Part 122
Semitic and refers to the 'outcome' (telos) of Job's story when God showed that he is 'compassionate and merciful'. Perhaps considering the situation of persecution, when believers had to defend themselves in courts, brought to the writer's mind Jesus' warning not to 'swear' (v. 12; cf. Justin Martyr, Apol. 1.18.5). m the Jesus tradition this prohibition is found only in the Matthean special material (Mt 5:34-7) yet in a more elaborate form. The doubling of 'yes and no' here is not a kind of strong affirmation, but a Semitic expression for 'let your yes be yes and your no be no'. This part of the logion was apparently already known to Paul (2 Cor 1:17). The Essenes were famous for denying the oath of loyalty to any human ruler (Jos. J.W. 2.135; cf- -A*
1*- 15-370-2; Philo, Omn. Prob. 84), but the Damascus Document allowed swearing in court
(CD 9:9-10; 15:1-2; 16:8-11).
(5:13-15) The Prayer of the Elders for the Sick As the community will ever experience inner strife and outer persecution, so illness of its members will never end before the parousia. Both the sick and the healthy should address God in prayers and psalms (v. 13). But since in the early Christian communities the charisma of healing was present (cf. Mk 16:17-18; i Cor 12:9, etc.) a special prayer for the very sick is recommended. They should call 'the elders of the church' (v. 140) who are either bearers of an office (cf. Phil 1:1; i Tim 3:1-7; 5:17; Titus 1:5, etc.) or only respected members of the community, perhaps with special experience in healing. 'To pray over' the sick indicates a laying on of hands as it was known in the OT (Ps 35:13; Tob 1:19; Sir 7:35, etc.) and in contemporary Judaism
Patience until the Coming of the Lord (yj-2o)
The last part of the letter treats some problems typical for the life of every community until the end of time. Although it is possible that the coming of God is in view (cf. T.Judah, 22:2; T. Levi, 8:11; As. Mas. 10:12; i Enoch 92-105, etc.) it seems more probable that 'until the coming (parousia) of the Lord' (v. 7) refers to the Second Coming of Christ, since the Greek
JAMES 1262
Paed. 3.91.3; Didascalia, 4). In any case, the last words of a sometimes stern letter remind the readers of the chances of repentance, forgiveness, and reconciliation.
(iQapGen 20:21-2, 29). Oil as an agent of miraculous healing is mentioned only in the Markan form of the pre-Easter mission of the disciples (Mk 6:13). That the sick person is 'anointed in the name of the Lord' (v. 14/7) may hint at this tradition (cf Mkg^S). In any case it shows that healing is not a magical rite but practised as part of the lordship of Jesus. Customarily, oil in Jewish (Isa 1:6; Lk 10:34; JosAnt. 17.172, etc.) as in pagan contexts (Pliny, NH 23:39-40; Galen 2:10, etc.) was used as a popular remedy for all kinds of illness. Here, however, it could be a visual sign of the Holy Spirit through whom Jesus worked his healing miracles (Lk 6:16—21 referring to Isa 61:1-2; cf. also Life of Adam, 36; Apoc. Mos. 9:3). 'The prayer of faith' (v. 150) means the elders' faithful prayer which stands under a great promise (cf. 1:5—8; 4:3). 'That the the prayer of faith will save the sick and the Lord will raise them up' is interpreted either as mental strengthening, eschatological salvation, or physical healing. Although elements of the first and second possibilities may play a role, the third interpretation is the most probable. In the gospel tradition the verbs 'saving' (sozeiri) and 'raising up' (egeirtiri) are also used for physical healing (cf. Mk 5:23, 28, 34; 10:52; Jn 11:12, respectively Mk 1:31; Mt 9:5—7; Jos. Ant. 19.294). In the prayers of the elders the petition for forgiveness is included (v. i$b).
Adamson, J. (1976), The Epistle of James (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans).
(1989), James: The Man and His Message (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans). Baasland, E. (1988), 'Literarische Form, Thematikund geschichtliche
Einordnung des Jakobusbriefes', Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt, 2:25/2 (Berlin: De Gruyter), 3464-84. Baker, W. R. (1995), Personal Speech-Ethics in the Epistle of James
(Tubingen: Mohr). Bauckham, R. J. (1990), Jude and the Relatives of Jesus in the Early
Church (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark).
(1995), 'James and the Jerusalem Church', in R. J. Bauckham (ed.), The Book of Acts in its Palestinian Setting (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans), 419—80.
