Part 29
The chapter is closely related to the story of the siege of Jerusalem by the Assyrian Sennacherib (ch. 32), i.e. the Chronicler creates this parallel by his restructuring of the text. In both cases a foreign ruler captures almost all of Judah, leaving Jerusalem untouched, having been saved by the correct actions of the relevant ruler (Rehoboam and Hezekiah respectively). Why is this story so important to the Chronicler that he should tell it twice, once with Rehoboam and once with Hezekiah? Because both ch. 12 and ch. 32 also shed light upon post-exilic Jewish life: Israel is punished, realizes what it is like to be ruled by a foreign kingdom (v. 8), but is not entirely destroyed (v. 12). Its life is restricted to Jerusalem, as was actually the case in post-exilic Jerusalem. These references are not immediately recognizable today, but would have been clear to the Chronicler's contemporary reader.
w. 15—16, concluding remarks: by contrast to the source model text, the Chronicler clearly distinguishes between the earlier and later acts of Rehoboam. Which periods he separates thus is not, however, entirely clear. It is also unclear whether the records of Shemaiah and Iddo are a single text or two separate sources (cf. e.g. i Chr 29:29; 2 Chr 9:29). Cf. also 11:2 (i Kings 12:22) (different spelling) regarding Shemaiah, and 13:22 regarding Iddo (probably identical with the one named here).
w. i—2, at the moment of Rehoboam's height of power— 'establishment' becomes a central keyword in his reign—he (and his people alike) forsake God. Uzziah behaves similarly in 26:16. The decline is described in rather colourless terms that are typical of the Chronicler—as in v. 2, where his favourite phrase, 'transgressed against the LORD', appears. The source model is more explicit in its description of Rehoboam's crime. The Chronicler wishes to portray Rehoboam in a more positive light since he does not fail and receives an honourable burial, v. 3, going beyond the source model, the Chronicler
Abijah (2 Chr 13:1-23)
Both i Kings 15 and ch. 13 deviate from their usual descriptive practices when they turn to reporting on King Abijah. The source text contains only one piece of historical information that goes beyond the biographical notice (v. 7: 'And there was
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this imply that the northern priesthood could be bribed? For the phrase, 'no gods', cf Hos 8:6. v. n, here the people of the northern kingdom are also indirectly accused of failing to perform the cultic rites correctly (though, of course, by definition there can be no legitimate cult in the north). The correct temple service is described at some points (cf. e.g. 8:12—15). Whilst i Kings 7:49 (cf. 2 Chr. 4:7) describes Solomon ordering ten lampstands, there is only one here. It may be that there was only one lampstand in the post-exilic temple, or that the Chronicler was inspired by Ex 25:31, which describes the tabernacle with only one golden lampstand.
war between Abijah and Jeroboam'). It also includes a negative judgement on Abijah's religious behaviour. Indeed, interestingly, it contains more information about David than about Abijah. The Chronicler does not use all of this information for his work; most surprisingly he deletes the negative judgement even though it was almost predetermined given that the king ruled Judah for only three years (short periods of rule were interpreted as an expression of a lack of divine blessing and thus insufficient God-fearing qualities). He offers no judgement on Abijah at all—treatment which is otherwise given only to Jehoahaz (36:1—4)! This is probably because the Chronicler did not wish to contradict his source model in Kings. There may be justification for his implied positive judgement in his reference to the state of war between the northern and southern kingdoms: the Chronicler understands the only information taken from the source text to mean that Abijah (only) once defeated Jeroboam in battle. He regards Abijah (rather than Rehoboam) as Solomon's worthy successor, as can be seen in some of his allusions. His war report is also an addition to his source material, the battle being preceded by a sermon on the mount which forms the core of the chapter, once again portraying the basic relationship between the northern and southern kingdoms.
v. 12, 'the LORD, the God of your ancestors', YHWH cannot be taken from the Israelites! God, the priests, the war trumpets and the battle sound (in that order) form the Judeans' 'arsenal' for holy war. This indeed subsequently takes place, its elements naturally appearing in a spiritual form. w. 13-15, the battle and the way it is carried out show a mixture of elements of holy warfare—especially on the Judean side— and tactics, as pursued by the Israelites, who prepare an ambush which proves unsuccessful. Judah itself must take the initiative and cry to the Lord, who alone brings Jeroboam and all of Israel to its knees, w. 16—17, only once YHWH has triumphed can the Judeans become active in (pursuing and) defeating the Israelites, destroying more than half its army. The Chronicler emphasizes with a note of regret that these were chosen men. v. 18, he who is God-fearing and seeks the Lord will be heard and supported—this is a central declaration of the Chronicler's theology, v. 19, the precise references (along with the place-name in v. 4) have been interpreted by some exegetes as evidence underlining the plausibility of the reported battle. More probably, however, this reflects postexilic Judean territorial claims.
w. 3-20, this passage is composed of preparations for war, a lengthy speech, and the description of an actual battle, w. 3-4, Abijah makes the initial impetus for war. His large army
(400,000 men) is still only half the size of Jeroboam's (800,000—a figure originating from 2 Sam 24:9 and referring to David's census). Abijah's 'valiant warriors ... picked men', are faced by Jeroboam's 'picked mighty warriors'. Both these differences suggest that on human terms, Jeroboam/ Israel should be victorious, w. 5-12, Abijah's stylistically and rhetorically artistic speech concerns the legitimate rule of the Davidides (YHWH's rule), the legitimate office of priesthood in Jerusalem, and the legitimate (and pure) performance of ritual cult in the temple of Jerusalem. The northern kingdom has broken faith with all these principles. But Abijah's speech does not attempt to prove this fact, instead calling upon the people of the northern kingdom to return (to the Davidides and therefore to God). Mention of the legitimate priesthood (and the correct performance of rites) here clearly points to post-exilic times, perhaps even indicating a conflict with the Samaritans, w. 6—7, 'Jeroboam, son of Nebat, a servant of Solomon son of David': naming the fathers of Jeroboam and Solomon serves to prove the illegitimacy of Jeroboam's claim to the throne. An explicit judgement on Jeroboam's errancy appears only here in Chronicles: he rose up and rebelled against Solomon; Rehoboam is partly excused by his youth and inexperience (though he was 41 years old when he acceded to the throne: 12:13). Th£ judgement has a theological nature. Who exactly the vain men that gathered around Jeroboam were remains unclear—possibly mercenaries, though more probably the young men who advised Rehoboam poorly (10:10).
v. 20, the phrasing suggests that Rehoboam died an unnatural death (cf. 21:18; i Sam 25:38), though no mention of this is made elsewhere in the tradition. Contrary to the Chronicler's statement (which is perhaps meant only theologically), Jeroboam outlives Abijah by several years. It is also possible that the Chronicler inverted information he possessed to create this version of events (cf. 2 CHR 8:2). v. 21, as is so often the case, Abijah's blessing consists of increased power and a large number of wives and children, v. 22, in this passage the Chronicler mentions a different source, that is, the midrash ('story') of the prophet Iddo, from those of his own source model. 'Midrash' must be understood in the ancient sense (the term is repeated only once in the entire OT, at 24:27), rather than in the technical sense of 'interpretation'. Both 9:29 and 12:15 refgr to the prophet Iddo. v. 23 (cf. 14:1), the Chronicler emends his model slightly, adding (amongst other changes) that the land had rest for ten years. This suggests that the king behaved in a God-fearing manner (cf. next section).
