Part 16
Instructions for a Ceremony West of the Jordan (27:1-26)
In w. i, 9, n, as well as in 29:1—2 (MT 28:69; 29:I)> the narrator interrupts Moses' speech, which comes to an end only in 31:1. Concurring conceptions of cultic ceremonies on entering the land have been combined here just as in the book of Joshua, v. 2—3, the scribe who commands the erection of stelae with the law code written on them may be responding to the accusation that Israel spoiled her land as soon as she entered it (cf. Jer 2:7). Josh 4:20 mentions twelve memorial stones in Gilgal near the river Jordan (on the place-names see ABD). w. 5-7, a second scribe thinks of sacrifices and consequently of the need for an altar, built in accordance with Ex 20:24—5, but n°t with Deut 12:13—14. The location of this altar, which Joshua is said to have built (Josh 8:30—1), is near
Shechem, to where v. 4 also transfers the stelae, w. 11-13, the valley between Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal is defined as the place for a third ritual (cf. 11:29—30). w. 14—26, this in turn has been expanded by a liturgy (cf. Neh 8:1—8). The series of
(cf. Neh 10:35-7 (MT 36-8) )•
(26:12—15) A Declaration of Obedience A declaration at the sanctuary corresponds to the law of 14:28-9 and also re-
DEUTERONOMY I52
curses, framed by w. 15 and 26, has its focus mainly on clandestine evil deeds which threaten human dignity and a peaceful society.
interpreted as the experience of a divine curse (cf. 29:24-7 (MT 23-6); i Kings 9:8-9). In this process, YHWH became the subject of all those curses on an almost monotheistic level, cf. Isa 45:6-7. Referring back to the curses and 'afflictions' pronounced in w. 20-35, a scrit>e in w58-9 calls them a 'stupendous' doing of YHWH (p-1-' hifil).
The Consequences of Obedience and Disobedience through Blessings and Curses (28:1-68)
(28:1—14) Moses promises God's blessing for obedience to the law. w. 3—6 may be a traditional formula of blessing which originated in a cultic setting, cf. i Sam 2:20; Ps 24:5; 118:26; 121:8. w. 7-14 can best be described as an attempt by later scribes to counterbalance the curses in w. 20—44 (see Seitz 1971: 273—6). The blessing of Israel functions as a witness to YHWH's divinity (v. 10; cf. i Kings 8:43).
As part of his address to Israel, Moses gives conditional promises of divine blessings (w. 1—14) and curses (w. 15—68) respectively. The parallel introductory clauses to these two sections (w. 1—2, 15) presuppose the shaping of the law code as an oration of Moses (cf Mayes 1979: 348—51). They refer back to the declaration in 26:16-19, and this connection to the idea of a covenant scene is further underlined by the subscription in 29:1 (MT 28:69). However, it is disputable whether 28:1—68 originated as part of a covenant pattern or as a homiletic elaboration based on a pattern of a good and a bad alternative, cf. the Deuteronomistic passages in i Kings 9:47 and Jer 22:3-5. Th£ latter suggestion would account for the promise of blessings which cannot be traced back to treaty rhetoric.
(28:15—68) w. 15—19, the curse section opens in close correspondence with w. 1-6. w. 20-9, the second section adopts a rhetoric from the political sphere, see above, w. 30-3, the third section, marked off by the repetition of expressions from v. 29 in v. 33, refers to a typical military defeat, cf. 20:5—7, IO~I4w. 34-5, the fourth section, partly an inverted repetition of w. 27-8, lays an elaborate curse upon the mental and bodily state of an individual, w. 36—7, the fifth section goes beyond the motifs of w. 30—3 and refers to the entire nation's exile, cf. v. 64 and 4:27-8. The scribe looks back to the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem in 587 BCE, cf. i Kings 9:7; Jer 24:9. w. 3844, the sixth section to a certain degree runs parallel to w. 30— 3; it includes a series of so-called futility curses (w. 38—42) which again reflect the rhetoric of political documents, see above. The elaborate curse in 43-4 envisages a total subversion of the social order in which 'aliens' were the landless poor, cf. 14:28—9. w. 45—8, the seventh section is a transitional passage which forms a conclusion to w. 15-44 and an introduction to w. 49-57. The curses in w. 20-44 are called 'a sign and a wonder' (RSV), which expression may even allude to the Egyptian plagues (cf. 6:22) and thereby draw a parallel between these two sets of images of punitive disasters. The following reflections on the Exile and the fall of Jerusalem (as well as some additions in w. 20, 25) betray connections to the book of Jeremiah. Forw. 47—8 cf. Jer 5:18—19 and 28:13—J4w. 49-53, the eighth section gives a stylized representation of the Babylonian attack on Jerusalem. Cf. Jer 5:15-17; 6:11; 19:9; 48:40. v. 51 reverses the blessing of7:i3. Whether v. 53refersto historical experience during the siege of Jerusalem or only alludes to a recurring motif in treaty curses (see above, and Weinfeld 1992: 126-8) is not conclusive (cf. also Lev 26:26, 29). w. 54—7, the ninth section elaborates the scenes ofhorror during a siege, cf. also 2 Kings 6:24—9. w58—68, the concluding section adds several scribal reflections on what is written in the 'book of this law (torn)', w. 58-61 focus on the issue of diseases (w. 21—2, 27, 35) and reverse the blessing of 7:15. The line of interpretation of the curses as 'a sign and a portent' in v. 46 seems to be continued here. v. 62 points back to 26:5 on the one hand, and 1:10 on the other. The verse implies a total reversal of Israel's salvation history, even if it might still hint at a vague possibility of a new beginning. This in turn is excluded by v. 68 which refers back to Ex 14:13 (Reimer 1990) and leaves no room even for the expectation of a miserable life in Egyptian slavery, w. 64-7, the threat concerning life in the Diaspora cuts Israel off from any relationship with YHWH, the protection of which is the central
There is strong evidence that the section of curses, notably w. 20-35, incorporates material adopted from Esar-haddon's succession treaty of 672 BCE (see DEUT F.2 and on Deut 13; Weinfeld 1992: 116—29; Steymans 1995). In this treaty an extended series of curses invoking the gods of the Assyrian pantheon is pronounced against anyone who should breach the oath imposed by the Assyrian king:
37 May Assur, king of the gods, who decrees [the fates], decree an evil and unpleasant fate for you. May he not gra[nt yo]u long-lasting old age and the attainment of extreme old age. 38 May Mullissu, his beloved wife, make the utterance of his mouth evil, may she not intercede for you. 38A May Anu, king of the gods, let disease, exhaustion, malaria, sleeplessness, worries and ill health rain upon all your houses (cf. 28:22). 39 May Sin, the brightness of heaven and earth, clothe you with leprosy and forbid your entering into the presence of the gods or king. Roam the desert like the wild ass and the gazelle (cf. 28:27). 4° May Samas, the light of heaven and earth, not judge you justly. May he remove your eyesight. Walk about in darkness! (cf. 28:28-9). 41 May Ninurta, the foremost among the gods, fell you with his fierce arrow; may he fill the plain with your blood and feed your flesh to the eagle and the vulture (cf. 28:25—6). 42 May Venus, the brightest of the stars, before your eyes make your wives lie in the lap of your enemy; may your sons not take possession of your house, but a strange enemy divide your goods (cf. 28:30). ... 63 May all the gods that are [mentioned by name] in th[is] treaty tablet make the ground as narrow as a brick for you. May they make your ground like iron (so that) nothing can sprout from it. 64 Just as rain does not fall from a brazen heaven so may rain and dew not come upon your fields and your meadows; instead of dew may burning coals rain on your land (cf. 28:23—4). • • • ^9 Jus^ as [thi]s ewe has been cut open and the flesh of [her] young has been placed in her mouth, may they make you eat in your hunger the flesh of your brothers, your sons and your daughters (cf. 28:53). (Parpola and Watanabe 1988: 45-52; ANET 538)
In addition to this Assyrian treaty, an Aramaic treaty of the eighth century BCE has been adduced as a possible source for motifs in 28:38-42 (Sfire stela, lA. 27-8; ANET 659-60).
