planning being a divine prerogative; whatever was done by its inhabitants to protect Jerusalem 'on that day' could have no success against God's decisions.
v. 8 is one of several passages in the prophetic books which picture the prophet as a watchman (cf Ezek 3:17; Hab 2:1), an important office in the ancient world, where the safety of cities might well depend upon the vigilance of their watchmen. The likening of a prophet to a watchman is a revealing one; each had to be able to make sense of and interpret correctly obscure and mysterious signs. NRSV's correction of the Hebrew 'a lion' to 'the watcher' is based on the Qumran scrolls. It is probably correct—the same letters are used but in a different order—though it entails losing a possible cross-reference to 29:1. (21:11-12) is linked to what precedes by the watchman theme. Dumah is elsewhere linked with the Ishmaelites (Gen 25:14), but here an otherwise unknown association with Edom is supposed—'Seir' is frequently found in poetry for Edom. The message given is extremely cryptic: it looks as if the prophet has no certain answer to give to those who question him; they are to return for further guidance.
(22:12—14) If there was doubt whether w. 1—4 referred to the rejoicing of the inhabitants of Jerusalem which the authors of the prophetic book regarded as inappropriate, there can be no such doubts here. v. 13/7 is quoted in the NT (i Cor 15:32) and has survived into modern times as a popular proverb; its origin is unknown. It may have been coined by the redactors of Isaiah, or—more probably—already have been in widespread use.
(21:13—17) Again it seems doubtful whether 'the desert plain' is an identifiable spot; this is one of the passages which is closely linked with Jeremiah (cf. Jer 49:8). The picture is of the need to give some succour to refugees from disaster, but whether this was a specific historical situation, or a more general plea, we have no means of knowing. The geographical area involved is usually thought to be Arabia, but this may be because of the symbolism involved in its remoteness and the threat implicit in the desert.
(22:15—25) This passage is unique in Isaiah as a judgement aimed at an individual; Ahaz is treated in a somewhat similar way, but nowhere else is someone not a member of the royal family so addressed. It is also one of the most difficult passages to explain for the view taken in this commentary that in the form we have it Isaiah is essentially a poetic collection from the Second Temple period concerned with God's dealings with king and community. However, we may note first that, though NRSV prints the whole passage as prose many
(22:1—4) Though included in the series introduced by the word 'oracle' which has mainly been concerned with foreign
(e.g. REB) regard w. 15—19 as poetry, and others (e.g. BHS) extend the poetic section to the end of v. 23, leaving only
ISAIAH 454 w. 24-5 as a prose addition. Further, Kaiser has shown that its composition is a good deal more complex than a first glance might lead one to suppose (Kaiser 1974: 149—59); he con~ eludes that we may well see here a trace of the final editor, 'holding up the mirror to a hated contemporary'.
times from the Red Sea (e.g. i Kings 22:48). In any case the main point here is the widespread nature of the trade engaged in by Tyre and Sidon and the confidence it engendered. Once again it is the 'plan' of YHWH (w. 8, 9) that will be decisive against all human aspirations.
There is no obvious reason offered in w. 15—19 why Shebna should be so fiercely condemned. To prepare a tomb does not seem to be a particularly heinous offence, and Abraham is praised for such foresight in Gen 23. No doubt the virulent attack is to be seen as part of a larger condemnation of human officials whose pretensions went beyond what the prophetic community regarded as acceptable. The imagery employed, of 'hurling' the victim into another land, is found also in Jer 22:26, where it is applied to the unfortunate king Jehoiachin (Coniah). It is noteworthy that Shebna is not named in the body of this passage (w. 16-18), and it may be that that should be taken as a more general condemnation of human presumption, as in w. 11—14, which has been made specific to Shebna for reasons beyond our present knowledge. Shebna is also referred to in 36:3, still in royal service. In the 19503 there was much speculation whether a tomb inscription dating from about the eighth century BCE might have referred to Shebna, but the name was not fully preserved, and this link must remain speculative. It is also possible, though again only a matter for speculation, that important offices in the community were handed down in particular families, and that descendants of Shebna (and perhaps of Eliakim also) were still in positions of power in the Second Temple period. Certainly the nepotism condemned in v. 24 would support such a view. We may compare the Tobiads, whom we met in ch. 7.
(23:13) This interesting prose note, comparable to the addition at 7:8/7, gives a glimpse of the way in which the redaction of the Isaiah material developed. Assyria had never conquered Tyre; at a later period a member of the tradition was convinced that the destruction implicit in w. 1—12 would indeed come about, but at the hand of the Chaldeans (Babylonians). In fact, as far as our knowledge goes, the Babylonian siege of Tyre was unsuccessful, and it was not until the campaigns of Alexander the Great that Tyre was captured.