Asa (2 Chr 14:1-16:14)
v. 9, it is important for the Chronicler that the priesthood comprises the sons of Aaron (actual priests) and the Levites. The accusation made here refers to 2 Chr 11:14. The northern kingdom appoints its own men as priests, bringing forward a young bullock and seven rams (two were prescribed by the law for the anointing of priests—this may be an exaggeration rather than an alternative interpretation of the law). Does
(14:1-7) Asa's Rule until the War against the Cushites This section deals with three themes: (i) Asa's cultic reforms (w. i— 5); (2) his building projects (w. 6—7); and (3) his reinforcement of the army (v. 8).
v. i, Tn his days the land had rest for ten years': this sentence has often been seen as a reference to the reign of Asa's predecessor Abijah (especially due to its position). Here the
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permitted to go into action. The booty plundered from the enemy is a rich reward. The Chronicler emphasizes these aspects by his detailed description, v. 14, 'the fear of the LORD was on them': elements of a holy war which seem incongruous with the contextual descriptions of pillage but which suit the Chronicler's theology well. v. 14, 'the cities around Gerar': in the gth century this area was under the influence of the Philistines, v. 15, 'tents ... sheep... goats ... camels': this clearly confirms that the defeated enemy was an Arab-Edomite tribe.
Chronicler probably uses it to highlight Asa's religious reforms, w. 2—4, in view of such ideal rule, these reforms seem unnecessary, at least for the period reported. But the Chronicler respects his source model which reported the measures, and such reforms often characterized kings judged positively in Chronicles. He also makes some changes to his source material, which, for instance, mentions abolition of the hierodules (male prostitutes) and all edifices (i Kings 15:1213). The situation Asa is confronted with at the beginning of his reign in Chronicles is not as serious as in the source model, though bad enough for the Chronicler, v. 3, the abolition of the high places contradicts i Kings 15:14. v. 4 is a description of desired positive action using key terminology ('seek the LORD') and Deuteronomistic ideas of the law and the commandments, w. 6—7, the information regarding Asa's building projects (which also characterize kings who are judged positively) can hardly be based upon non-biblical sources, since it is too general.
(15:1—19) Prophetic Words and the Renewal of the Covenant The contents of this passage do not seem to fit into the present context, since there is no reason for a warning after a war had been won because of dependence on God, and it has therefore occasionally been attributed to a different author. According to G. von Rad (1958: 261-2), the passage is a Levite address, while other OT commentaries see its source in postexilic synagogue ceremonies. Such theories overlook the fact that Azariah's speech forms a carefully crafted theological commentary whilst simultaneously looking to the future with a particular call not to sit around doing nothing. The Chronicler does not restrict himself to commenting on individual events in his speeches and prayers, often at least hinting at theological principles and sometimes discussing them extensively. This particularly applies to v. 2. Azariah's speech, which has a strongly anthological style, can be divided into three parts following its introduction: (i) principles; (2) a historical retrospect (without concrete historical information); (3) consequences for the future.
v. 8, one of the most controversial debates on Chronicles concerns its possible use of non-biblical sources to report on the structure of the Jewish (and Benjaminite) army. Junge
(1937) suggests references to such sources using the argument that the information given is precise and free from any religious bias or a Chronicles-based perspective. It is based on the army levy, though the figures given portray the situation at the time of Josiah rather than Asa. Welten (1973: 100—7) also
points out the probability that the difference between the heavily armed Judeans and the lightly armed Benjaminites stems from the existing Hellenistic armies at the time of the Chronicler. The same influence also results in the Chronicler's evident interest in economics, power, and the military: he is a child of his own time. (14:9-15) Asa's War against Zerah the Ethiopian The Chronicler takes the opportunity of the newly established army to prove its—and therefore YHWH's—effectiveness. He describes a (holy) war in which human strength is nothing in comparison to divine intervention. Such portrayals are common in Chronicles, the most prominent of which can be found in ch. 20. The Chronicler probably expands both these local conflicts into all-out wars which leave Judah victorious and richly rewarded, having called upon the help of God. The report is unlikely to portray a conflict during Asa's rule, but should be regarded as a reflection of contemporary Jewish conflicts with their neighbours rather than as mere fiction.
v. i, Azariah is a common name in the OT, though a prophet Azariah is unknown elsewhere. Like so many other figures, he is probably the Chronicler's own invention. 'The spirit of God came upon...': as Japhet (1993: 717) demonstrates, this phrase is used in Chronicles in connection with prophets who are lesser known elsewhere in the OT. Their endowment with the Spirit is also their initiation: cf i Chr 12:18; 2 Chr 20:14; 24:20. v. 2, the speech's introduction addresses a notably broad audience: Asa, Judah, and Benjamin (the Israelites from the northern kingdom cannot be mentioned here). The Chronicler states his general case three times using some of his favourite vocabulary, in keeping with his dogma of retribution: God's attitude towards his people corresponds with their attitude towards him. Only part of the vocabulary of the previous passage is used here.
w. 3-6, his historical perspective clearly refers to the judges period (cf. e.g. Judg 2:11-14; I7:^)- It is interesting as a time of political and religious unrest during which the highest priority corresponded with the Chronicler's attitude towards his own time, namely the need for (religious) order and security, v. 3 is a midrash-like reworking of Hos 3:4. But whilst the source model uses three pairs of political and cultic images to illustrate the anarchy at this stage, the Chronicler limits himself to religious/theological aspects. He probably used Hosea here due to his affinity for pithy expressions, v. 6, whilst w. 4—5 can be understood in the context of the judges period, this cannot be applied to v. 6. Is this a reflection of the problems facing the Chronicler's own time, which he wishes to portray as solvable by inserting hidden references to the judges period into other verses? v. 7, typically for Chronicles,
v. 9, neither the Pharaoh Osorkon I nor Egyptian mercenaries from a settlement in Gerar can be meant by the Cushite (NRSV, Ethiopian) here. They are probably Edomite-Arab nomads (and contemporaries of the Chronicler) searching for slaves and booty. Zerah is an Edomite name in the OT, whilst Gush is connected with Midian in Hab 3:7 and does not refer exclusively to Egypt/Ethiopia. Mareshah, one of the cities that Rehoboam is said to have fortified, was a centre for Edomite (Idumean) slave trade according to the Zenon papyri (261-252 BCE). Cf also i Chr 4:39-43; 5:10. w. 11-12, are a carefully structured theological interpretation of the battle events. Asa calls upon YHWH, the only hope for the greatly outnumbered Judeans against the advancing enemy. The Lord acts, leaving the Israelites as onlookers, w. 13-15, once the battle has ended successfully, the Judean army is
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v. 12, are God and the people or the king and the people partners of this one-sided covenant aimed at seeking God with heart and soul? Azariah's sermon (including the Chronicler's important theologoumenon, Tf you seek him...') is successful (cf. v. 13). v. 13, punishment for breaking the covenant is draconian. The death penalty is used only for serious religious crimes (cf. e.g. Deut 13). It underlines that seeking YHWH is not regarded as a casual duty. The text explicitly emphasizes that this applies not only to grown men, but also to the young and the old, and to men and women, w. 14—15, the surprising oath made during this festival has a simple reason: in Hebrew the term for 'swear' has the same consonants as 'week' and 'seven'. The Chronicler uses an almost plethoric vocabulary in describing the joy, enthusiasm, and commitment felt by the people, w. 16-18 detail cultic (and political) measures also described in i Kings 15:13-15. v. 16, Asa destroys and burns his mother's idol in the Kings source. The Chronicler adds to this a third action, 'crushed it', which draws parallels between Asa and Josiah, who is shown to have acted likewise towards Asherah in 2 Kings 23:6. v. 17 contradicts 14:2, so it has occasionally been suggested that the author meant only the high places in the northern kingdom of Israel. (This placename is not found in the source model.) Other commentaries assume that the Chronicler originally omitted the verse in the source model, but later transcripts accidentally included it.
Azariah's speech ends with a call for courageous deeds. Here the Chronicler explicitly claims what he elsewhere indirectly hints at, clearly using Jer 31:16 as a model: 'Foryour work shall be rewarded'. The idea of reward was important to the contemporary period since the Jews' actual room for manoeuvre was very limited. If they did not make full use of it they might disappear. But for them it was worthwhile to use all their strength only when they were sure that their work would be rewarded.