(1999), James: Wisdom of James, Disciple of Jesus the Sage (London: Routledge). Beck, D. L. (1973), The Composition of the Epistle of James', Ph.D.
diss., Princeton Theological Seminary, 1973. Betz, O., and Riesner, R. (1994), Jesus, Qumran, and the Vatican
(London: SCM). Boccaccini, G. (1998), Beyond the Essene Hypothesis (Grand Rapids:
(5:16—18) The Effective Prayer of all Community Members The writer shows an intuitive insight into the relation between sin and mental as well as physical health when he admonishes his readers generally to mutual confessions of sins and to common prayers (v. i6a). The interdependence of forgiveness by God and one's readiness to forgive others is stressed as in the Lord's Prayer (Mt 6:12; Lk 11:4). There was a widespread belief in Judaism that the prayer of a just man is especially effective (v. i6fc). One is reminded that according to early church tradition James, the brother of the Lord, himself was 'just' (dikaios) and therefore a man of powerful prayer (Hegesippus, in Eus. Hist. Ecd. 2.23.4—7). Here, in accordance with Jewish tradition (2 Esd 7:109; m. Tcfan. 2:4; b. Sanh. 1133), the example is Elijah and his prayer for rain (i Kings 18:42-5). The timespan of'three years and six months' (v. 17) is found not in the OT but in the words of Jesus (Lk 4:25). The Lukan special tradition shows a certain interest in Elijah as a prototype for Jesus (Lk 7:11-17; 9:51-62, etc.), but here in James it is stressed against popular Jewish legends (Jeremias, TDNTii. 929-30) and perhaps also against speculations of some on the person of John the Baptist (cf. Jn 1:24—7) mat Elijah is a 'man of like nature' (RSV) as the believers (v. 17). The whole formulation of the example has a strong Semitic flavour. (5:19-20) Bringing Back the Sinners The letter ends with a realistic but positive remark. Even believers can 'wander from the truth' (v. 19). This could be an allusion to the parable of the lost sheep in its Matthean form (Mt 18:12-14), but me theme of the 'bringing or coming back' (epistrepho) of a sinning brother is also prominent in Luke's special tradition (Lk 17:3—4). Probably the promise of'saving the soul' is assigned to the convert, not to the converter, as is also the 'covering of a multitude of sins' (v. 20). This last expression, which was known in Jewish-Christian tradition (i Pet 4:8; i Clem. 49:4; 2 Clem. 16:4; cf. i Cor 13:4—7), could allude to Prov 10:12, but the LXX differs. In one part of the Christian tradition this formulation was regarded as a saying of Jesus (Clem. Al.,
Eerdmans). Bockmuehl, M. (1999), 'Antioch and James the Just', in B. Chilton and
C. A. Evans (eds.},jamesthejust and Christian Origins (Leiden: Brill), 155-98. Davids, P. H. (1982), The Epistle of James (Exeter: Paternoster).
(1999), 'Palestinian Traditions in the Epistle of James', in B. Chilton and C. A. Evans (eds.), James the Just and Christian Origins (Leiden: Brill), 33-57. Deppe, D. B. (1989), The Sayings of Jesus in the Epistle of James (Chelsea,
Mich.: Bookcrafters). Dibelius, M. (1976), James (Philadelphia: Fortress). Frankemolle, H. (1994), Der Brief des Jakobus (Giitersloh: Giiter-
sloher). Geyser, A. S. (1975), 'The Letter of James and the Social Condition of
his Addressees', Neotestamentica 9: 25-33. Hartin, P. J. (1991), James and the Q Sayings of Jesus (Sheffield: Shef-
field Academic Press). Hengel, M. (1985), 'Jakobus der Herrenbruder—der erste Papst?', in
E. Crasser and O. Merk (eds.), Glaube und Eschatologie (Tubingen: Mohr), 71-104. Hoppe, R. (1985), Der theologische Hintergrund des Jakobusbriefes, 2nd
edn. (Wiirzburg: Echter). Jeremias, J. (1954-5), 'Paul and James', ET 66: 368-71. Johnson, L. T. (1995), The Letter of James (New York: Doubleday). Karrer, M. (1989), 'Christus der Herr und die Welt als Statte der
Prufung. Zur Theologie des Jakobusbriefes', Kerygma und Dogma, 35: 166-88. Kirk, J. A. (1969—70), 'The Meaning of Wisdom in James', NTS 16:
24-38. Klein, M. (1995), 'Bin vollkommenes Werk': Vollkommenheit, Gesetz und
Gericht als theologische Themen des Jakobusbriefes (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer) . Konradt, M. (1998), Christliche Existenz nach demJakobusbrief(Gdttin-
gen: Vandenhoeck). Lautenschlager, M. (1990), 'Der Gegenstand des Glaubens im Jako-
busbrief, ZTK8;: 163-84. Ludwig, M. (1994), Wort als Gesetz. Eine Untersuchungzum Verstandnis
von 'Wort' und 'Gesetz' in israelitisch-Jruhjudischen und neutestamentlichen Schriften (Frankfurt: Peter Lang).