(23:14) v. i is repeated, either as an accidental gloss, or—more likely in the context of a reading of the book in its final form— as an indication of the completion of that poem.
(23:15-18) The section is rounded off by further elaborations, mostly in prose, on the theme of'seventy years', symbolic here as elsewhere in the Bible of a whole lifetime. Some older scholars tried to identify the 7O-year period with some specific episodes in history, but that seems to be a false exegetical move: the arrival of a new generation seems to be the point of the usage. When that new generation arrives it will be involved in the service of YHWH, but only in a subsidiary role. The openness of 19:24-5 is scarcely present here. (Chs. 24^7) These chapters, taken as a unit and often called 'the Isaiah apocalypse', have attracted much attention. They are not introduced by a separate heading, so in the present form of the book they can be taken to continue chs. 13—23, which have themselves not been devoid of features more usually associated with the apocalypses. The earlier chapters were for the most part addressed to specific nations; here their message of doom is universalized. But these chapters have enough distinctive features for it to have been widely supposed that they form a distinct block. Stress has been laid upon their eschatological concerns, their envisaging of the possibility of a future life beyond death, and their extensive use of mythological themes, to claim that the closest links of these chapters are with Daniel (dated in the 2nd cent. BCE) and with the even later apocalypses. Dates ranging from the exile
In v. 19 YHWH is pictured as speaking in the first person, and this continues in w. 20-3, concerned with another figure mentioned also in 36:3: Eliakim, who apparently succeeded Shebna as 'master of the household'. It is striking that he is referred to as 'my servant', as if we are being given various inadequate models of the servant of YHWH before the true one is described in chs. 52-3. For inadequate Eliakim is shown to be. The picture in w. 21—4 is reminiscent of a royal accession, with the theme of the 'key of David' that was picked up by the author of Revelation in the NT (Rev 3:7). But Eliakim is shown to be unable to sustain the burden (v. 25). The limitations of human aspirations are once again set out.
(Millar 1976; D. G. Johnson 1988) down to the second century (Ludwig 1961) have been proposed, with the consensus, in so far as there is one, settling on the fourth or third centuries. Though it may indeed be appropriate to see a certain unity holding these chapters together, we should also note that they contain a variety of forms, which have usually been broken down into two main categories: lyrical, Psalm-like passages primarily addressed to God, and oracles of a prophetic or apocalyptic type concerned with the fate of the community. Another characteristic feature, present to some extent in chs. 13-23 but now carried much further, is the frequency of allusions to and sometimes direct quotations of, other biblical material, both elsewhere in the book of Isaiah and in other books. Sweeney (1988/7) lists seven passages which display links with other parts of Isaiah, often being given a different sense from that in their other context, with the emphasis here more universal or even cosmic, while Day (1980) draws attention to strong thematic links between 26:13-27:9 and a
(23:1—12) The composite nature of the material in this chapter is well illustrated by the fact that it refers sometimes to Tyre (w. i, 5, 8), sometimes to Sidon (w. 2, 4, 12). But even those commentators most concerned with detailed historical analysis have recognized the difficulty of teasing out an 'original' nucleus from the present poem which is skilfully constructed and in no sense a mere patchwork. Tyre and Sidon, in the modern Lebanon, were trading ports on the Mediterranean, and here, as in Ezek 26—8, that is the main theme of the prophecy of lament, much of it in the distinctive form of 3 + 2 stresses often found in prophetic laments. 'Ships of Tarshish' are frequently referred to as sea-going vessels; it remains disputed whether the reference is to a kind of ship, or to Tarshish as their characteristic destination. The place-name seems the more natural explanation, but there is a difficulty in that sometimes such ships seem to have reached it in the Mediterranean, as here (and cf i Kings 10:22), some-
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the same motifs which we have found to characterize the Isaiah tradition.
passage in Hosea (13:4-14:10), which again illustrates the phenomenon of Scripture interpreting itself. Our attempt to discern overarching structures running through the whole book of Isaiah will gain important insights from these chapters, where several themes touched upon elsewhere are developed more fully.