Asa reacts immediately to Azariah's sermon, carries out cultic reforms, and subsequently initiates a great assembly (modelled on 2 Kings 23), during which the people enter into a covenant. The sacrificial ceremony is characterized by great joy and enthusiasm, two emotions close to the Chronicler's heart. The passage closes with events also described in the source model (Maacah the queen mother is removed, the high places remain, dedicated silver and gold is handed over to the temple). There are close linguistic parallels with Azariah's sermon here (especially as regards the vocabulary).
v. 8, the reform and the festival are not only characterized by generalizations, but also by concrete reform measures which are not described elsewhere. '[Ajbominable idols' is an expression found only here in Chronicles, although the author came across the term several times in his source text. '[A]nd from the towns that he had taken in the hill country of Ephraim': is the Chronicler referring to Geba and Mizpah here—cities Asa built (!) after his war with Baasha? These are only roughly in the vicinity of the mountains of Ephraim (16:6). Perhaps he is referring to his father Abijah's conquest (13:19), since the reigns of both kings are regarded almost in unison. The statement could also stem from the Chronicler's assumption that the northern kingdom repeatedly lost land to Judean kings after the kingdom's division right up to the time of Josiah. '[Rjepair the altar of the LORD': this seems to be a normal measure (cf. Ezra 3:2—3) which perhaps marks the resumption of ordered cultic life.
v. 19 leads into the next, negative phase of Asa's reign.
(16:1—14) Asa's Dark Period and Death In the second brief phase of Asa's reign (the ist—36th years were positive; up to the 4ist year was negative) the king behaves badly and is accordingly punished. Whilst he proves himself in battle in the first period, he fails in war in the second. Once, he listens to Azariah, later he ignores Hanani's sermon. But since his reign is judged positively when viewed in its entirety, Asa is given an honourable, indeed exceptional, burial. Besides the seer Hanani, three other (unnamed) prophets dominate the chapter: Isaiah's proclamation (v. 7), the words of Zechariah (v. 9), and Jeremiah's suffering (v. 10).
v. 9, besides Judah and Benjamin, the general assembly includes people from the northern kingdom who are understandably regarded as 'strangers' from the Chronicler's perspective. Not only do they come from Ephraim and Manasseh, but also from Simeon (cf. 34:6). This (southern!) tribe had historically disappeared much earlier. The Chronicler was perhaps thinking biblically, referring to the Simeon who settled near Shechem (Gen 34:25). It is important for the author that there were always reasonable northern people seeking reunion with the only legitimate cult and the legitimate Davidic monarchy, v. 10, 'fifteenth year': probably a round number. The war with the northern kingdom must have taken place during that year. 'Third month': the date of the Sinai theophany and the Feast of Weeks. The connection between the Sinai theophany—including the law—and the Feast of Weeks stems from an idea from the Christian era (2nd cent. CE) and probably was not thought ofby him or athis time. He was probably thinking only of the Feast of Weeks, though he does not mention it specifically, v. n, this feast, probably more ideal than real, begins rather than ends, unusually, with sacrifices. '[Sjeven hundred... and seven thousand' are rounded, ideal numbers with seven as their root, linking them with the term for the Feast of Weeks.
v. i, in his report on Baasha's war with Asa, the Chronicler keeps to his source model (i Kings 15:16—22) aside from a few stylistic, geographical, and theological alterations. Seen in its entirety, the Chronicler shows little interest in the course of events, v. 2, this is illustrated by his omission here of Benhadad's more detailed presentation as the 'son of Tabrimmon son of Hezion'. w. 7-9, Hanani's speech is short and strongly prophetic, v. 7, the Chronicler knew Hanani the prophet (from i Kings 16:1, 7) as the father of another seer, Jehu. Since he needed a 'contemporary' prophet/seer, he uses him here, cf. also 19:2. The Chronicler makes a central statement in Isaiah's message his own. In dangerous military circumstances, it is important to trust in the Lord rather than a coalition with a foreign army; cf. Isa 7:9; 10:20; 31:1. v. 8 is a reference to the first, God-fearing period of Asa's reign and his successful application of faith in battle. Chariots and horsemen do not win the war, but God does, a truth enshrined in many classic statements of the OT, cf. Isa 31:1. v. 9, the wording of'you have done foolishly' is a reference to i Sam 13:13 (Saul's first rejection). The first part is a clear parallel to Zech 4:10. 'The eyes of the LORD viewing all the lands' underlines his omnipresence and his ability to help Asa should he wish to
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do so. '[Fjrom now on you will have wars': since Asa took Azariah's sermon to heart during the positive period of his reign, the Lord granted him 'rest all around' (15:15). There is, however, no further mention of war, so does this refer to Jehoshaphat, despite its contradiction of the Chronicler's theology (cf 2 CHR 16:11—14)? vIO> Hanani suffers a similar fate as Jeremiah (Jer 20:2—3) atthe hands of an angry Asa. The people Asa is said to have repressed are perhaps followers of Hanani.
foreign and military policy. The third part reports on teaching the law to the people (17:7—9).
17:1—7, the language and subject of these verses are typical of Chronicles, v. i, 'strengthened himself over Israel' (i.e. the southern kingdom) is a more probable translation than 'strengthened himself against Israel' (i.e. the northern kingdom), in view of the content and context of 1:1. At the time of Jehoshaphat/Ahab there were no conflicts between the two kingdoms. The Chronicler perhaps phrased this sentence in a manner similar to 1:1 in order to draw a parallel between Jehoshaphat and Solomon, v. 5, Judah gives presents to Jehoshaphat, i.e. pays tribute to him—something which was usually reserved for those who have forced subservience upon others (butcf. i Sam 10:27): such is the reward for God-fearing behaviour, making Jehoshaphat a very wealthy man. The term usually translated as 'honour' should here be translated as 'wealth', v. 6, despite his wealth, Jehoshaphat remains humble and behaves in a God-fearing manner: he removes the high places and Asherah poles from Judah—though this contradicts 20:33.
w. 11—14,me concluding acknowledgement of Asa's reign is much more extensive than the source model. The unusual placing of words of appreciation before the description of his burial is perhaps due to the fact that his son Jehoshaphat had already taken on the business of government since Asa's illness rendered him unable to rule. v. 12, Asa becomes ill due to his shameful behaviour towards the seer Hanani. The Chronicler may have chosen sickness as punishment since the king's name can be interpreted as 'YHWH heals'. An alternative theory is suggested in the comment on v. 14. It is impossible to say whether Asa died of gout, dropsy, gangrene, venereal disease ('feet' being a euphemism for sexual organs), or another disease, v. 14, the extensive and positive description of Asa's burial clearly shows that on the whole he was judged favourably (though the king had already prepared for his own burial). There is hardly any reliable historical evidence on this matter. The Chronicler takes the reference to the funeral pyre from Jer 34:5 (cf. also 2 Chr 21:19), whilst the incense and the delicate spices probably accord with contemporary practices. Asa's name is occasionally interpreted as stemming from the Aramaic word for 'myrrh'. The Chronicler consequently allowed Asa to be buried in a way that accorded with his name (see comment on v. 12 for an alternative interpretation).
17:7-9, all Judah is informed by the royal officers, Levites, and priests (in that order!) on the book of the law of the Lord (probably the five books of Moses). This is surprisingly undertaken on the king's initiative (Japhet (1993: 749) suggests that this relates to normal practice during the Persian period: Ezra 7:25). In pre-exilic times, this was the task of the priests. According to the OT, it was only in post-exilic times that Levites were also included. The Deuteronomistic demand that the people should know the law is put into practice here in a democratic manner appropriate for the Chronicler: the ruling classes play the role of educators to the advantage of the entire population. To what extent post-exilic custom (cf. Ezra's reading of the law in Jerusalem) has been revised to conform with pre-exilic practices is difficult to discern.
Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:1-20:37)
17:10—19 is a second summarizing description of Jehoshaphat's reign, v. 10, the Chronicler clearly emphasizes that all the lands around Judah (and therefore Judah itself by implication) were struck by fear of the Lord. This thought must have been a consolation to members of the tiny temple state in the middle of an almighty Alexandrian or Ptolemaic kingdom, v. ii documents the tribute paid by other peoples. See also 27:5. Mention of the Arabians makes it unlikely that the Chronicler used a (historically reliable) independent source here. w. 14—19, these statements on the army's composition are closely linked with those concerning the construction of forts. Their language shows that they are later additions, since expressions such as 'the muster of them according to ancestral houses' clearly point to exilic and post-exilic times. If the Chronicler had copied a list here, it would have been more rigidly structured (Welten 1973: 84). As elsewhere, he differentiates between army divisions from Judah and Benjamin, also mentioning the Benjaminites' (light) armour, that is, bows and shields. The numbers of individual army divisions are strongly exaggerated (going beyond all contemporary estimates of Judah's population), especially since these figures do not include the soldiers already deployed in the forts. The Chronicler does at least respect the fact that Judah is larger than Benjamin, v. 16, voluntary service is one of the Chronicler's favourite attitudes.
This reign is reported with relative brevity in i Kings 22:41—51, though everything portrayed is positive with the exception of the still-remaining high places, where sacrifices and incense offerings continue to take place, v. 46 refers to successes and wars fought by the king as documented in the 'Book of the Annals of the Kings of Judah'. The Chronicler frames his description of events with this material (w. 41, 42-51) adding to them his description of the war against Aram which was fought together with Ahab (i Kings 22:1—38). He also inserts a large amount of information: a general description of the king's reign (ch. 17), a report on judicial reform (ch. 19), and finally the story of his successful military campaign against a coalition of Trans Jordanian peoples (ch. 20). The Chronicler probably did not find this original material in any sources, but inferred it from i Kings 22:46 and the king's unusually long period of reign, as well as the positive judgement on him. There is a simple reason why the source model does not praise the king so extensively. Ahab is the dominant figure in the text and is particularly interesting due to his confrontations with prophets faithful to YHWH.
(17:1—18:1) Jehoshaphat's Peaceful Period This chapter divides into three parts: two general judgements on Jehoshaphat's rule (17:1-6, 10-19), me nrst concerning itself more with domestic politics and religion, the second dealing with
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possibility has been shown in a large number of general and specific arguments, of which only some can be mentioned here: Japhet (1993: 772—4) points out that such reforms would have been necessary following the division of the Davidic/
(18:1-19:3) Jehoshaphat's Support of Ahab's Campaign Focusing more on prophecy than on the campaign against Ramoth-gilead, the Chronicler uses i Kings 22 as material for this chapter, whilst giving it a different introduction and conclusion. The motivation behind following this source might be to show that true YHWH-prophecy also existed in the northern kingdom, or perhaps to underline that Jehoshaphat is somewhat better than Ahab, for it is on his initiative that the four hundred prophets are consulted, followed by Micaiah. But these are at best secondary issues. Japhet (1997:311) refers to the most important reason: although the Chronicler ignores the history of the northern kingdom, he follows parts of the books of Kings in which Israel and Judah interact with each other.
Solomonite double monarchy, and that Jehoshaphat's skilful handling of domestic and foreign politics indicates that he was capable of reforming his system of government. Certain details do not correspond with Deuteronomic specifications. Ordering the Levites before the priests (v. 8) is not regarded as the Chronicler's work, whilst the rank of 'governor of the house of Judah' (nagid, v. n) was only necessary during the monarchical period. According to Wellhausen (1886: 96-7) and many commentaries following him, the report is a complete fabrication by the Chronicler, who developed a 'midrash' from Jehoshaphat's name (which means 'YHWH judges'); w. 5-11 reflect the legal system during the Chronicler's lifetime. We accept this theory, whilst suggesting that the Chronicler also inserted some ideas on an ideal legal system.
The Chronicler makes only few changes to his source model. Nevertheless, the story's two versions carry different weights: in i Kings 22, it forms part of the conflicts between the northern kingdom and Aram. It concentrates particularly on how Ahab dies (which is greatly shortened in Chronicles). The later version neglects the historical background, turning a story about Ahab into one about Jehoshaphat (nor is the Israelite king's death interpreted as fulfilment of prophecy).
v. 5, the appointment of judges in the fortress cities, city by city. The Chronicler was particularly interested in the fortress cities, taking pains to deal with each equally and fairly
(city by city, cf e.g. 17:7—9). For this reason he digresses from his source model, Deut 16:18, where judges are appointed in all cities and all tribes, v. 6, two significant factors emerge in the first of the Chronicler's two sermons: he values the deeds ofthose addressed, therefore often using the verb 'to do', as he does here. Furthermore it is important that everything occurs in the service of YHWH and in his name.
18:1—3 does not follow the source model closely, v. i, referring back to 17:5, the Chronicler points out that Jehoshaphat is a wealthy man, whilst his comment that Jehoshaphat's son Joram married one of Ahab's daughters stems from 2 Kings 8:18, 27. This marriage was probably driven by mutual political interests. Mentioning Jehoshaphat's wealth underlines that it was not necessary for his family to marry into Ahab's house, since he was regarded as an apostate. The statement could also imply that Jehoshaphat's wealth made him immune to blackmail. From v. 4, the text follows i Kings 22 closely.
'[H]e is with you': a theologoumenon typical of the Chronicler, which he probably drew from Ex 18:19, a passage also dealing with legal reforms. The Chronicler is probably attempting to draw parallels between Moses and Jehoshaphat here. v. 7, attributes of YHWH here are directly demanded from the judges in Deut 16:19 (though cf. Deut 10:17). Th£
19:1—3, unlike Ahab, Jehoshaphat returns home peacefully, thereby literally fulfilling Micaiah's demands (18:16), though not complying with the spirit of his plea. v. 2, Jehu, Hanani's son (see 16:7), confronts Jehoshaphat. 'Love' and 'hate' are not emotional terms here, but are used as part of a political vocabulary. Here, 'to love' means virtually to form a coalition. God's anger at Jehoshaphat does not materialize, unless the attack made by the Transjordanian alliance described in ch. 20 is seen in this light, v. 3, without going back on the accusations made in v. 2, the Chronicler places them in relation to the good things/deeds (singular expression) Jehoshaphat did. He removed the Asherahs from the land and, going beyond this concrete action, showed a positive attitude towards the Lord by setting his heart to seek God (one of the Chronicler's favourite expressions). (19:4-11) Jehoshaphat's Legal Reforms The Chronicler's report can be divided into two parallel sections: w. 5-7: judges in the fortress cities, and w. 8—n: judges in Jerusalem, each consisting of their appointment (w. 5, 8), and Jehoshaphat's speeches (w. 6-7, 9-11).
judges must behave as the Lord does. This, though indirectly expressed, is a more weighty responsibility than the demands made in Deut 16:19. vn> me many names and functions give the impression of concrete, historical reliability and are especially representative of the Chronicler. The names Amariah and Zebadiah appear only in Chronicles. On the Levites' description as officers cf. i Chr 26:29 (23:4) and 2 Chr 34:13. The term is probably used here because it appears in the source model, Deut 16:18.
It is difficult to determine what exactly is meant by the 'matters of the LORD' and the 'king's matters'. Because he makes this distinction, the Chronicler must name a 'governor of the house of Judah', who is responsible for the matters of the king, to stand by the high priest, who obviously deals with religious matters. The Hebrew term for him (nagid) is rather neutral, but the Chronicler did not have a better word at his disposal.