The curses of Deut 28, notably w. 20-42, must be seen against this ancient Near-Eastern background, and it seems most likely that they were contrived once the disaster which Judah and Jerusalem suffered in 587 BCE had come to be
153 DEUTERONOMY
(29:10—15) Covenant and Oath This section sets forth a liturgical scene comparable to the one narrated in Neh 10. The term 'covenant' (berit) is doubled by the term 'oath' or 'curse'
concern of Deuteronomy, cf 13:6-11 (MT 7-12). The frightful picture of the conditions of that life enlarges v. 34 in a different age. v. 68 sets a seal on the nullification of the relationship between YHWH and Israel (cf. 5:6) in case of disobedience to the Torah.
('aid, v. 12; cf. Neh 10:29 (MT 30)). The idea of a covenant ceremony finds a less direct expression than in 26:16—19. Th£
A most extraordinary interpretation of the curse section and, by implication, of the destruction of Jerusalem, is given in v. 630. The verse is an artistic expression of the climax of negativity. While its structure may depend on such oracles as Zech 8:14—15; Jer 31:28; 32:42, the verb employed (sis') may have been adopted from other promises of salvation (cf. Deut 30:9; Zeph 3:17; Jer 32:41 MT; Isa 65:18-19). This peculiar statement finds a wider context in reflections on YHWH's compassion (r-h-m piel, n-h-m nifal; cf. e.g. Jer 4:28; 13:13—14; 18:7-10; Deut 4:31; 30:3).
reference to the ancestors (cf. Gen 17:7) sees the patriarchal age as the foundation of Israel's existence as the people of God in an even more fundamental sense than that of the concept of a divine promise of the land (1:8; 30:20). According to w. 1415, the covenant also includes people who are not present at the assembly, although this is not coherent with the fictional setting of Moses' speech. The addition may be by a scribe having in mind the Jewish Diaspora in the Persian empire
(cf. 30:3-4).
(29:16—21) A Warning against Apostasy The view of the 'nations' in this homiletic passage is informed by i Kings 11:1-8 and 2 Kings 23:13 rather than Deut 2:1-23. Th£ polemics against foreign gods and their visual representations echo such passages as Ezek 20:1—44; ^sa 44:9—20; Jer 10:1—16. Historically, it betrays a strong tendency towards a separation from rival groups within the land, cf. Neh 10:28 (MT 29). The metaphors of v. 18 (cf. also Am 6:12), as well as the term 'stubbornness of heart' (serirut lib), link the passage with Jer 9:12-16 (MT 11-15). The threat of divine punishment is restricted to an individual and left entirely to YHWH. A scribe thus revises 5:9—10; 17:2—7, and also gives the curses of ch. 28 a new application.
Discourse on the Significance of the Law
((29:1) 29:2-30:20;
(29:1 (MT and LXX 28:69)) The Covenant in the Land of Moab Whether this verse is a subscription to the preceding law or a superscription to the following speech of Moses is subject to debate. As it cannot be demonstrated that a traditional ancient Near-Eastern covenant pattern underlies 29:2/7—30:20 (see, however, Weinfeld 1992: 100—16; Rofe 19850), it is more likely that v. i is a concluding statement and that 4:44-28:68 are subsumed under the expression 'these are the words of the covenant'. Thus, the verse is part of an editorial framework around the law, and it also connects to 1:1—5 and to 5:1—5. Just as a 'covenant at Horeb' defines the theological dimension of the Decalogue, so a 'covenant in the land of Moab' defines that of the Deuteronomic law. However, the unique concept of two covenants which supplement each other does not blur the distinction between the Decalogue and the Deuteronomic law which is developed in ch. 5.
(29:22—8) The Devastated Land The passage looks back to the destruction of Judah in 587 BCE. The rhetorical form of w. 248 has close parallels in i Kings 9:8-9 and Jer 22:8-9 and is also known from an Assyrian source from the seventh century where a report of a punitive campaign reads: 'Whenever the inhabitants of Arabia asked each other: "On account of what have these calamities befallen Arabia?" (they answered themselves:) "Because we did not keep the solemn oaths (sworn by) Ashur, because we offended the friendliness of Ashurbanipal, the king, beloved by Enlil!" ' (ANET3OO). v. 25 is founded on the first commandment of the Decalogue as the central stipulation of the covenant at Horeb (5:1-10, cf. also 4:20; Judg 2:11—15). w22 (cfJ Kings 8:41—3) and 23 (cf. Jer 49:18; Gen 19) may be later additions. (29:29) Secret and Revealed Things Taken in its literary context, this verse may refer to the human inability to fully understand the past (29:25—8) or the future (30:1—10). It may also refer to a concealed background of the Torah which would be irrelevant to obedience (30:11-14), or an interpretation in the light of Ps 19:12 (MT 19:13), which speaks of'secret faults', might also be a possibility. NJPS reads: 'Concealed acts concern the LORD our God; but with overt acts, it is for us and our children ever to apply all the provisions of this Teaching.' (30:1-10) Hope for Future Restoration From the image of the land devastated by a curse, the speech turns towards predictions of salvation. These have close parallels in the book of Jeremiah (e.g. Jer 29:10—14; 32:36—41). As in Deut 4:25—31, Israel is envisaged as returning to YHWH who will show his mercy to the people (rdham: 4:31; 30:3). However, whereas according to w. 1—2 returning to YHWH is a precondition for better fortunes, a scribe in v. 6 (contrast 10:16) makes Moses pronounce an unconditional promise, cf. Jer 31:33-4.
(29:2 (MT 29:1)) A Concluding Address The narrator introduces a speech which reaches as far as 30:20 and mainly consists of three thematically distinct units. 29:3—21 focuses on the religious obligation of every single Israelite and on the limitation of divine punishment for apostasy to an individual. 29:22—30:10 gives an interpretation of the fall of Jerusalem in 587 BCE and turns towards a prediction of future salvation. 30:11-20 is a general reflection concerning the law delivered by Moses and functions as a magnificent coda to it. (29:2-9) Exhortations The notion of'covenant' in 29:1 triggers off a paraenetic discourse which seems to be looking at the conquest of the land (cf. the verb 'to succeed', s-k-l hifil, in v. 9 (MT 8) and in Josh 1:7-8). w. 2-3 highlight the mighty deeds of YHWH in the Exodus, cf. 6:22. w. 7-8 remind the reader of the paradigmatic conquest of the land under Moses' leadership as narrated in 2:24—3:17. v. 4, which may depend on Isa 6:9-10, is a gloss on w. 2-3: unless God himself directs the human heart, even his mighty deeds which are represented through the kerygmatic narrative tradition will not lead to faith, w. 5—6 quote from Deut 8 in direct speech by YHWH (MT; LXX reads the 3rd person). The final clause of 8:3 is substituted by a formula which mostly occurs in Ezekiel and in the Priestly Document in the Pentateuch (e.g. Ezek 20:20; 28:26; Ex 6:7), and this demonstrates a combining of diverse theological traditions.