(24:14—16) This section begins as another of those universalist passages of which we have already found examples scattered through the book of Isaiah. The group with which the prophet is associated (the 'we' of v. 16) hear the universal praise of God, but are far from satisfied; instead T pine away' because of treachery. This verse is closely linked in language to 21:2, and will be further developed in ch. 33 (Wildberger 1978: 937). As we saw there the cause of the desolation is not clear, but this passage suggests the opposition of different groups within the community, as we shall see more fully in the climax of the book, chs. 56-66. (24:17-20) We have noticed several links with the 'foreign nations' oracles of Jer46—51. This is one of the closest, since w. 17—18 appear to be almost a direct quotation 0^6^9:43—4. There is an important difference; what was in Jeremiah applied specifically to Moab is now universalized into destruction for the inhabitants of the whole earth. This is expressed in particularly vivid language: pahad wapahat wdpdh sounds even more threatening than 'terror and the pit and the snare'. Another example of universalizing earlier material may be found at v. 20. Ini:8 Zion was reduced to a mere'shelter'; now the same word, here translated 'hut' is applied to the whole earth. Similarly Am 5:2 spoke of Israel as fallen, no more to rise; here that warning is applied to the whole earth. (24:21-3) The 'on that day' language links this closely to the many other passages in Isaiah that begin thus. YHWH is proclaimed as king in Zion, as in many Psalms; all rival claims, whether of earthly kings or of sun and moon, will be put down. This is language which would be developed in the later apocalypses; in the HB, Dan 10, with its picture of the 'guardian angels' of different nations being overthrown, provides the closest parallel.
(24:1—6) The theme of inevitable destruction comes to the fore at once. In chs. 1-12 the basic concern had been with the fate of Judah; in chs. 13-23 with that of Assyria, Babylon, and the other foreign nations. Now the destruction becomes universal, raising interesting questions about the psychology of those who were so convinced that such devastation could only be understood as an inevitable part of God's dealings with his creation (v. 3). The list of the different constituent elements of society in v. 2 is in general reminiscent of wisdom literature, with its penchant for lists, but the closest parallel is in another prophetic text, Hos 4:9, and these chapters in fact contain a number of apparent allusions to Hosea (cf. 24:4 with Hos 4:3). There is no mention here of a king, which might well be a pointer to a period when the priesthood was the leading social group, v. 5 contains a reference to 'the everlasting covenant'. 'Covenant' is not a common theme in the early chapters of Isaiah, but we may perhaps see reference here to the 'cosmic covenant' which holds together the whole order of creation and is put at risk by human behaviour (Murray 1992: 16-22; he suggests that the word in v. 5 translated 'inhabitants' by NRSV may refer to kings). The lament of w. 4—6 is in many ways reminiscent of the communal laments in the Psalms. Devastation has struck the community in a way that has induced total bewilderment.
(24:7—13) v. 7 is also found with slight modification in Joel 1:10, 12. This provides an example of that reuse of biblical material in a new context which characterizes these chapters. Unfortunately since the dates both of Joel and of the final form of Isaiah are unclear it is not certain which text made use of the other. The theme of lack of wine is then linked with one of the recurring motifs of chs. 24-7: that of a city, usually in terms of its destruction. Historical critics have assumed that the actual ravaging of a specific city underlay these references, and have devoted much energy to identifying it: Jerusalem, destroyed in 587, or Babylon, captured by Cyrus in 539, or the overthrow of some other city to which allusion is made in our sources of ancient history? That some actual historical event has played its part in shaping the poetry need not be denied; it is much more doubtful whether it is useful to read this as a description of an actual historical event. Rather, much of the language may legitimately be taken as future (the proper rendering of Hebrew 'tenses' is a notorious difficulty), and as a reflection upon the nature of God's manifestation of power (D. G. Johnson 1988: 11-14). What had already happened had provided the stimulus to continuing reflection on God's ways, symbolized by his destructive power (Henry 1967). With those provisos it seems right to assume that the 'typical' city whose fate is here envisaged is, as so often in the book of Isaiah, Jerusalem. These chapters will offer differing perceptions of that city: here (v. 10) a 'city of chaos'; in 26:1 a 'strong city' wherein God 'sets up victory'. The passage ends with imagery already used in 17:6, an example of that reuse of
(25:1—5) The divisions suggested by NRSV are here followed, though many other proposals have been made. On this reading these verses form another hymnic section, a psalm-like thanksgiving. The theme is the destruction of a city. If this were prose we should be required to try to identify the city, but in a poetic passage such as this it seems legitimate to maintain that the poet sees as part of the divine purpose both the destruction of Jerusalem at the time of the exile, with the sweeping away of the corruption that had set in, and also the destruction of Babylon, symbolized as the oppressor, when it too had fallen to the Persians. Each destruction could be hymned as evidence of God's overarching power, since they presaged greater things to come. After that the picture of Zion as a refuge and a shelter, already used in 4:6, becomes appropriate.