(20:1—21:1) Jehoshaphat's War against a Transjordanian Coalition and other Reports This lengthy battle report is unique to the Chronicler and serves as a replacement for 2 Kings 3. The action on the field is kept to a minimum, since the battle is exclusively YHWH's affair (v. 15) and the enemies destroy themselves. Israel only gains the spoils of war and, more importantly, speaks, prays, sings, and plays music (in unison), thereby giving the battle an entirely spiritualized atmosphere.
The historical reliability of the legal reforms, which scholars have occasionally ascribed to Josiah, is the subject of strong debate. Whilst there is consensus regarding the tone of the sermon, which is heavily influenced by the Chronicler's opinions, the question of whether reliable historical information lies behind the speech is unclear. Evidence for such a
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the Judeans. Jahaziel speaks in v. 17 as Moses does in Ex 14:13— 14. Geographical points have also been inserted in v. 16. The religious speech dominates the section, insisting that it represents an answer to the concrete Transjordanian threat, w. 1819, Jehoshaphat, all Judeans and the citizens of Jerusalem worship YHWH in joyful reaction to the oracle's promise of salvation. They are followed by the Levites, who also praise God even before he has saved them.
The exact place-names, not all of which can be identified (the region of En-gedi, the Dead Sea, Judean desert, Tekoa, Bethlehem, Jerusalem), point to a limited area and therefore to local skirmishes rather than a great battle. It is unlikely that Jehoshaphat's conflict with his Transjordanian neighbours forms the core of this report. It probably reflects hostilities between the temple state and groups of its eastern neighbours during or shortly before the Chronicler's lifetime. The Chronicler shifts these minor conflicts into the past and inflates them to almost cosmic proportions. So long as God is at its side, even a small community need not be afraid. This is the consoling message the Chronicler is attempting to pass on to the reader.
w. 20—8, following Jehoshaphat's orders, the Israelites behave in battle as if they were holding a religious service. Jehoshaphat makes a further speech, calling upon his people to have faith in God and his prophets (a reference to Isaiah's Tf you do not stand firm in faith, you shall not stand at all', Isa 7:9. Cf also the same logic in sentences such as Ex 14:31). If they take these thoughts to heart, success is assured. After these brief words of encouragement, the king consults the people to develop a liturgical battle order. In keeping with Chronicles' continuous theme, 'His steadfast love endures for ever' (cf. e.g. 5:13; 7:3, 6), Israel draws its enemy nearer so that YHWH can act at the moment of greatest faith. He sets (either heavenly or worldly) ambushes amongst the three advancing armies so that they destroy each other. Both motifs (ambush and self-destruction) exist elsewhere in the OT and are therefore part of a tradition. The entire action in v. 20 takes place early in the morning, i.e. the time at which God usually acted.
v. i, the Transjordanian armies advance to face Jehoshaphat in battle: they comprise Moabites, Ammonites, and Meunites (as named in the Septuagint, replacing the already mentioned Ammonites). Noth (1944-5: 58-60) believes them to be Nabateans, whilst Welten (1973: 142—5) and others regard them as Idumeans. w. 2—4, Jehoshaphat is informed about the opposition and vast size of the enemy army. 'Edom' instead of'Aram' would be more geographically fitting here. Jehoshaphat is afraid, not because he is timid by nature, but because the enemy army is huge. He seeks YHWH (one of the Chronicler's favourite phrases) and proclaims a fast (as was particularly popular in post-exilic times) in reaction to the crisis. The ensuing success is great and their efforts are impressive.
w. 6—12, Jehoshaphat's prayer, which has often been called a 'national lament', refers to their present crisis, but also contains an element of dogmatism. YHWH is addressed here with one of the Chronicler's favoured expressions, namely, 'O LORD, God of our ancestors'. He is described as the ruler of all peoples who gave the Israelites their land, thus being simultaneously the God of the whole world and the God of a specific people. He can aid his people against all the enemies in the world. The recapitulation of salvation history by the Chronicler is limited to vague references to the Conquest. Its beginning is linked with the name of Abraham, v. 9 is a traditional list of possible calamities and can also be found in ch. 6 (and elsewhere). (The specific situations in which one can call upon God are not restricted to moments of crisis in this chapter.) w. 10-12, YHWH's might and his gift of land strongly contrast with the Transjordanian military powerstructures which are swiftly shown to be no match. Israel had refrained from attacking their Transjordanian neighbours on YHWH's orders (Deut 2). Now, however, Jehoshaphat draws attention to their threat by appealing to YHWH's own interests: they must be expelled from his land. Jehoshaphat closes his prayer with a plea for help, using the language of psalms in his emphasis upon human weakness.
w. 24—5, the spiritual battle is interrupted. The Chronicler uses all his skill to portray the size of the spoils, the largest in the entire OT: the list of booty is long, many objects are qualified by adjectives, the spoils take three days to be collected and can hardly be carried. This enormous prize and the fact that not a single member of the enemy armies survives, underline the momentous nature of the victory. In holy wars, the spoils must be left to YHWH. The Chronicler, however, has good reason to break with this tradition. King and country are to be rewarded for their exemplary behaviour. The dogma of retribution is a little stronger than the rules of YHWH's wars. w. 26—8, the war ends where it began, in Jerusalem, in the temple, and (typically for Chronicles) with music, w. 29— 30, cf. 17:10. By contrast to that passage, fear of YHWH spreads not only across all Judah's neighbouring kingdoms, but beyond this, to all the kingdoms in the region. Only now is Judah safe from all its enemies—a reward for the country's exemplary behaviour.
v. 33, 'yet the high places remained': this contradicts 17:6 and, like other incongruencies in Chronicles, cannot be explained. 'The people had not yet set their hearts on the God of their ancestors' represents the Chronicler's characteristic interpretation of his source model. He gives the reason for the acts mentioned in the source model. He is interested in the basic attitude underlying them. ('The people still sacrificed and offered incense', i Kings 22:43.) Chronicles asserts the same basic attitude towards Jehoshaphat as expressed in its source model, v. 34, as so often, the Chronicler names a prophetic source for his portrayal of Jehoshaphat's reign; one, however, which was also used in the book of the Kings of Israel. For Jehu, see 19:2. w. 35-7, in Kings, Jehoshaphat acts alone in building up the fleet that is destroyed at Eziongeber, before declining Ahaziah's offer of support. Chronicles, however, portrays both kings acting together and consequently
v. 13, in another example of the Chronicler's democratic tendencies, this verse stresses that all Judah—even women and children—assembled in such a time of need. w. 14-16, a characteristic, salvatory oracle takes centre-stage in the portrayal of YHWH's war. God's spirit does not fall upon a prophet, but (appropriately for the temple setting) a Levite whose long lineage links him with Asaph, the original temple musician at the time of David. Jahaziel, who addresses Judah, Jerusalem, and the king (in that order!), calls upon them twice not to be afraid and repeats two of the Chronicler's most important theologoumena: the war is YHWH's; he is with
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icler subtly changes the text (or perhaps used a different source), thereby clarifying events. He does not mention the people's flight into their tents and writes 'and his chariot commanders' instead of 'to Zair' (two phrases which sound similar in Hebrew). Is this a reading or writing error, or the version considered most appropriate by the Chronicler? w. 10—n, Jehoram ought to have understood the loss of Edom and Libnah as a warning, but instead he continues to commit sin. At this point, the Chronicler's unique material begins. The high places are cultic sites respected above all others by the people. A king's continuing tolerance of such places is not regarded as a particular crime. Jehoram, however, is accused here of the grave crime of establishing (rather than tolerating) them as well as encouraging Jerusalem and Judah to worship idols.
failing together. Failure implies a sin in the Chronicler's eyes. In this case, it is the result of the otherwise good King Jehoshaphat's alliance with the northern king. The Chronicler justifies such a reinterpretation of the story by interpreting 'Then said Ahaziah' (i Kings 22: 49) as 'Ahaziah had said'. So Ahaziah's offer referred not only to the journey but also to the building of the fleet. Jehoshaphat accepted this offer.
v. 37, as customary for Chronicles, a warning is made by means of a prophet. Jehoshaphat is given the opportunity to cancel his godless plans; he does not take this chance and is therefore condemned to failure. His concluding judgement, however, is not particularly affected by his final act of godlessness.