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Marcus, J. (1982), "The Evil Inclination in the Epistle of James', CBQ
(1995), 'Synagogues in Jerusalem', in R. J. Bauckham (ed.), The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans), 179-211. (1997), 'Paulus und die Jesus-Uberlieferung', in J. Adna, S. J. Hafeman, and O. Hofius (eds.), Evangelium, Schriftauslegung, Kirche (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck), 346-65.
44: 606—21. Martin, R. P. (1988), James (Waco: Word). Maynard-Reid, P. U. (1987), Poverty and Wealth in James (New York:
Maryknoll). Mayor, J. B. (1913), The Epistle of Saint James, 3rd edn. (London:
Macmillan). Moo, D. J. (1985), The Letter of James (Leicester: Intervarsity Press). Mussner, F. (1987), Der Jakobusbrief, 5th edn. (Freiburg: Herder). Niebuhr, K. W (1998), 'Der Jakobusbrief im Licht fruhjudischer
(19980), Paul's Early Period: Chronology, Mission Strategy, Theology (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans).
(1998(7), Essener und Urgemeinde in Jerusalem (Giessen: Brunnen). Sacchi, P. (1993), 'Recovering Jesus' Formative Background', in J. H.
Diasporabriefe', NTS 44: 420—43. Penner, T. C. (1996), The Epistle of James and Eschatology (Sheffield:
Charlesworth (ed.), Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: Doubleday), 123-39. Schlatter, A. (1932), Der Brief desjakobus (Stuttgart: Calwer). Stulac, G. M. (1993), James (Leicester: Intervarsity Press). Tsuji, M. (1997), Glaube zwischen Vollkommenheit und Venveltlichung.
Sheffield Academic Press). Popkes, W. (1986), Adressaten, Situation und Form des Jakobusbriefes
(Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk). Pratscher, W. (1987), DerHerrenbruderJakobusunddieJakobustradition
(Gottingen: Vandenhoeck). Riesner, R. (1993), 'Jesus, the Primitive Community, and the Essene
Eine Untersuchung zur literarischen Gestalt und zur inhaltlichen Kohdrenz des Jakobusbriefes (Tubingen: Mohr). Zahn, T. (1906), Introduction to the New Testament I (London:
Quarter of Jerusalem', in J. H. Charlesworth (ed.), Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: Doubleday), 198—234.
Kregel). Zimmermann, A. F. (1988), Die urchristlichen Lehrer, 2nd edn. (Tubin-
(1994), 'James's Speech (Acts 15:13—21), Simeon's Hymn (Luke 2:29-32), and Luke's Sources', in J. B. Green and M. Turner (eds.), Jesus of Nazareth: Christ and Lord (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans) ,2 63—78.
gen: Mohr).
77. i Peter
ERICEVE
ities between i Peter and, for example, Romans and Ephesians require literary dependence, but at first sight the letter does have a deutero-Pauline feel. Yet many distinctive elements of Pauline theology (e.g. justification by faith) are entirely absent from i Peter, and even where characteristic Pauline expressions, such as 'in Christ' are employed, they are hardly used in a distinctively Pauline manner (see i PET 5:14). The epistle also shows some affinities with non-Pauline writings such as James, Hebrews, and i Clement. This suggests either that all these writings are drawing on common traditions, or that at least some of them were sufficiently well known to our author to have influenced his language (in favour of literary dependence, see Beare 1970; in favour of common catechetical and liturgical traditions, see Selwyn 1958; Achtemeier 1996). Knowledge of any of these writings would point to a date later than the apostle Peter is meant to have perished, in the Neronian persecution (c.66 CE). Indeed, the thought and tenor of the epistle would seem to place it towards the end of the first century, at a stage of development not far removed from that of the Pastoral Epistles (see Best 1971). 6. More specifically, the use of the code name 'Babylon' for Rome (5:13; cf. Rev 14:8; 16:19; Z7:5; I^'-2, IO» 2I) probably reflects the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE. There must have been time for Christianity to have spread into a wide region of Asia Minor (1:1) and for the name 'Christian', apparently first coined in Antioch (Acts 11:26), to have become current (4:16). There is, however, still a lively eschatological expectation (4:7, 17), and the letter must be early enough to have been known to Polycarp. All this points to a date somewhere between 70 and 100 CE (so Best 1971; Balch 1981; Elliott 1982; on the inconclusiveness of some of this evidence, however, see Achtemeier 1996).
A. Date, Authorship, and Provenance. 1. Despite attempts of scholars such as R. Perdelwitz, B. H. Streeter, H. Windisch, H. Preisker, and F. L. Cross in the first half of the twentieth century to argue to the contrary, i Peter should be read as a genuine letter. Earlier attempts to argue that i Peter was a baptismal sermon or liturgy that was subsequently incorporated into a letter have now largely fallen out of favour.