DEUTERONOMY I54
Within this horizon of expectation, v. 7 gives a new interpretation of the curses in ch. 28. w. 8—10 are based on motifs adopted from 28:11, 63. (30:11-14) The Accessibility of the Law Here as in 6:1, 25, 'commandment' (miswd) designates the entire law which Moses delivers in his speech. In terms of composition, the declaration may be seen as an equivalent to 4:5—8. Whereas the expression 'in your mouth' refers to the regular repetition of the received law (cf. 6:7; Josh 1:8), the expression 'in your heart' takes the internalization of the law even further than 6:6 does, cf. also Jer 31:33—4. The scribe demonstrates the essential conformity of the divine law to the human being with the help of impressive poetic imagery. In Rom 7, especially w. 7-13, Paul opposes this anthropological concept of Deuteronomistic theology in the light of his understanding of sin, and therefore, in Rom 10:5—8, applies the figures of Deut 30:11-14 to 'the word of faith which we proclaim'. (30:15-20) Choice between Good and Evil This solemn finale to Moses' speech reflects an aspect of the wisdom tradition, cf. Prov 11:19; Am 5:14—15. The invitation to 'choose' (bahar) in v. igb recalls the scene in Josh 24, especially w. 14—15. v. 20, the revealed law is the source of life (cf. Lev 18:5 and Rom 10:5), and true obedience to its commandments is based on the love of God (cf. Mk 12:28—34). Faith is a possible decision in the face of death and 'evil' (RSV). The beginning of the secondary w. 16-190 has been lost in the MT but can be restored following the LXX, cf. 7:12—13; 8:19—20.
to hand down as a song of Moses. He makes YHWH address Moses in a prophetic speech which characterizes Israel by her breach of the covenant on entering the land, cf. 5:2,7; Jer 31:32; Hos 13:4-6. The notion of YHWH concealing himself (v. 18) which is predicted in the poem (32:20; cf. Jer 18:17; 33:5! also
Isa 8:17 and Ps 44:24 (MT 25); 80:3 (MT 4) el al.) is a remarkable interpretation of the motif of YHWH's anger which elsewhere dominates in the Deuteronomistic literature (e.g. 29:27 (MT 26); Judg 2:14-15; 2 Kings 23:26). The secondary w. 20—i borrow from 6:10—12, and, with the notion of'inclination' (yeser), possibly even allude to the framing verses of the Flood story in Gen 6:5; 8:21. w. 24-9 imitate the introduction to the Song of Moses and make the entire Torah a 'witness' against Israel. This thought is further underlined in 32:45—7 with material taken from 30:15—20.
(32:1—43) Moses' Poem The Song of Moses adds a new facet to the Mosaic oration and thus to the picture of the Mosaic age in Deuteronomy. Attributed to Moses as it is, the poem has a prophetic purpose (cf. 31:16—22), although its main characteristic is that of wisdom poetry. It has its climax in a monotheistic creed in v. 39, and this is prepared by a theodicy (w. 4—5), a reference to mythological primeval history (w. 8-9), a resumee of the earliest salvation history (w. 11—12), an explication of YHWH's concealing of himself (v. 20), and a critique of a polytheistic misinterpretation of Israel's apparent abandonment by her God (w. 30-1). S. R. Driver was right when he wrote: 'The Song shows great originality of form, being a presentation of prophetical thoughts in a poetical dress, on a scale which is without parallel in the OT' (1895 (1901): 345). A notable feature of the poem is its wealth of metaphors and images (e.g. in w. 6, 10, n, 13, 15, 18-19) as W£U as mythological motifs (w. 8—9, 22, 23—4). Stylistically, it is characterized by the typical parallelism of two sentences or expressions which together form a poetic line; cf. Alter (1990, notably 24-5 on w. 10, 13). The poem's basic structure is built upon Deuteronomistic motifs. Israel first became guilty before YHWH when she prospered in her land and forgot her God (w. 15-18; cf. 6:10-12; 8:7-18). In consequence, YHWH's anger was aroused (w. 21—2; cf. 6:15; 29:24—8 (MT 23—7)). However, when the poet speaks of YHWH's mercy (v. 36), he does not see Israel's return to YHWH as a condition for it, in contrast to the Deuteronomistic vision of Israel's future restoration in 4:29—31; 30:1—3. The concept of YHWH taking revenge on his enemies and destroying them (w. 34—5, 40—1) leads beyond Deuteronomistic expectations. Instead, it has parallels in oracles in Nahum; Jer 46-51; Isa 63:1-6, etc.
Report of Moses' Partingfrom Israel, Including his Poem and his Blessings (31:1-34:12)
(31:1-8) The Appointment of Joshua NRSV rightly restores the beginning of this section following the LXX and the fragmentary MS iQ Deutb from Qumran (DJD i. 59). The narrator resumes 3:28-9 and prepares the transition to the book of Joshua, cf. Josh 1:1-9. Additions in w. 3, 4-6 take up material from 7:17-23; 9:3; 29:7-8 (MT 6-7). What is presented in 2:33—4 and 3
:3> 6 as actions of the Israelites, is interpreted directly as a divine action in v. 4, cf. 3:21—2. (31:9-30) Codification of the Law and Announcement of Moses' Poem Two themes overlap in this section: a description of the Torah as a book, and, in w. 16—22, the designation of a Mosaic poem as a 'witness' against Israel, w. 9—11, the written Torah is handed over to the levitical priests and significantly also to representatives of the laity. Its public reading gives the festival of the tabernacles (hag hassukkot) in every seventh year (following 15:1—3) a theological significance as great as that of the Passover which is designed to remember the Exodus (16:1-8). In a later addition in w. 24-7, the book of the Torah is brought into connection with the ark in which, according to 10:1—8, the tablets of the Decalogue are being kept. The same scribe possibly also depicted the levitical priests in v. 9 (cf. 17:18) as those 'who carried the ark of the covenant', w. 14-15 make the tent of meeting ('ohd mo'ed) the place where YHWH speaks to Moses, cf. Ex 27:21; 33:7—11, etc. w. 16-22 are motivated by the problem of what will happen to Israel once her incomparable first leader has died and the foundational period of her history has come to a close, cf. the analogous problem in Josh 3:11 to Judg 23:1. The author introduces an independent poem in 32:1-43 which he wants
The poem is anthological in character and obviously presupposes the development of monotheistic thought as reflected in Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 45:5-7). Despite the attempt by Sanders (1996), in his authoritative study of Deut 32, to demonstrate a pre-exilic origin of the poem, it is more plausibly considered a composition from the Second Temple period.