Jehoram (2 Chr 21:2-20)
w. 12-15 document Elijah's letter. It is impossible to establish from biblical accounts whether Elijah, who is largely ignored in Chronicles since he was active in the northern kingdom, could have lived during Jehoram's reign (cf e.g. 2 Kings 1:17). In any case the Chronicler was not particularly interested in questions of chronology. The idea that a prophet could make a written declaration probably stems from a (postexilic) time in which the transcription of oral prophecy enjoyed increased importance, w. 12-13, in me nrst Part of the letter, Elijah accuses Jehoram of the crimes already described, keeping close to the text of the previous verses. Jehoram is directly and indirectly compared with various other kings: David, Jehoshaphat, Asa, and Ahab. The theme of the Davidic dynasty strongly influences this chapter, w. 14-15 list Elijah's threats of punishment, all of which are fulfilled (w. 16—19). w. 14—15, 16—19, use very similar language. Jehoram must be punished, along with his people, his family, his property, and (representing the only details mentioned by Elijah) his body.
Asa and Jehoshaphat, two kings with relatively positive judgements, are followed by Jehoram, who receives very poor verdicts in Kings and (consequently) in Chronicles. Since 2 Kings 8 does not report much about him, the Chronicler is forced to expand substantially on his model, thereby omitting one source reference (v. 23). He reports extensively on the king's brothers—something which occurs nowhere else in Kings or Chronicles with the exception of David. Ch. 21 is thus unique. It is also special since not a single prophet appears in flesh and blood, since Elijah only sends a letter containing a threat of punishment (rather than a warning). Jehoram is not granted an opportunity to convert—another unusual factor in Chronicles. The passage following the letter contains a description of the punishments threatened by Elijah.
The relationship between the source model and its interpretation is one of doubling: the source model describes one sin and one punishment, whilst Chronicles portrays several sins and consequently double punishment. The chapter is dominated by the ubiquitous theme of the Davidic dynasty, influencing events even beyond the source model.
w. 16—19, maybe these verses reflect contemporary events, i.e. skirmishes of the temple state with its south-western neighbours. '[T]he Arabs who are near the Ethiopians': cf. 2 CHR 14:9. Keeping the focus of his attention on the Davidic dynasty, the Chronicler only briefly describes the plague which strikes the people (cf. v. 14), whilst portraying the deportation of the king's property, wives, and sons in greater detail. Only the youngest son survives. Jehoram's crimes lead almost to the disappearance of the Davidic monarchy, w. 18— 19, the Chronicler describes Jehoram's final punishment most extensively, namely his painful, incurable, yet indefinable sickness. Suggestions include diarrhoea or a stomach ulcer leading to a chronic rectal prolapse.
w. 2-4 concern Jehoram and his brothers. One would expect v. 5 (describing Jehoram's reign) to be placed before this passage. The Chronicler, however, refrains from using this sensible order so that he can insert the text from the source material in a single block. Jehoram's brothers, who are twice notably described as the sons of Jehoshaphat, are given tasks in the fortified cities. Although this passage contains no concrete references other than names, commentaries are surprisingly unanimous in regarding this assertion as historically reliable, v. 2, Jehoshaphat is called 'King of Israel' (though this has erroneously been corrected to read 'King of Judah' in certain Bible translations, including NRSV). 'Israel' must be regarded here as the ideal Israel, comprising both the southern kingdom of Judah and the northern kingdom of Israel, a title the Chronicler consistently clung to. v. 4, both good and bad deeds often occur in Chronicles immediately after the relevant king's accession to the throne. Thus Jehoram has hardly come to power before he brutally murders all his brothers and several notables. No reason is given for these murders (perhaps because they were known to the reader). He was probably driven by a lust for power or the fear of losing it.
v. 20 is a continuation of the statement on Jehoram in v. 5. As a consequence of his godless life, Jehoram does not receive an honourable funeral. Nobody mourns for him (unsure translation). The Chronicler knew from his study of the Elijah tradition that idol-worshipping led to the destruction of Ahab's dynasty and applied this logic to the (almost eradicated) Davidic line.
Ahaziah's Year-Long Reign (2 Chr 22:1-9)
The source model for this chapter portrays events during the king's reign in the context of the revolutionary crisis developing in the politically more significant northern kingdom. Ahaziah's death is integrated into the story of Jehu's revolu-
w. 8-n, it is unclear in the source whether Jehoram actually defeated the Edomites. It may be that they defeated him, forcing the king to escape through enemy lines. The Chron-
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temple and the cult). King Joash is saved by a secret plot and later placed upon the throne. The Chronicler characteristically turns this plot into a popular enterprise. The fact that, had the people been involved, Athaliah would have discovered the plan and crushed it does not concern the author. He turns a political act in the source text into one of religious politics, in which the priests and Levites play the leading roles. The high priest Jehoiada, somehow the guardian of the young king (24:3), is more prominent in the Chronicler's version than in the source model. What is his exact position? Some commentaries see him as unifying in some way the offices of king and high priest, as was practised during the Chronicler's lifetime. Williamson (1987: 113-14) and some others, however, think that the portrayal of Jehoiada by the Chronicler contains implicit criticism of the lust of contemporary high priests for political power; Jehoida is just not striving for it. The king's daughter Jehoshabeath is also given a more conspicuous role in Chronicles (v. n). A large number of commentaries regard the statement that she is the high priest's wife to be historically reliable despite the lack of evidence to support this from elsewhere. It would at least explain why she had such easy access to the temple grounds (cf, however, 8:11). It is more likely that the Chronicler joined them together on the logical basis that since both played key roles in the same project, they must be husband and wife.
tion and plays only a minor role. In Chronicles, however, events in the northern kingdom are mentioned only if they are required to explain Athaliah's fate. The following sources are used: w. 1-6 correspond with 2 Kings 8:24/7-9 (although the Chronicler made some changes and, above all, additions), w. 7—9 are the Chronicler's extremely brief summary of 2 Kings 9:1—28 and 10:12—14. Only here does he use such a literary technique. The main message of his reworking summary of these verses in Kings is that religious and political cooperation with the breakaway, godless northern kingdom must lead to downfall.
v. i, in an emendment to his source model, the Chronicler stresses that the people of Jerusalem made Ahaziah king. There is no parallel with this in the entire OT: reports concerning the co-operation of larger classes at the royal installation refer to the 'people of the land'. The verse refers back to 21:17 and clarifies why of all Jehoram's sons, the youngest should become king. v. 2, 'forty-two years old': cannot be correct, since it would mean that on the day of Ahaziah's accession to the throne he was older than his father. (The source states twenty-two years, whilst LXX states twenty.)
w. 7—9, from this point, the Chronicler writes quite independently. The passage is framed by two sentences in which the authorial voice is particularly clear. This digression from the source model's narrative flow can be explained by the Chronicler's theologically motivated interest in placing Ahaziah in the centre of his account. He does not use an old source for this. v. 8, according to Chronicles, it is the sons of Ahaziah's brothers that are murdered, and not his own brothers, as in 2 Kings 10:12—14. There is a simple explanation for this: Ahaziah's brothers have been deported (and perhaps murdered, 2 Chr 21:17). The two texts should not be assimilated by interpreting 'brothers' in terms of 'relatives'. Chronicles also describes the murder of several princes. Are these a replacement for the Israelite notables murdered by Jehu in 2 Kings 10:11? v. 9, the source model describes events differently: Ahaziah is wounded while fleeing near Ibleam, but gets as far as Megiddo, where he dies. He is subsequently transported to Jerusalem and buried alongside his fathers. The Chronicler omits many of these details, perhaps because he presumed knowledge of these events, leaving Ahaziah to die in Samaria, the evil capital. The Chronicler does not explicitly confirm that he is also buried there. Ahaziah receives a burial here only because of his ancestor, Jehoshaphat, who is regarded as having been God-fearing his whole life. This somewhat undermines the dogma of retribution. 'And the house of Ahaziah had no one able to rule the kingdom': the Hebrew term for 'be able' is one of the Chronicler's favourite expressions, since he admired strength and power and repeatedly wrote about such values.