2. i Peter was quickly accepted as an authentic apostolic writing. The first probable citations from i Peter are in Polycarp's epistle to the Philippians (£.130 CE), and the letter is also referred to at 2 Pet 3:1. It is first cited explicitly as a Petrine writing by Irenaeus (in the late second century), and thereafter its use becomes widespread.
3. Despite i Pet 1:1, the author is unlikely to have been the apostle Peter. The cultured Greek of the epistle makes it perhaps the most literary composition in the NT. The apostle Peter probably knew some Greek, but i Peter does not look like the product of an unlettered (Acts 4:13) Galilean fisherman. It employs a sophisticated vocabulary incorporating several NT hapax legomena, and its author appears to have some command of the techniques of Hellenistic rhetoric. He is also intimately acquainted with the OT in the LXX, whereas we should have expected the Galilean Peter to have been more familiar with an Aramaic Targum or the Hebrew.
4. One cannot save Petrine authorship by arguing that Peter employed a secretary. If one argues that this secretary was Silvanus, the travelling companion of Paul (e.g. Selwyn 1958) or an anonymous amanuensis of the Roman church (Michaels 1988) the letter then becomes the product not of Peter, but of the secretary, since it is the latter's language that the epistle exhibits (see Beare 1970).
5. The epistle appears to rely heavily on traditions and not on personal reminiscences of Jesus. It is not clear that similar-
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7. It is conceivable that, as Harnack first argued, the ascription to the apostle Peter was added to the epistle in the second century to secure its place in the canon (although there is no evidence for this). A more probable explanation, however, is that the letter was issued from a circle of Peter's followers in Rome in his name after his death (so Best 1971; Elliott 1982; Achtemeier 1996; on the general issue of pseudepigraphy see EPH c). To be sure, once doubt is cast on the authorship, doubt may also be cast on the identification of Rome ('Babylon') as the place of origin, since this could be part of the mechanism of pseudepigraphy. But the affinities of i Peter with i Clement, together with its possible echoes of Romans, tip the balance in favour of a Roman provenance for this letter.
gical vindication provided they stand firm. One should probably translate v. 2 as 'for obedience [to God rather than Jesus] and sprinkling with the blood of Jesus Christ'. Sprinkling with the 'blood of Jesus Christ' recalls the covenant ceremony of Ex 24:3-8, and suggests that the author sees the church as the peopleofGod constituted by Christ's sacrifice (1:19). Itmayalso suggest that God's people are to share in Christ's sufferings. Grace and peace are common enough in Christian greetings, but may have a special poignancy here, where those wished grace and peace are suffering opposition and abuse (cf. 5:14).
Prooemium (1:3-12)
This section is in the form of a blessing (cf. Eph 1:3; 2 Cor 1:3), though here our author does not merely praise God but sets out the main themes that are to follow. These are that the addressees are greatly privileged as believers, both in what they have received already and in what they can expect in the future. Therefore, they should stand firm despite opposition, regarding their suffering as an opportunity to prove their faith and as a sign that deliverance is at hand. (1:3—9) m v3 me author lays the groundwork of his appeal to the recipients; they have been begotten again (see i PET 1:222:3) and as believers they already enjoy great benefits. These are not to be abandoned lightly, even under pressure, for this would also be to forfeit the future benefits promised at v. 4. At v. 5 the author continues to assure his audience of their fundamental security and their ultimate vindication. The salvation mentioned here is probably both from their current troubles and from an adverse judgement by God at the eschaton, whereas 'faith' will include faithfulness to their calling as Christians. The first two words of v. 6 may be translated either 'in whom' (i.e. God) or 'in which', i.e. the entire sentiment expressed in v. 5; NRSV opts for the latter. The addressees can rejoice in the hopes expressed in v. 5 even if they are currently suffering. Here we note two features of the author's rhetorical strategy: (i) The author presumably does not know that his addressees actually are rejoicing; he probably suspects the reverse (hence the letter!); but by asserting that they are already doing what he wants he encourages his addressees to accept his view. (2) The author introduces his first explicit reference to suffering with great tact ('even if... for a little while...'); later on the sufferings appear more painful; here they are made to appear insignificant compared with the privileges enjoyed. The reference to 'various trials' may indicate a further cause for rejoicing: such trials were expected to beset the faithful at the end-time, so their occurrence can be taken as a sign that the end is near. The trials also allow the suffering recipients to prove their faith (v. 7), that is to demonstrate its worth in adversity just as precious metal is proved and separated from dross in the heat of the refining process. Faith thus proved will result in the suffering faithful receiving (from God) the very things that their unbelieving neighbours are currently denying them (praise, glory, and honour). This will occur 'when Jesus Christ is revealed', i.e. when he appears from heaven at the Parousia, which the author believes to be close at hand (4:7). At w. 8—9 the author again employs indicatives to describe the attitudes he wants his audience to adopt, love of and belief in Christ and joy in their salvation, which is described as being realized even now.