(25:6—100) Something of the extent of the divine victory is now spelt out. First, it will be celebrated by a banquet, a theme which may embarrass the well-fed West, but which in a subsistence economy is surely a legitimate aspiration. The theme of the banquet is often associated with judgement and victory over enemies (as in ch. 24), including death (so v. 7 here), and often (though not in this passage) features the presence of an individual who can be identified as the messiah. (See 'Messianic Banquet' in ABD iv. 787—91.) It becomes prominent in
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formed. In the light of this poetic imagery it is probably wise not to regard the much-discussed v. 19 as a straight assertion of belief in a blessed future life, as has often been done when the verse has been taken out of context. It expresses hope in a continuing national restoration. However when the book of Isaiah had reached its final form 'this is a reference to the resurrection of the dead which no-one but a Sadducee, ancient or modern, could possibly misconstrue' (Sawyer 1973: 234). When it had achieved the status of Holy Scripture, liable to be ransacked for guidance in later problems, then its use as an affirmation of belief in resurrection was scarcely surprising— though less use was made of this particular verse than might have been expected; it is, for example, not quoted in the NT.
the later biblical material and in the extra-biblical apocalypses. The Feeding of the Five Thousand is a characteristic NT example (Mk 6:30—44), though with a less exotic menu than the present one.
It would be hazardous to base a specific belief in individual resurrection on the phrase 'he will swallow up death forever'. As in ancient Canaanite mythology, death (mot; here mawet) was an enemy whose overcoming was a sign of the triumph of proper order. Here the 'shroud' and 'sheet' are mourning garments, for which there will be no more need in the joy that is envisaged. The passage as a whole may properly be compared with 2:2-4, wrth its great anticipation for the holy mountain, and with the expectation of salvation in ch. 12.
(26:20—1) This brief section functions as a link between the preceding lament and the more mythological material in ch. 27. Use is made of the images either of the universal flood of Genesis, or of the Exodus tradition, or both, to symbolize the totality of destruction. The shutting of the doors here may call to mind Gen 7:16 and the hiding of the Israelites behind closed doors when the angel of God passed by in Egypt (Ex 12:22-3).
(25:10^-12) This conclusion is unexpected, since it goes against the usual universalizing tendency of these chapters. Some commentators have seen it as a gloss, others as the historical key to the whole section. It is printed as poetry in NRSV, but it may be wiser to see it as basically prose, possibly with some poetic phrases based on the threats found in 2:9— 17. It is linked thematically to chs. 15—16, but there are no obvious links of vocabulary or of geography with that passage. It may well be that some otherwise unknown episode from the time when this material reached its final form provoked this outburst against Moab, which is reminiscent of the hostility displayed in Deut 23:3, excluding Moabites from ever participating in the worship of YHWH. The book of Ruth shows that this attitude toward Moabites was not universally shared.
(27:1) provides the clearest example of links with the ancient mythological traditions best known to us in the Ugaritic texts from Ras Shamra. Leviathan was the chaos-monster, described already at Ugarit as 'the wriggling serpent' (Gibson, 1978: 50). Creation in Genesis is pictured as a matter of no more than the divine word bringing about what is commanded, but elsewhere the theme of creation as struggle is found. Ps 74:14 provides a particularly vivid parallel to this verse; cf. also Ps 104:26. The importance of the serpent in creation accounts, familiar to us from Gen 3, also emerges here. It is an anticipation that 'on that day' there will be a new creation when the forces of chaos will be destroyed. (27:2-6) Here a very different image of what is anticipated 'on that day' is offered. It is perhaps the clearest example from these chapters of the reuse of material found elsewhere in Isaiah—in this case the 'song of the vineyard' in 5:1—7. The theme of the vineyard (kerem) is the same; in each case briers and thorns pose a threat to the vineyard; YHWH is the protector of the vineyard, which is identified as his own people. But it is by no means a repetition of the earlier passage. Now YHWH acts as the guard who ensures that the vineyard comes to no harm, and by clinging to YHWH for protection Jacob/ Israel (the juxtaposition of these two words is reminiscent of the usage in chs. 40—55) will be given a universal reward. Now, in an almost deterministic way, the possibility of the people falling away is removed. They will be protected from the briers and thorns by YHWH himself. The strongly-rooted future of the people is reminiscent of 37:31, the story of the deliverance from the Assyrian threat. (27:7-11) This difficult passage has been very variously interpreted by different commentators (D. G. Johnson 1988: 88 summarizes the difficulties, some of which, such as the awkward shifts in tense and gender, are obscured in English translations). Many have supposed that a city other than Jerusalem (Samaria?) is referred to in v. 10, but it seems better to take the passage, with all its obscurities, as a warning that, despite the promise of better things to come for the faithful community, there are also those who can expect no mercy.