(23:1—21) w. 1—3 are analogous with 2 Kings 11:4. The Chronicler turns Jehoiada's secretplot, involving onlythe captains of the royal guard, into a major campaign including the Levites and the entire community, v. i, going beyond the source model, the Chronicler characterizes and judges Jehoiada's actions: he 'took courage'. All those involved in the plot are named, lending it a degree of tangibility. With the exception of Elishaphat, all the names appear in the lists of priests and Levites in Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles, w. 4—50, neither these orders nor those in the source are entirely clear, since routine tasks that the author of Kings (and presumably the reader) knew well enough are not reported. The Chronicler follows certain guidelines laid down by Kings, describing the guards and the division offerees into three parts. The rest of the content is completely altered, so that the royal guards, whose duty it is to protect the king, are replaced by priests, Levites, and the people. Here, they serve the added purpose of keeping others from entering the temple. It is difficult to interpret the significance of the different localities mentioned, v. 7, the royal guard can only be composed of Levites since they alone have the right to enter the temple precinct. '[A]nd whoever enters the house' is a religious adaptation of the more militarily orientated 'whoever approaches the ranks' in the source (2 Kings 11:8). The Levites are also required to prevent the king from entering the temple.
v. 8, 'for the priest Jehoiada did not dismiss the divisions': the way the Chronicler conceives the temple personnel's organization (see also i Chr 23—6) clearly serves as a background for this reference, v. 13, 'standing by his pillar at the entrance' should perhaps be corrected to read, 'at his place at the entrance'. The source reads: 'standing by the pillar, as was the custom'. The Chronicler clearly wishes to emphasize that even the king could not enter the temple. Unlike the source, Chronicles does not have just trumpets announcing the joyful
Athaliah the Usurper Queen and the Enthronement of Joash (2 Chr 22:10-23:21)
Once Ahaziah and the Judean princes have been murdered, the kingdom finds itself in a similar situation to that at the end of Saul's career (as portrayed in i Chr 10), giving meaning to the reference to David (see e.g. 23:3). Indeed the Chronicler's description of the early phase of Joash's reign shows similarities with that king (especially the theme of concern for the
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(Ex 30:13; 38:26). In a certain way it replaces the still more difficult expression in 2 Kings 12:5. Since the tax should be equally high for everyone, the laymen's generosity cannot be mentioned here. The joy with which they make their contributions is emphasized instead (v. 10). v. 8, by changing the source model, the Chronicler secures the chest's position in a place to which laymen have access, v. 13, in characteristic fashion, the Chronicler underlines the craftsmen's good work, pointing out that the temple will look as it did at the time of its original construction. Thus continuity is guaranteed, v. 14, unlike the source model, the unused money is used to produce cultic objects so that proper sacrificial burntofferings can be carried out. This occurs as long as Jehoiada is alive, w. 15—16, only Jehoiada, who lives longer than Aaron (Num 33:39) and dies as an aged man 'full of days' (like patriarchs and others), is buried 'among the kings'. This is the clearest expression of his standing as a truly regal priest.
occasion, but adds various other musical instruments. This also strengthens the religious atmosphere of the celebrations,
w. 16—21, the source reports on two covenants: (i) Between the king, the people, and God. (2) Between the king and the people. Since the Chronicler has already introduced the second in v. 3, he limits his description to the first (according to the Hebrew text) between Jehoiada, the people, and the king
(although the people are mentioned first, unlike the source). God is not a reciprocal partner in the covenant; the human partner alone has obligations—towards God (cf. 15:12). w. 18— 19 describe positive cultic reforms. In Chronicles, these occur at times when the legitimate temple service has entirely collapsed. Jehoiada organizes the offices (priests and Levites) and their cultic duties (sacrifices and music), referring back to the law of Moses and David's orders (since Moses made no law concerning cultic music).
Joash's Reign (2 Chr 24:1-27)
(24:17—22) Joash's Falling Away v. 18, the Chronicler uses typical vocabulary to describe Joash's fall: e.g. 'abandoned the house of the LORD', 'sacred poles', and 'idols'. To clarify the connection between his deeds and his fate, the Chronicler already mentions the result of his religious crimes, although the idea is only brought to its conclusion in w. 23—5, after the theological/historical exposition in v. 19 and Zechariah's appearance in v. 20. v. 19, the Chronicler expresses one of his most important theological statements here: the Lord gives sinners the opportunity to return to his way by sending prophets to them. These occasionally manage to convert their addressees. Unfortunately this is not the case here. v. 20, the principle is followed by its application. The prophet Zechariah, who is not mentioned elsewhere, wishes to convert the people. He does not use this term, however, merely pointing out that God-fearing behaviour leads to success (one of the Chronicler's favourite themes). 'Because you have forsaken the LORD, he has also forsaken you': a precise expression of the dogma of retribution, v. 21, the reaction to this mild, wellintended call to repent is shocking: the king orders Zechariah to be stoned to death, in the forecourt of the temple. (A legal stoning must take place in a public place, cf. Deut 17:2—7.) v. 22, showing no gratitude to Jehoiada, the king kills his son Zechariah. His dying words are slightly emended lines from Ex 5:21, expressing the king's inability to escape his fate. (24:23-7) The Syrians' Victory and Joash's Death The Chronicler uses no source of his own here, radically rewriting 2 Kings 12:17-18 to emphasize his theological priorities: the source text describes Joash being spared by the invading King Hazael upon payment of an enormous tribute from the temple and palace treasuries. In Chronicles, the Arameans take action (though their king does not appear). Although they are greatly outnumbered by the Judeans, they defeat them. Thus the Chronicler's favoured theme of a small Judean force defeating powerful armies with the help of God is reintroduced and inverted, w. 25—6, although the king's burial takes place in the city of David (due to his earlier good behaviour) he is not buried amongst the kings (as a result of his sins), v. 26, the Chronicler changes the names of the conspirators (there is probably no damage to the text). This gives them similar names (since they carry out their plan together), turns their fathers into mothers, perhaps because Shimeath's '-ath' end-
As with Asa, this description is divided into two phases, namely a God-fearing and an apostate period. The second phase hangs not on a rather implausible criticism of 2 Kings 12:3, but on the king's violent death indicating previous failings. This leads to a radical reinterpretation of the source model, and especially to striking additions such as the lengthy passage concerning the appearance of prophets and Zechariah, the son of the priest Jehoiada (w. 17—22). The Chronicler can hardly have used his own independent sources for this section (cf. 2 CHR 24:26, however). (24:1-3) The Chronicle v. 2, 'all the days of the priest Jehoiada' (source: 'all his days, because the priest Jehoiada instructed him'): this slight emendment makes it easier for the Chronicler, who is unique in describing Jehoiada's death (v. 15), to divide Joash's reign into two periods. The source model judges the king positively, since 2 Kings 12:3 is only a minor comment. The result is that the Deuteronomist generally judges the king positively (v. 3, which deals with sacrifices and incense-burning by the people at the high places, had to be omitted by the Chronicler since it occurred during Joash's positive period).