B. Purpose. The purpose of the letter is not to convey doctrinal information or specific ethical instruction, but rather to urge the recipients to hold fast to their faith in the face of hostility
(so Elliott 1982; cf. Thuren 1995; Achtemeier 1996). This, indeed, is roughly what the letter itself states (5:12). It achieves this aim by the threefold strategy of reminding the recipients of the enormous value of what they have already received as Christians (e.g. 1:3,10—12,18—21; 2:9—10), by assuring them of their future vindication and reward (e.g. 1:4-5,13! 4:I3! 5
:4> 6, 10), and by emphasizing the example of the blameless suffering of Christ (e.g. 2:21—3; 3:18; 4:13). If Peter was known to the recipients to have been martyred for his faith, this may have provided a further reason for writing in his name. However, the sufferings envisaged in the letter appear to be not martyrdom arising from state persecution but verbal and physical abuse from hostile neighbours (e.g. 2:12, 15, 19-20; 3:9, 16; 4:4, 14). The hard-pressed believers are urged to give no needless cause for offence, even under provocation, but to excel in good conduct motivated by their loyalty and obedience to God.
Greeting (1:1-2)
(1:1) On the attribution of the letter to the apostle Peter see i PET A. The term 'exiles' does not refer to the Christians' earthly sojourning prior to arriving at their heavenly home, nor is it likely to mean that most of those addressed had the official status of resident aliens prior to their conversion (so Elliott 1981). It may reflect the social experience of the addressees following their conversion, though the language is probably drawn from the story of Israel's progenitor Abraham (Gen 23:4). The exiles are said to be located in the 'Dispersion', which may suggest that they are diaspora Jews. Other indications in the letter, however, suggest that the recipients were formerly pagans (e.g. 1:18; 2:10). The specific region referred to (Pontus, Galatia, etc.) would cover most of Asia Minor north and west of the Taurus mountains. Pliny's letters to Trajan (c.ii2 CE) indicate that by his day Christianity was well established in Bithynia-Pontus, not only among the towns but also in the countryside. (1:2) That the recipients are said to have been 'chosen and destined by God the Father' relates their destiny to Christ's (1:20). Just as Christ suffered and was raised to glory (1:11, 21), so too will the Christians suffering abuse receive eschatolo-
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group cohesion and separateness needed. This group is oriented on Christ not only as its redeemer but as its exemplar. Christ, like them (1:2), was foreknown or 'destined' by God (v. 20). Like them, he suffered (2:21), but since God raised him from the dead and gave him glory, those who pattern themselves on him can hope for the same (v. 21).
(1:10-12) The prooemium concludes with a section that emphasizes just how privileged the addressees are. It is they who are the recipients of the great promises the prophets enquired into (w. 11-12), and they who have received the good news of things into which even angels long to peer (v. 12). Yet what the prophets testified in advance bears directly on our author's theme, for they foresaw that Christ would first suffer and then receive glory, the pattern that the addressees are also expected to follow, as will become increasingly apparent.
The contrast between 'destined' and 'revealed' (v. 20) is not so much intended to teach predestination (see also i PET 2:8) as once again to emphasize the privileged status of the believers. What was foreknown from before the creation of the world has only now been made known in the last times (note the eschatological emphasis) and for their sake.
Body of Letter, Part i: Living as God's People (1:13-2:10)
(1:13-21) Redemption into the Christ Group The start of the new section is marked by the word 'therefore' and the shift into the imperative mood (v. 13). Despite NRSV, however, the first word in the imperative is the command to 'hope', the previous two verbs are participles ('discipline yourselves' is more literally, 'being perfectly sober'). Many commentators take the participles here and elsewhere in i Peter as having imperatival force, but this is not necessarily the case (see Achtemeier 1996). The author could be describing his addressees as those who have girded the loins of their minds (the imagery is that of fastening one's outer garment around the waist so that it does not impede one's movements, hence NRSV's 'prepare your minds for action') and are perfectly sober, or he may be saying that this is the manner in which they should hope. The object of that hope is eschatological, since it is linked to the Parousia, but the Greek participle (rendered by NRSV as the future 'will bring you') suggests that the promised grace can already begin to be experienced now or in the near future.
(1:22-2:3) ReWrth through the Word Patterning on Christ must include Christ-like conduct, or 'obedience to the truth' (which is also obedience to God the Father), but can only be sustained in contrast to the world with the aid of a mutually supportive group (1:22), membership of which is a mark of rebirth (see below).