(32:1-6) The poet and wisdom teacher stresses the perfection and justice of God in sharp contrast to the foolishness of the people. Upon the doctrinal foundation which is established by this antithesis, any historical experience of disaster will be reflected in a straight scheme of theodicy. It is worth noting
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nations do not understand his work, because they attribute their triumph over Israel to their own strength (cf. Isa 10:5— 15). Therefore, the relationship between YHWH and Israel which existed ever since the mythological origin of history
how the poet places himself within a horizon of hymnic praise of YHWH (v. 3) and thus responds to the superior importance of the concept of'fear of the LORD' in the wisdom tradition (Prov 9:10). There is a striking similarity between the opening of Moses' poem and the introduction to Isaiah (Isa 1:2-3).
(w. 8-9) does not permit YHWH to destroy Israel totally, because then his name could not be known and honoured any more, cf. Isa 48:9—11.
(32:7-9) An insight into right behaviour as well as a knowledge of God's actions in a mythical primeval age are preserved in the wisdom of former generations (v. 7; cf. Job 8:8—10; Jer 6:16-17; Isa 45:20-1; 46:8-11). Therefore, the poet grounds the Deuteronomistic notion of Israel's election (7:6) on a mythological concept of the primeval age and adduces a polytheistic concept of the order of the nations corresponding with the number of celestial beings. It has been suggested that this may be traced back to Ugaritic mythology which, in the epic The Palace of Bafal of the fourteenth century BCE, has the 'seventy sons of Athirat', cf. the seventy nations in Gen 10 (see Lipinski 1998: 300-1; Gibson 1978: 63; AN£Ti34). v. 8 thus is a poetic echo of polytheistic mythology as e.g. Ps 82:67; 89:5-14 (MT 6-15); Job 38:7. Whereas the LXX reads'according to the number of the angels of God' (one MS reads 'of the sons of God'; cf. 4Q DeutJ (DJD 14. 90), and see Sir 17:17), the Hebrew text testifies to a revision which reads 'according to the number of the sons of Israel' (for which cf. Gen 46:27; Deut 10:22). The designation of God as 'the Most High' (felyon) in v. 8 refers to Israel's God as much as does the divine name 'the LORD' (YHWH) in v. 9; cf. the use of 'dyon in Ps 18:13 (MT 14); 83:18 (MT 19); 97:9, etc. and see the discussion in Sanders (1996: 362-74).
(32:28—33) Israel's enemies are portrayed as being foolish (some commentators, however, suggest that w. 28-30 refer rather to Israel). In v. 31, the poet points to the impotence of the enemies' gods who, following v. 8, can at most be subordinate divine beings.
(32:34—5) The future destiny of Israel's enemies has been decided by YHWH long ago, and the time of its arrival is conceived of as imminent. The nations will be hit by YHWH's 'vengeance'. This is a recurring motif in oracles of doom against the nations in the prophetic books (Jer 50:15; Isa 34:8; see Peels 1995). At the beginning of v. 35, the reading of the Samaritan Pentateuch and the LXX, 'for the day of vengeance and recompense' may be more original than the MT which, however, is clearly presupposed in Rom 12:19, where Paul combines Deut 32:35 and Lev 19:18 in a paraenetic call. In the Targum Onqdos, the phrase 'for the time when their foot shall slip' is rendered as 'for the time when they go into exile', because the entire passage, w. 28—35, is seen as referring to Israel.
(32:36-8) The central idea is that of YHWH, the gracious God, who has 'compassion' on his people, cf. 4:31. Looking back to w. 15—18, the poet derides Israel's aberration from her faith in YHWH, the only true God.
(32:10—14) For the poetic images of the eerie desert and the prodigious land, cf. 8:1—18. The poet mentions neither the theme of the Exodus nor that of the conquest of the land, cf. also Jer 2:2. The fascinating imagery of v. lob is unique in the OT, that of v. ii has a parallel in Ex 19:3—4. Against the background of the splendour of Israel's early salvation history, v. 12 prepares the ground for the monotheistic creed in v. 39. In contrast to the obvious uniqueness of YHWH in this early period, the foreign gods to which w. 15—18 refer are called 'new ones recently arrived' (v. 17).
(32:39) The climax of Moses' poem. Even the most contradictory experiences which Israel may suffer must be referred to YHWH. The uniqueness of God has been given expression in 6:4 and it is now emphasized in a monotheistic creed. As a prayer of an individual, the Song of Hannah in i Sam 2:1—10 has close parallels to this verse, which may be considered the culmination of such passages as Hos 6:1-3 and Isa 45:5~7> cfalso Rom 4:17. (32:40-2) The image ofYHWH's hand raised for an oath (cf. Ezek 20) introduces an amplification of the expectation of w. 34-5. The poet portrays YHWH as a warrior. Arrows and a sword as YHWH's weapons are mentioned in many oracles of doom, cf. e.g. Nah 3; Hab 3. The poet envisages the total extinction of the enemy. Within the OTas a whole, this image of vengeance finds its counterpart in the vision of universal peace as in Isa 2:2-4. That vision breaks up the dualism of 'compassion' and 'vengeance' which underlies any apocalyptic concept of'salvation' and 'doom'.
(32:15—18) The representation of Israel's sin stands in the tradition of prophetic accusations (Hos 11:1-3; 13:4-6). The poet compares Israel to a rebellious animal that 'kicks out' (LXX apolaktizein), cf. Hos 4:16. 'Jeshurun' as a name for Israel has only three other references in the OT, namely in the poems which frame the Blessing of Moses in 33:2-5, 26-9, and in Isa 44:1-5. The name is a nominal form of the root y-s-r 'to be straight/right', perhaps in a play on the name 'Jacob' which, in Hos 12:3 (MT 4), is derived from the root f-q-b possibly meaning 'to deceive'. LXX translates the name as 'the beloved' (ho Igaplmenos).
(32:43) As in v. 8, MT has been revised in order to avoid all possible reminiscences of polytheism. Where MT reads 'praise, O nations, his people', a MS from Qumran reads 'praise, O heavens, his people, | worship him, all you gods' (4QDeutq, see DJD 14. 141; this is followed by NRSV; cf. also Ps 97:9 and see Rofe (2000)), which partly corresponds to the double reading in LXX 'rejoice, O heavens, with him, | and let all the sons of God worship him; rejoice, O nations, with his people, | and let all the angels of God confirm for him'. The last colon of v. 43 goes beyond the thrust of the poem and
(32:19—25) The poet attributes to the hiddenness and to the anger of YHWH all disastrous events which strike Israel. In w. 21 and 25 he refers to military catastrophes, in v. 22 he represents YHWH's anger in a cosmological dimension (cf. Job 9:5—6). w. 23—4 portray mythical powers of destruction as 'arrows' which YHWH will shoot at his people (cf. Ezek 5:16; Job 6:4).