(24:4—16) The Restoration of the Temple and Collection of Money This passage sticks as closely to its source model in some ways as it diverges from it in others. Only the main variations are mentioned here. According to the source, priests can claim a certain amount of money for the temple, but have the responsibility of using such money to restore the temple. Since they have neglected this duty for a long time the king relieves them of it, and with it the right to oversee the temple contributions. These are collected in a chest and passed on to craftsmen as payment for their work in good faith. This becomes a long-term system. The Chronicler converts it into a single payment (though to be repeated, v. 5) which primarily involves the Levites (Levite priests), deletes the source's criticism of the priests (w. 4—8), and interprets the laymen's contributions as a form oftaxation, similar to the tax collected in the desert in connection with the tabernacle. Furthermore, in another divergence from the source, he allows the unspent contributions to be used to buy cultic material.
v. 6, this is a relatively awkward definition of the tax imposed upon the Israelites by Moses to pay for the tabernacle
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foolishly and godlessly. The great powers of the Near East often took the gods of defeated nations back home with them in order to win their new subjects' favour. This does not occur here. To worship the gods of defeated powers is seen as particularly futile. In keeping with the Chronicler's habit, the king is warned about this matter by another anonymous prophet. Yet the king dismisses the prophet and even threatens to execute him. The passage is cleverly interwoven with several keywords: according to v. 10, the mercenaries' anger is kindled against Judah, whilst the Lord's wrath is kindled against Amaziah in v. 15. The king accuses the prophet of being an unwanted counsellor, whilst the latter reminds him of God's own forgotten counsel (v. 16). The same Hebrew root—meaning 'take counsel' also occurs in v. 17.
ing was mistakenly interpreted as female, and declares them to be foreigners, for which there is no evidence in the source model. Does this imply that nothing better can be expected from sons of foreigners? The Chronicler's positive attitude towards mixed marriage would contradict this. His attitude towards the plot itself is also unclear, v. 27, 'Story' is the right rendering of'midrash' here: cf 2 CHR 13:22, which is the only other passage in the OT containing the word.
Amaziah (2 Chr 25:1-28)
The Chronicler takes all his material concerning Amaziah from 2 Kings 14, reworking it according to his narrative and theological principles. He greatly extends 2 Kings 14:7, which describes the victorious battle against Edom, by portraying the troops' selection, the appearance of a man of God before the battle, and of a prophet after its conclusion, w. 7-10 are often regarded as having stemmed from an independent source available to the Chronicler, since they do not conform with his theology. In the source model, King Amaziah is judged positively except for one small criticism. Since he falls victim to a conspiracy, the Chronicler's logic dictates that he must somehow have offended God: he is thus accused of worshipping Edomite gods, although this seems to contradict his honourable burial (cf. 2 CHR 25:28, however).
w. 17-24, having reworked and extended his source model up to this point, the Chronicler has created the conditions to use the source's subsequent description of Amaziah's defeat without significant changes. The king must fail since he sought the Edomite deities (w. 15, 20). His foolish behaviour is contrasted with that of his sensible Israelite counterpart. This is another example of the Chronicler's subtly diversified attitude towards the northern kingdom, v. 20, 'it was God's doing' is the most important addition made by the Chronicler in this section, since it explains Judah's subsequent defeat: they sought the Edomite gods. The vocabulary here is typical for the Chronicler: cf. 10:15; 22:7-
w. 1-4, apart from minor, yet characteristic emendments, the Chronicler keeps close to his source model, v. 2, he repeats the source's positive judgement on Amaziah, though radically shortening the criticism it contains, adding one of his favourite phrases as replacement: 'yet not with a true heart'. This serves as a precursor to his later fall whilst at the same time being relatively mild. w. 5—6 describe the selection of troops and the recruitment of mercenaries. The notes regarding this army differ from comparable passages connected with military campaigns (and are not used to assess the king). Despite the traditional mention of both Judah and Benjamin, only Judah's weaponry is listed, leading Welten (1973: 92) to suggest that the inclusion of Benjamin is a secondary gloss. Recruiting Israelites is not only a godless act (v. 7), but is also unnecessary given the size of the Judean army (cf. 14:7; 17:14-19, however). w. 7-10, a man of God appears. Like the prophet in w. 1516, but contrary to the Chronicler's more common practice, he remainsunnamed. This, however, need not indicate a source which the Chronicler did not dare to emend, since the passage contains the Chronicler's usual theology: a battle is not decided by armies (and their strength), but by YHWH alone, v. 7, 'the LORD is not with Israel': this is not a principle, but is due to their faithless attitude, v. 8, the Hebrew text may be damaged here and may require correction to clarify the point that the king is mistaken if he believes he can achieve victory by strengthening his forces with mercenaries, and will fall.
v. 28, 'in the city of Judah' (Heb. text): the source writes: 'in Jerusalem ... in the city of David' (probably 'in Jerusalem' because he died in Lachish). Perhaps the text should be corrected to conform with the source. Perhaps the Chronicler changed it, however, so that this not-so-glorious king did not receive too splendid a funeral.
Uzziah (2 Chr 26:1-23)
Uzziah's fifty-two year reign is surpassed in length only by that of Manasseh. Beyond the customary information, the books of Kings (2 Kings 14:21-2; 15:1-7) report only on the fortification and conquest of Elath and the king's illness. The Chronicler adopts this meagre frame, deletes its mention of the people's continued sacrifices carried out atthe high places, and inserts details concerning wars, construction projects, agriculture, military organization, and the army's weaponry (w. 6—15). In keeping with the Chronicler's dogma, Uzziah's long reign and successes are regarded as a result of seeking God. The same logic dictates that Uzziah's illness was caused by a previous failing as described in w. 16-21. Thus, like some kings before him, Uzziah's reign falls into two periods: one positive and one negative.
v. 5, Uzziah's positive attitude towards YHWH is expressed by the favoured term, 'to seek God', which is coupled with the resulting, 'God made him prosper'. Zechariah, who is given no title here, teaches the king to seek God (maybe the Heb. text should be emended—as in NRSV: 'in the fear of God'). He appears at this point because Uzziah is named in the book of Zechariah (Zech 14:5; unless this is a reference to the Zechariah mentioned in Isa 8:2). As long as Zechariah lives, Uzziah behaves well, thus linking him with Joash, who falls away only after the death of the priest Jehoiada.
w. 11-13, ^e Chronicler takes the report of a victorious battle against the Edomites in 2 Kings 14:7 and develops it further to create a midrash. Although he does not mention the name of the battleground (Sela is Joktheel), he uses the meanings of these two names. He probably understood Sela to be the contemporary Petra (i.e. 'rock', sda' in Heb.). This name and Joktheel (God destroys) probably gave him the idea of the Edomites' cruel treatment. It also allows him to omit the conquest of the city of Sela. w. 14-16, the king behaves both
w. 6—15, the historical reliability of these statements is the subject of debate. Some exegetes regard its precise,
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informative style and the exact place-names as evidence of its plausibility, and even as archaeological fact. This is contradicted by the existence of nearly all the Chronicler's most valued themes and the possibility that the details described could reflect events that occurred shortly before or during the Chronicler's own lifetime. If sources were used here, they were radically reworked, v. 7, the existence of Arabs in the Judean sphere of influence is anachronistic. Exegetes view them as Bedouin, and consequently regard v. 7 as being based on contemporary sources. See comment on 2 CHR 20:1 regarding Meunites. v. 8, the Chronicler always describes 'Ammonites' (in Heb.), as 'sons of Ammon' elsewhere. This may be another spelling mistake for Meunites (v. 7). v. 10, the description of Uzziah's building projects in the south is supported by archaeological evidence that could, however, stem from the time of Jehoshaphat or another king! It is written in the tone of Ptolomaic times, emphasizing economic factors which had already gained importance during the Persian period and were further developed by the Ptolemeans. The claim that Uzziah loved agricultural matters should be regarded in this light, v. 15, the artfully designed machines are probably catapults which were invented around 400 BCE in Syracuse, according to Didorus Siculus' literary documentation. Jews must first have encountered catapults (and similar hurling implements) during the siege of Tyre in 332 BCE. The Chronicler transforms them into defensive weapons, accrediting their invention to a Judean king. Other interpretations of these machines are too artificial.