The quotation in 1:24—50 from Isa 40:6—8 is the first of many allusions to Isaiah in this letter. The 'word' is here equated with the good news that has been preached to the addressees, and this perhaps illustrates prophets testifying in advance (1:10). The main point of the quotation, however, is to contrast the transitoriness of natural life with the permanence of the life that springs from God's word. Natural birth is birth into the worldly community. Rebirth by the word comes about through entering the new community that is the redeemed people of God constituted by the word. The worldly community is transitory not only because of normal human mortality, but because it is about to fall under God's judgement (4:17); the alternative community of the word is guaranteed permanence, provided it stands firm, since it is rooted in God, and will be vindicated by him at the last judgement.
The author next contrasts his addressees' former way of life (v. 14) with the holiness to which they are now called (v. 15). Holiness contains the idea of separateness; the addressees are to be a people set apart for God from the surrounding culture. The notion that this holiness is to express itself in conduct
Those who have undergone rebirth may be metaphorically described as 'newborn infants' (2:2). Babes are no doubt best fed on pure milk, but there is a play on words in the Greek, since the word translated 'pure' can also mean 'guileless', the quality that would result from obeying the injunctions of 2:1. It is not clear whether the author has primarily in mind his audience's dealings with one another (as the immediate context might suggest) or towards outsiders (as 2:12 indicates). He may well have intended both. Slander is one of the things they seem to have been particularly suffering from outsiders, and they will later be commanded not to revile in turn (3:9). For now the author wishes to remind his audience that rebirth is not enough by itself, it must be followed by growth towards the desired goal (2:2/7). The doubt implied by 'if in 2:3 is a rhetorical device. The recipients will not want to deny that they have tasted God's goodness, and so they will be led into accepting what the author has just said.
(v. 15) is one of the pervading themes of the letter. It is repeated already at v. 17 (NRSV's 'live' is more literally 'conduct yourselves'), where it is related to the final judgement of God. At first sight the sentiment of this verse is strongly at odds with the Pauline doctrine of justification by faith, but compare, e.g., Rom 2:6-11. In any case Paul and 'Peter' would have agreed that being right with God necessitated being part of the people of God now constituted through Jesus Christ, and that this must express itself in conduct (cf. Gal 5:13—26). Our author is concerned with helping his audience cope with the sense of alienation this brings (on 'exiles' see i PET 1:1), and so immediately upon urging them to appropriate conduct he reminds them once more of their privileged position (w. 18-19), mis
time in terms of the cost of their redemption, and the futility of the life from which they have been redeemed.
Christ is here described in terms of a sacrificial victim (cf. e.g. Lev 1:3, 10; 3:1, 6, etc.). It is not said how his sacrifice achieves redemption, but the thought may be that Christ's death deals with sin, enables righteous behaviour (2:24), and allows access to God (2:4) to those who were formerly not his people (2:10). The fledgling Christian church offers a new reference group by which its members measure their conduct, and this enables them to live with a fresh orientation. Our author does not express himself in this sociological language, but he is nevertheless keen to promote the kind of
(2:4-10) God's Chosen People The recurrence of the word 'stone' throughout this section suggests the thought of a building, in particular the temple (the 'spiritual house' of v. 5), not in the literal sense of the Jerusalem temple, but in the metaphorical sense of God's people (the use of 'temple' to denote one's own elect community is also found in the Qumran literature). The people of God constitutes the other controlling theme in this section, in which language formerly applied to Israel is now applied to the addressees (w. 5, 9). The
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purpose is to persuade them of their worth as God's chosen people in the face of a hostile environment.
conduct in that society is to be good and seen to be good, even by pagan standards (w. 11—12; although the NRSV translates 'honourably' in v. n and 'honourable deeds' in v. 12, the underlying Greek word kalos means 'good' or 'beautiful'). To be sure, their conduct must also be good by God's standards, and will then receive divine vindication at the final judgement. The evildoing of which these Christians may have been suspected could include the suspicion of atheism', that is refusing to honour the traditional gods, so risking their displeasure. It may also have included political disloyalty, not simply through refusal to take part in the emperor cult, but through forming an unauthorized grouping (or collegium) which could appear political in nature to the Roman authorities.