(32:26^7) YHWH who is the God Most High, is also the originator of Israel's disaster (cf. Isa 45:6—7). However, the
DEUTERONOMY 156
veneration for the site of Moses' burial may arise as it is said to be unknown. Moses' survey of the land from Gilead in the north-east to the Negeb in the south-west is reminiscent of Gen 13:14-15, and YHWH thus confirms his promise to Israel's ancestors (v. 4, cf. 1:8; 30:20). v. 5, like 29:1 (MT 28:69), refers back to the concept of 1:5: the era of Moses, who delivered the Torah to Israel, comes to a close in the land east of the Jordan, v. 7, Moses died at the highest age that, according to Gen 6:3, a human being could possibly reach; see, however, Num 33:39 and cf. Josh 24:29. v. 10, in a paradoxical way, stresses the primary importance which prophecy has for the Deuteronomistic school. On the one hand the verse classifies Moses as a prophet, on the other, it underlines his incomparable status (contrast 18:18) and thus subordinates all later prophets to the Torah; see Blenkinsopp 1977: 80-95. Th£
addresses the question of impurity and atonement (kipper), which according to the LXX and 4QDeuti refers to Israel's land, but according to MT refers to the people as well as the land; on this theological issue cf Ezek 36. (32:48-52) Moses on Mount Nebo Harmonizing between different sources of the Pentateuch, a late redactor makes an instruction by YHWH precede the report of Moses' death in 34:1—8. He does not refer to 3:26—7, where no sin of Moses is thought of, but rather adopts motifs from Num 20:1-13, 22~4; 27:12-14. Deut 10:6 represents a different tradition about Aaron's death.
(33:1—29) The Blessing of Moses It has been suggested that the framing verses in w. 2—5 and w. 26—9 (together with v. 2ib) originally formed an independent psalm from the earliest period of Israel's history (Seeligmann 1964; Jeremias 1987: 82—92). However, the text and its numerous mythological allusions pose many virtually unanswerable philological and traditio-historical questions. It opens with a hymnic description of a theophany of YHWH, surrounded by celestial beings
expression 'face to face' may refer to the scene at Horeb as represented by 5:5,31; the motifhas been elaborated further in Ex 33:8—11, cf. also Num 12:1—8. v. 9 again addresses the problem of succession and continuity after Moses' death and portrays Joshua according to an ideal of wisdom, w. 9-10 thus relate the Torah, prophecy, and wisdom to each other, w. ia, 79 are often considered fragments of the Priestly Document, see, however, Perlitt (1988). Finally, w. 11—12 follow the same tendency of magnifying the miraculous which can be observed in 6:22. The verses stimulate the poetic imagination of the readers with a reference to the miracles that Moses wrought in Egypt and thus emphasize God's intervention when Israel's history started with the Exodus.
(w. 2—3, cf. Steiner 1996; Miiller 1992: 30) and ends with praise of the incomparability of Israel's God (w. 26—9). Ifv. 50 has YHWH as subject and is more original than v. 4, the poem may originally have celebrated the kingship of YHWH in 'Jeshurun' (see DEUT 32:15, and cf. e.g. Ps 93). Parallels to consider would have to include Judg 5:4—5 and Hab 3:3—6, also i Kings 8:23, 56 and Num 23:9. (33:6-25) The Blessings On the individual tribes see ABD. Here, as in Gen 49, the tribes are mostly characterized by metaphors. In general, the sayings date from before the Assyrian expansion to the west in the eighth century BCE. The order of the tribes does not follow an established system like e.g. that of Jacob's sons according to Gen 29:31-30:24; 35:1620. v. 6, Reuben, a tribe mostly paired with Gad in the land east of the Jordan, is seen as nearing extinction, v. 7, the saying about Judah is a blessing for success in a military campaign. The expression 'bring him to his people' has often been interpreted as commenting on the division of Solomon's reign (i Kings 12) from a northern Israelite perspective. However, it refers rather to a return from battle, w. 8-n, Levi is a tribe which does not have its own territory (10:8—9; 18:1). It is characterized as a priestly tribe by the Urim and Thummim, technical means for giving oracles, cf. Ex 28:30. The reference to a trial of Levi at 'Massah' and 'Meribah' gives a surprising interpretation of the story of Ex 17:1—7 (cf. Deut 6:16); Num 20:1—13, which may allude to Ex 32:25—9. An addition in w. gb—10 makes the Levites the true teachers of the Torah, cf. 31:9. w. 12-17, Benjamin, Ephraim, and Manasseh are tribes in the hill country north of Jerusalem, w. 18-19, me
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157 DEUTERONOMY
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44: 359-75Jeremias, J. (1987), Das Konigtum Gottes in den Psalmen, FRLANT 141
(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). Keel, O. (1981), 'Zeichen der Verbundenheit: Zur Vorgeschichte und
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Bedeutung der Forderungen von Dt 6,8f. und par.', in P. Casetti, O. Keel and A. Schenker (eds.), Melanges Dominique Barthelemy, OBO 38 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), 160—240. Keel, O., and Uehlinger, C. (1998), Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God
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Oaths, SAA 2 (Helsinki: Helsinki University Press). Peels, H. G. L. (1995), The Vengeance of God, OTS 31 (Leiden: Brill). Perlitt, L. (1988), 'Priesterschrift im Deuteronomium?', in id., Deuter-
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(197112), 'Die Sicherung der Wirksamkeit des Gotteswortes durch das Prinzip der Gewaltenteilung nach den Amtergesetzen des Buches Deuteronomium (Dt 16,18-18,22)', in id., Studien zum Deuteronomium und zur deuteronomistischen Literatur, SBAB 8 (Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1990), i. 305-23; ET in Christensen (1993), 336-52.
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JOSHUA 158
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9. Joshua GORDON MCCONVILLE
the idea of a 'Hexateuch' (Genesis—Joshua), where Joshua is the culmination of the story of promise that begins in Genesis
A. Text and Language. The text on which the commentary is based is the Masoretic Text (MT) in the edition Biblia Hebraica
(12:1—3; Tengstrom 1976).
2. Yet Joshua also points forward. In its themes of Torahand covenant-keeping, it looks to Israel's ongoing life in the land. Its reflections on the role of the leader, where Joshua inherits the responsibilities of Moses, also point forward to a crucial issue in Judges-Kings. Its covenant-renewal ceremonies at Shechem (8:30-5; 24:1-28) have solemn exhortations to faithfulness, and there are other important notes of warning. Joshua thus heralds both the possession of land and the possibility of exile. In these respects it has significant links with Deuteronomy, and also with JudgesKings.
Stuttgartensia. It is well preserved and probably represents the oldest textform. The Greek version (LXX) of Joshua differs in numerous details from MT. While the differences are frequently attributable to the theological interpretation by the translators, LXX sometimes witnesses to better readings than MT. However, it does not represent an older or better text form. Fragments of Joshua have been recovered from Qumran Cave 4, and may testify to an independent text form.
B. Subject Matter and Literary Genre. 1. Joshua stands at a mid-point in the narrative of Israel's origins that spans Genesis—Kings. It continues the basic story-line of Exodus—Numbers, with its elements of promise of land (Ex 3:8); spying it out and first failing (Num 13-14); conquest of Trans Jordan (Num 21); the theme of guidance and the ark (Num 10:33—6); Moses and Joshua, his second-in-command (Ex 17:8—13); Joshua and Caleb, the faithful spies (Num 14:6-10); Joshua and Eleazar to divide the land (Num 34:17); cities of refuge, and cities for the Levites (Num 35). The correspondence of Joshua with the expectations created by Numbers has led to
3. The book falls into four sections: entry to the land (1:15:12); its conquest (5:13-12:24); dividing it among the tribes (13:1-21:45), and serving YHWH in it (22:1-24:33). The narrative of conquest is at the centre of this. The other parts belong intimately to that concept, however (see c below).
4. The genre of Joshua may be seen as a conquest narrative, similar in many respects to ancient Near-Eastern conquest accounts, as perpetrated by kings who claimed a religious mandate for their campaigns (Younger 1990). Joshua is the
159 JOSHUA
5. These twin elements, Exodus and possession, give to Joshua its essential dynamic. The possession is always in the shadow of the first deliverance. To these is added the call to serve YH WH and obey his word, with severe warnings against compromise and failure to keep covenant. When interpretation of Joshua understands and maintains this tripod—liberation, possession, service—it can avoid the characteristic danger of the book, namely an appropriation of the divine authority given to Joshua for self-devised ends in modern conflicts.
account of YHWH's war-campaign in Palestine, providing Israel's entitlement to the land.
C. The Religious Teaching. 1. Joshua plays its part in the OT's insistence on the worship of YHWH alone, as taught supremely by Deuteronomy. It also takes forward that book's theology of a single people of YHWH, worshipping him in the land he has given them, and subject to their covenant with him. Joshua makes its own contribution to the notion of a unified people, recognizing the particularity of the tribes and their lands, yet insisting on their oneness both in the responsibility for the conquest (Josh 1:12-15) and in their loyalty to the single sanctuary (Josh 22). Deuteronomy's requirement of a single place of worship is met here above all in Shiloh (Josh 18; cf Deut 12:1-5).
D. Joshua and History. The classic view of Joshua is that it narrates the 'conquest' of Canaan by the Israelites. Where this is accepted as a broadly historical picture, the event is normally dated to the thirteenth century BCE. Early excavators of Jericho thought they had discovered evidence that verified the story of its capture by Joshua, but subsequent investigations have produced at best a mixed picture (contrast Jericho and Hazor below; 5:13-6:27 and 11:1-23). In modern scholarship, a form of the 'conquest' model is favoured principally by the socalled Albright school, who think that the destruction patterns at a number of sites is best explained by an Israelite invasion about the time of Joshua (Bright 1981). Others have suggested a gradual process of peaceful settlement (Noth 1960), or the emergence of'Israel' within the population of Canaan (Gottwald 1979). Some even question whether Israel as a separate entity can be discerned at all in the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age archaeological levels (Thompson 1992; Whitelam 1996). The issues in this kind of study are complex, and there are no unambiguous data. The view taken in the present commentary is that the the book preserves real memories of Israel's early days in Canaan. The principal general reason is the prominence in the narrative of places that play little part in the periods of the late monarchy, the Exile, and after (Gilgal,
2. Closely connected with worship and land is the Holy War theology, of which Joshua is the OT's classic example. Put in place in several Pentateuchal texts (Ex 14; Num 22—4; Deut 2— 3), it is here embodied in Israel's foundational narrative of land possession. The various victories manifest the central concept of the Holy War, namely the hlrem, or sentence of total destruction on the enemy population. This sentence of destruction on a population, civilian and non-aggressor, and expressly commanded by YHWH, presents the greatest moral difficulty in the book for modern readers.
3. In its own context, the herem has an intelligible theology, involving YHWH's sovereignty over all nations, his ownership of the land, his right to grant it to whomever he wishes, his agency in the military victory, his judgement on the sin of the victims, and the need to remove from Israel any risk of religious contamination. (There is further comment along these lines in JOSH 5:13-6:27). This theology is idealized in our accounts, however. The actual Israelite entry to the land was not swift and tidy, as even a careful reading of Joshua itself makes clear. The contrast between the real and the ideal may be illustrated by a text in Deuteronomy (Deut 7:2-3), in which an uncompromising requirement is followed immediately by one that implies that Israelites and Canaanites do and will live alongside each other in Canaan. Of course, even the idea that these commands and accounts are an idealization may only compound the modern reader's problem, rather than alleviate it! It may help, however, to recall that Joshua is a conventional conquest-narrative (as we noticed above). In Old Testament times, kings went to war and wrote up their victories, attributing their success to their gods. Joshua is YHWH's victory account, an indispensable part of the narrative of the demonstration of his ownership of the land, and not necessarily realistic. Understood in that way, it may be seen as belonging to its time, and as superseded by other biblical perspectives on God (OTand NT), which present him as seeking the salvation of the whole world. Yet the ideas of divine gift, dependence on God, and even judgement, find echoes in the NT.
Shechem, Shiloh). Furthermore, a close reading of Joshua itself shows that it is not offering a simple conquest model, but rather a mixed picture of success and failure, sudden victory and slow, compromising progress.
E. Date and Place of Composition. 1. Theories of the composition of Joshua are closely connected with those concerning the history of Israel. Scholars who are sceptical about the historical picture given in the book suppose a late (exilic or after), theologically contrived composition, with few ancient sources if any. Others have postulated ancient sources behind the present form of the book, as a means of connecting it to the events that it purports to relate. Formerly, such sources were sought in the four documents of Pentateuchal source-analysis. The prevailing view in modern scholarship thinks rather in terms of a variety of sources available to a Deuteronomic, or Deuteronomistic, author or authors, who composed the whole history from Joshua to Kings, prefaced by Deuteronomy, in the time of Josiah, or the Exile, or both (Noth 1981; Cross 1973).
4. The book of Joshua's theology of land has another unique feature (within Joshua—Kings) in the close connection it makes between the Exodus from Egypt and the conquest of Canaan. This is expressed especially in Josh 3-4, where the crossing of the Jordan deliberately evokes the older crossing of the Reed Sea (Ex 14). The whole drama from deliverance from
2. The Deuteronomic theory has always encountered problems in Joshua. This is because of its strong continuities with story-lines in Exodus—Numbers (as noted in B above). Furthermore, commentators have often felt unable to attribute large parts of the book to the Deuteronomist(s), and find various degrees of Priestly reworking, for example, in the strong Priestly elements in Josh 3—4. There are signs of a modern
slavery in Egypt to possession of land in Canaan is thus unified here.
JOSHUA 160
trend towards a different view of the composition of the historical books, that postulates the various books' independent growth and editing (Westermann 1993). The present commentary takes such a view. It allows for the preservation of ancient material within a 'Joshua' tradition that maintains its special themes and concerns. This explains, for example, the prominence of the ark of the covenant and the centrality of
The Entry to the Land (1:1-5:12 J
(1:1-9) Commissioning of Joshua The overture to the book of Joshua forms a transition from the narratives of the wilderness wanderings of Israel into that ofthe settlement in Canaan. The underlying theology is the ancient promise that YHWH would give his people a land (w. 3-4; cf Gen 15:17-21; Ex 3:17; Deut 1:7-8). The commissioning of Joshua in succession to Moses is at the centre of this transitional narrative, and the reference to the latter's death makes an express link with the closing words of Deuteronomy.