The living stone (Christ) at v. 4 is said to have been rejected, not by the Jews, but by humankind in general; there is little anti-Judaism in this epistle, even though its addressees (unlike Paul's Gentile addressees) are regarded as having taken over the role of Israel without remainder (so Achtemeier 1996). The addressees are also to become living stones (v. 5), and thus to share the fate of Christ their exemplar. Just as he was rejected by humans but was chosen and honoured (rather than NRSV's 'precious') with God, so too those who are experiencing rejection on account of their faith have been chosen and will be honoured by God. Honour, a pivotal value in Mediterranean society (Malina 1983), is precisely what these Christians lack in the eyes of their unbelieving neighbours. The phrase 'chosen and honoured' thus reassures the audience of their true status, as well as preparing for the quotation from Isa 28:16 that is to follow (v. 6; cf Rom 9:33). Believers are also promised honour at v. 7 (which should be translated 'so to you who believe is the honour'), in contrast to the stumbling that is the fate of the unbeliever (w. 7^-8). The function of v. 8 is not to teach that some individuals were foreordained to stumble, but rather to reassure the addressees that their persecutors are heading for a fall, and that this is all within God's plan.
It may be for this reason that the author urges due submission to the political authorities (w. 13-14; cf Rom 13:1-5). Believers are not to court persecution, but rather to silence the 'ignorance of idiots' by right conduct. The 'idiots' may be those who make trouble for Christians by reporting their alleged misconduct to the authorities; the Christians' good conduct is to give the lie to such slanders. Being urged to live as servants (lit. slaves) of God (v. 16) is double-edged: it entails obedience to God, but it also implies security and status. In so far as God is superior to the emperor, so God's servants are superior to Caesar's. In any case, the apparently conformist advice is given a firm counter-cultural ground, since it is to be motivated by ultimate loyalty to God's will (w. 13, 15) rather than to any human institution.
Although the language of priesthood and sacrifice (w. 5, 9) is cultic, this probably derives from the use of the temple as a metaphor for God's elect people (rather than referring to Christian worship). It may be, however, that the 'spiritual sacrifice' the author intends is that of costly obedience to God in the face of abuse, since he later goes on to stress the passion of Christ as the pattern of uncomplaining suffering for the believer (2:21-4; yi7~I9> 4:I3~I4)-
This nuanced exhortation to counter-cultural conformity is summed up at v. 17 (cf. Mk 12:17). At the extremities of this verse, honour (the pivotal value of the culture) is to be paid to all outsiders, and to the emperor in particular (cf. Rom 13:7). At its core, however, the Christian fellowship is to be loved and God is to be 'feared', that is, reverenced. How this works out in detail is exemplified in the discussion that follows.
v. 10 (like 1:18) suggests that the author is addressing converts from paganism rather than Jews (this verse is an allusion to Hos 2:23; cf. Paul's use of Hos 1:10 at Rom 9:25-6). He concludes this section by again reminding them of their privileges. The implication is that they would be foolish to give up such a glorious state and revert to their former paganism, for that would be to give up light, mercy, and belonging for darkness, no mercy, and non-belonging.
(2:18—3:22) The Principles in Practice At first sight, this section resembles the household codes found, for example, at Col 3:18-4:1 and Eph 5:21-6:9 (on household codes in the NT see EPH 5:21-6:9 and Balch 1981). This section may indeed derive from such material, but this is not its primary purpose here. A household code would normally give advice on the duties of parents and children, slaves and masters, and husbands and wives. Here no advice is given to parents, children, or masters, and that given to husbands is perfunctory. By focusing on slaves and wives, the author concentrates on two specially vulnerable groups. He thus both directly gives advice to these two groups and indirectly employs them as examples of proper submission for all Christians.
Body of Letter, Part 2: Good Conduct in the Face of Suffering (2:11-4:11)
The word 'beloved' (2:11) marks the start of a major new division both here and at 4:12. The first section lays down general principles of conduct, which are then exemplified in the 'household code' of 2:18—3:7. This is followed by further general advice on how the beleaguered believers should respond to the sufferings inflicted on them by hostile neighbours.
NRSV translates the Greek participles of 2:18 and 3:1 as imperatives ('accept the authority'), but it may be that they should be understood as participles expanding on 2:17 ('Honour all men...by accepting') (so Achtemeier 1996). Slaves and women thus provide paradigms for the injunctions of 2:17.
(2:11-17) Principles of Conduct in Human Society The author is anxious to preserve the distinctness of the communities he is addressing vis-a-vis their cultural context, but he does not do so in a straightforwardly counter-cultural way, any more than he is straightforwardly conformist. On the one hand Christians are to abstain from fleshly desires (v. n), which the author regards as characteristic of the pagan society from which they are now alienated (cf. 4:3). On the other their
Slaves should follow the example of Christ (2:18-25): The 'slaves' of 2:18 are literally 'household servants' (oiketai). In a non-Christian household they might find themselves under pressure to conform to their master's religion. Although household slaves in the Roman empire were by no means
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paying them honour is directly counter-cultural and characteristically Christian, namely that they are the weaker sex
universally mistreated, they were always liable to punishment or abuse from those they served. The advice given is outwardly conformist, namely to submit to the master's authority, but they are not to submit to the extent of renouncing their faith or their place in the Christian community, and if they suffer for this alone (rather than for any actual misdemeanour), they will have God's approval even if they do not enjoy that of their master (w. 19-20). This limited conformity informed by a counter-cultural loyalty is very similar to the attitude of the early church to the Roman state, and thus serves as a suitable illustration of 2:11—17.