Shiloh, topics which, incidentally, put the book closer to i Samuel than to other historical books. It also enables Joshua to be read on its own terms, and not principally typologically, as sometimes happens in the Deuteronomic theory, where Joshua himself becomes a kind of cipher for Josiah. The mediators of the Joshua tradition may well have been the priests at Shiloh. The book of Joshua, in its present form, however, has been carefully shaped theologically. The narrative of the taking of Jericho, for example, is a stylized liturgical composition (see on Josh 5:13-6:27).
The life of Moses had spanned Israel's Exodus from Egypt and its time in the wilderness. He was not to enter the promised land; rather, Joshua would do that. The tradition of a relationship between Moses and Joshua is found in Ex 17:816; Num 27:12-23, and pursued in Deuteronomy (1:37-8; 3:21-8; 31:1-23; 34:9). Now the first command to Joshua is to cross the Jordan (v. 2), in order to enable the people to possess their land (v. 6).
3. It is impossible, in my view, to trace the growth of the book into its present shape in any detail. For example, a key Deuteronomic text such as Josh 24 is capable of widely varying dates, and language that can be thought Deuteronomic may be much earlier (Koopmans 1990). However, the book was utimately edited together with the other historical books
If Joshua is second to Moses (he is Moses' 'assistant', v. i), his present commissioning virtually puts him in Moses' place. The phrase 'servant of YHWH', marking both relationship and responsibility, is elsewhere used of Moses (v. i; cf. Ex 14:31; Deut 34:5), and of King David (2 Sam 7:5). The present passage (w. 6-9) strongly suggests a transfer ofthe privileges and role of Moses to Joshua, perhaps in a special ceremony (Lohfink 1962). The elements in this transfer are (i) the encouragement of Joshua (w. 6, 7, 9); (2) the giving of a task, namely putting the people in possession ofthe land (v. 6), implying the distribution of its parts to the tribes, the subject of Josh 13— 19, and (3) the assurance of God's presence with him (v. 9). The theory of a ceremony should not be pressed to argue that Joshua is thus a 'royal' figure (by analogy with the passing of an office from David to Solomon, Gerbrandt 1986). But the three elements identified do characterize the role of Joshua as it emerges here.
(Judges-Kings) to form a continuous narrative from the occupation of the land to the Exile. The perception of the unity of the whole story may be seen in the tacit designation of Shiloh as the 'chosen place' (Josh 9:27), in terms recalling Deut 12:5, and pointing forward to the identification of this 'place' with Jerusalem in i Kings 8:29; 2 Kings 21:4. This final stage ofthe composition probably took place during the Exile in Babylon.
F. Outline
Entry to the Land (i:i-yi2)
Commissioning of Joshua (1:1—9) The Transjordanian Tribes (1:10—18) Rahab and the Spies (2:1—24) Crossing the Jordan (3:1-5:1) Circumcision and Passover (5:2—12) Taking the Land (j.'ij—12:24)
Joshua's special position appears in the fact that YHWH addresses him several times in the singular in this passage. The promise that he will be with him is peculiarly his (v. 9). But Joshua is also to place himself under the authority ofthe word of God already given to Moses (v. 7). The terms ofthe responsibility recall the law ofthe king (Deut 17:14—20), but are valid for all who would lead in Israel, thus marking out such leadership from all other, in the sense that it is received and held only by way of God's gift, not by personal power (McCarthy 1971).
The Fall of Jericho (5:13-6:27) Achan's Sin Against the 'Devoted Things' (7:1-26) The Fall of Ai (8:1-29) Ceremony at Mt. Gerizim (8:30—5) Covenant with Gibeon (9:1—27) Defeat ofthe Southern Alliance (10:1-43) Defeat ofthe Northern Alliance (11:1-23) Subduing the Whole Land (12:1—24) Dividing the Land (13:1-21:45)
(1:10-18) The Transjordanian Tribes Joshua's first command emphasizes the military nature ofthe coming campaign, and follows Deuteronomy in thought and language (Deut 11:31). 'Officers' over the people are presupposed in Ex 5:10-19, and there are narratives of commissioning in Num 1:16, Deut 1:15. The latter makes them tribal officials. Their role here and in Deuteronomy is administrative; Numbers knows of a spiritual responsibility. The fine balance here between careful preparation and the recognition that the land is God's gift is a feature of Joshua.
The Command to Allot the Land (13:1-7) The Settling of Transjordan (13:8-33) Caleb's Inheritance (14:1—15) The Territory of Judah (15:1—63) The Territory of Joseph (16:1-17:18)
Shiloh, and the Remaining Tribal Territories (18:1-19:51) Cities of Refuge and Levitical Cities (20:1—21:45) Serving YHWH in the Land (22:1—24.33)
The Altar by the Jordan (22:1-34) Joshua's Farewell Address (23:1-16) The Covenant at Shechem (24:1—28) Endings (24:29-33)
If the crossing ofthe Jordan is the mark of land-occupation, a problem is posed by the settling of some Israelites east ofthe
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(v. n) has Deuteronomic overtones (Deut 4:39). This may be intelligible as a matter of strategy (cf. the Gibeonites' tactics, Josh 9). Yet the author may wish to show ironically the superior faith of the enemy in YHWH's power.
river (cf. Num 32; Deut 3:12-21). The topic is returned to in Josh 22, thus virtually framing the book. Common to these narratives is the requirement that the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and the half-tribe of Manasseh should participate in the conquest of the land of Canaan, thus expressing their belonging in Israel, before settling finally in their own land. The region does not seem to be formally part of the promised land (Num 32 distinguishes it from the land of Canaan, w. 29-30; for Deuteronomy, however, the war of conquest begins there).
Rahab demands the life of herself and her family, borrowing a significant Hebrew term, hesed, 'deal kindly' (v. 12), denoting the loyalty expected in a covenant relationship (cf. i Sam 20:8). The spies agree, in spite of the Holy War theology which underlies their presence there (Deut 2:32—7; 7:1—5; 20:16—18). The men swear on their own lives that they will guarantee those of Rahab and family (w. 14,19), provided she does not 'tell this business of ours' (w. 14, 20). It is hard to know what is left to tell that the Jericho authorities do not know! But the reader feels that the Israelites have somehow entrusted the success of their cause to a Canaanite. Polzin has rightly detected the irony of the whole episode, and its suggestion that Israel, already, has failed to adhere to the terms of the herem (Polzin 1980).
The key theological idea here is 'rest' (w. 12, 15; cf. Deut 12:9). Rest is a goal of the occupation narratives, entailing the complete possession of the land and the subduing of enemies (Josh 11:23). Its definitive enjoyment, however, is elusive (cf. again 2 Sam 7:1). Finally, the response of Israel is important here (w. 16—18; see Earth 1971). Specifically, it could be either the officers accepting the command of v. n, or the Trans Jordanian tribes agreeing the terms ofw. 13-15. More importantis the pattern of command and response, essential to covenantal arrangements (cf. Ex 19:8; 24:3, 7), and the words are as from Israel as a whole. Israel shows its willingness to submit to Joshua as successor of Moses, and thus to YHWH and his word.
In the event the present adventure would play no part in the entry to Canaan or the fall of the city—except perhaps to warn the inhabitants that it is coming (6:1)!—since YHWH's power is irresistible.
(2:1—24) Rahab and the Spies The mission of the spies recalls the first such mission, which had resulted in failure to take the promised inheritance because of fear (Num 13—14). The present enterprise focuses on Jericho. Some therefore see the story as originally an aetiological tale, explaining the continuing presence in Israel of a family or group associated with Rahab (Josh 6:25; Wagner 1964; cf. Long 1968). However, the reference to 'the land' alongside 'Jericho', v. i, puts this story in the context of the larger narrative of conquest; there is also an echo of the first mission, recalling that such efforts can fail. The outcome this time is successful, however, in so far as the spies return to encourage the people (v. 24; contrast Num 13:31-3). Yet this is an odd beginning to the conquest (w. 1—3). Joshua has no command from God to send spies (contrast Num 13:1— 3). The secrecy of the project (v. i) seems inconsistent with a victorious march into the land, and in any case is not sustained (w. 2—3). And the involvement of the Canaanite prostitute Rahab in Israel's advance seems to compromise its integrity.
(3:1—5:1) Crossing the Jordan There now comes the account of the entry of the whole people to the land (3:1—5:12). This great culmination of promise makes express connections with the Exodus story. The crossing of the Jordan by a miraculous parting of the waters (Josh 3:16) recalls the crossing of the Reed Sea (Ex 14:21—2); the first Passover kept in the new land (Josh 5:10-12) corresponds to the first of all, in Egypt (Ex 1213); the centrality of the ark here symbolizes the guidance of YHWH on the way to the land (Mann 1977), and prepares for the Holy War ahead (Num 10:33-6).
The narrative in 3:1-5:1 has resisted alignment with the traditional Pentateuchal sources. While a number of elements in it occur twice (e.g. the selection of men to carry the stones, 3:12; 4:2; the setting up of the stones, 4:8—9, 20) the central incident, the passage of the ark through the river, is told only once (4:11). It has been widely seen as an aetiological liturgical narrative from the sanctuary at Gilgal, near Jericho on the banks of the Jordan (possibly Khirbet-Mafjar). This was an important cultic centre in the monarchic period (i Sam 11:1415), and perhaps earlier. The festival would have celebrated the memory of exodus together with the triumphant entry to the land (Kraus 1951), perhaps in the context of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, or massot (cf. 5:10-12; Otto 1975; otherwise Halbe 1975: 329-44). The crossing of the Jordan would have echoed that of the Reed Sea (cf. Ps 114:3, 5; Mic 6:4-5). This type of explanation may account better for the prominence of ark and priests in the narrative than the 'literary' solution of Noth and others (Noth 1953; Fritz 1994), which postulates 'post-Priestly' additions to a Deuteronomic narrative.
The involvement of the 'king of Jericho' (v. 2) reminds us of the real issues at stake, namely Israel's challenge to the citystates of Canaan, the more profound because Israel's only king is YHWH. The king is well aware (as Balak, king of Moab, had been, Num 22:2-4) °f me threat posed by Israel to the whole land (v. 3).
These great issues sit oddly with the setting of the action in a prostitute's bedroom. The next scene (w. 4-7) has an element of farce, the secret police being easily dispatched in the wrong direction. The city-gate closes to keep enemies out, but they are already inside, and settling down for the night.
The account of the crossing is connected to that of the spies (ch. 2) by the further mention of Shittim (3:1). The first verse sets the theme when it brings Joshua, together with 'all the Israelites', to the verge of Jordan for the crossing (cf. v. 17). The tribal officials play their part, and the due timing is observed
Rahab's words (w. 8-n) borrow the language of Israel's confessions of faith. Her admission of the city's fear at Israel's progress corresponds to God's promise (cf. Ex 23:27; Num 22:3). And she sees the victories in Transjordan as evidence that they will carry the day in Canaan (Deut 3:21-2). The confession of YHWH's universal rule in heaven and on earth
(w. 2-3; cf. 1:10-11). The theme of the ark as a guide on the journey (v. 40) is connected (as in Num 10:33—6) with that of
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comparison with those given in the tribal lists in Num i. In that place they may simply be exaggerated (see NUM i). It is also possible that the word translated 'thousand' really means 'platoon' in such cases, and therefore implies smaller and indeterminate numbers.
Holy War (v. 10), anticipating the sack of Jericho. The crossing respects the requirements of holiness, the ark being attended by the properly authorized personnel (w. 3, 6; cf. Num 3:5—10, 31), and the people keeping due distance. In this respect the story recalls the encounter with YHWH at Sinai (cf. Ex 19:10—12). Preparations for the crossing are now joined with a reaffirmation of Joshua's leadership, and of YHWH's special promise to accompany him (3:7; cf. 1:5). YHWH's fundamental promise to Israel (Ex 3:12) is thus applied to Joshua himself. The themes of his leadership, YHWH's law (words), his powerful presence and his promise to dispossess the enemy (cf. Ex 3:17) are all closely combined here (w. 10-11). The phrase 'the LORD, the Lord of all the earth' (v. 13; cf. Mic 4:13; Ps 97:5) is a claim to absolute universal dominion, similar to claims made by other ancient Near-Eastern deities. Baal, for example, was known at Ugarit as zbl VI ars ('the prince, lord of the earth'; see Fritz 1994: 51—2).
Finally, the priests, who have been in the water with the ark during the crossing of the people and the ceremonies with the stones (4:10), emerge last from it, and when they do the river resumes its normal course (4:15—18).
The date of the people's emergence from the river is significant, the tenth day of the 'first month' being part of the Passover celebration, when the lamb was prepared for the feast (Ex 12:2—3). f*-*11 calendars in Israel and the date of the Passover see Clines 1976.) Thus, the crossing of the river is expressly connected with that of the Reed Sea. The two events frame the larger narrative of exodus and conquest, as archetypal acts of salvation. The stones taken from the river are set up in Gilgal (v. 20), and the link between exodus and entry is established.
Following the scene-setting there is an initial, succinct report of the crossing (w. 14-17), with only a note to make the point that it was truly miraculous, the river being in its spring flood (v. 15). This passage has a complex relationship with the following (ch. 4), both anticipating that fuller account of the crossing, and participating in it (only here is the entry into the water by the priests narrated).
Finally, in the perspective of the larger narrative, the purpose of the demonstration of God's power in this event is that all the peoples of the earth might know it. The narrative thus points towards the triumphs of YHWH that lie ahead. The effect of the Israelites' approach on the inhabitants of the land is devastating (5:1). Their designation 'Amorites' and 'Canaanites' follows Deut 1—3, e.g. Deut 1:7. That passage recorded how it was the Israelites whose hearts 'melted' (1:28), and how they then rashly took on the enemy unprepared (1:41-5). Now it is the turn of the Amorites; the misadventure of Moab is in the past, and the land trembles before the approach of Israel and YHWH.
There now follows (4:1—5:1) an extended account of the crossing, though it has been briefly narrated just before. Parallel and anticipatory accounts of events are known elsewhere in the OT (cf. 2 Kings 18:13-16; 18:17-19:37). v. i, which refers to the crossing as if complete, yet introduces instructions about actions to be performed before or during it, may be intelligible as a link with ch. 3, and a kind of announcement that what follows tells how the crossing was accomplished. This intersection of temporal points of view, both here and at the conclusion of ch. 3, may be a function of the liturgical character of the text.