(literally 'vessel'). Here, 'weaker' means merely physically weaker; women are certainly not to be regarded as less valuable, but rather as co-heirs. The way husbands live with their wives should reflect this; it should be done 'according to knowledge'. This could mean 'show[ing] consideration' (as NRSV), but might equally refer to the knowledge that women are co-heirs and thus equally valued by God (Selwyn 1958). Failure to recognize this may result in a breakdown of one's prayer-life, perhaps through a false conception of God.
The greater part of this advice to slaves is taken up with expounding the example of the innocent suffering of Christ (w. 21—5), who, as we have already seen, is the pattern for all believers (v. 21). The description of Christ's behaviour in w. 22-3 is thus the ideal to which suffering slaves, and indeed any suffering Christians, should aspire, even if they could not expect to be totally without sin. The language in which Christ's suffering is described here reflects the servant poem in Isa 53. The precise notion of atonement in v. 24 is hard to discern. The language might almost suggest that he took our sins into his body and made a sacrificial offering of them upon the cross, but such a thought would have no parallel in the NT, not least because the notions of offering sins as a sacrifice would be very odd. Given the other allusions to Isa 53 one might do better to see this verse as an adaptation of Isa 53:4—5 to fit Christ's death on the cross, without any clearly worked out theory of atonement behind it: the notion of vicarious punishment is not stated, although the notion that innocent suffering vicariously deals with others' sins may be presupposed. Apogenomenoi (v. 24, NRSV, 'free') could be rendered 'having been made to have no part in' but could also mean 'dead'. Here one should probably translate 'having died to sin', contrasted with 'live for righteousness'. What should have died for the addressees is the former identity that let itself be defined by the surrounding pagan culture (4:3).
All must love one another and hear suffering righteously (y&— ij): The word 'finally' suggests that what follows rounds off the section; having advised specific groups the author now describes how the commands of 2:17 are to be realized by all believers. Here, the author seems to be thinking of how Christians should behave towards one another, and in so doing again urges attitudes that aid group cohesion.
v. 9 again begins with a participle ('not repaying'), indicating that the author is still expanding on 2:17. The advice is similar to Rom 12:14 or Mt 5:44, and so the author is plausibly reminding the addressees of teaching they have already received when he tells them that they have been called to this task. The quotation from Ps 34:12—15 (w. 10—12) makes the point that the Lord favours those who do and speak good things, and opposes those who do the opposite, v. 9 thus most probably means that the believers' calling is to bless at all times, not only when reviled. They will then be blessed in turn, whereas the punishment of their persecutors can be left to God.
Nonetheless, it is the audience's behaviour in the face of abuse that is the author's prime concern, and he is anxious that the beleaguered communities addressed should make the best possible impression on outsiders, both to avoid provoking unnecessary persecution (v. 13) and to attract further converts (v. 15). Aggressive evangelizing is discouraged, however (w. 15-16). Believers should explain their hope when asked, but do so respectfully. Ideally, their conduct will bear out the genuineness of their faith (v. i6fc). It is not clear precisely how those who revile Christians for their good conduct will be 'put to shame'. This could mean that they will be seen as malicious slanderers by more fair-minded nonbelievers, thereby winning sympathy for believers, but the phrase could also suggest an unfavourable verdict at the last judgement. Perhaps this ambiguity is deliberate. In any case, the author sees innocent suffering nobly borne as valuable in itself (w. 14,17). The idea that it is better to suffer wrong than to do wrong (v. 17) was not uncommon in the ancient world, but here it is given a distinctive theological underpinning, and
Wives should follow the example of Sarah (3:1—6): Much of the advice given to wives is outwardly conformist. That wives should accept their husband's authority and not answer back (v. i) would be a commonplace, and there are both pagan and Jewish parallels (Isa 3:18—24; Prov 11:22; 31:10—30) to preferring inward beauty to outward adornment (w. 3-4). The author gives his advice a religious slant by appealing to examples from the biblical past, appealing especially to Sarah who, as Abraham's wife, might be the natural type of the faithful female as Abraham was of the faithful male (Beare 1970). The advice becomes counter-cultural in two places. First, the wives' silent submission is to be part of a strategy for winning the unbelieving husband to the faith (w. 1—2), rather than the total surrender that would entail adopting the husband's faith, as the surrounding culture would expect
so neatly sums up the author's main message. At v. 17 it is related to God's will (NRSV correctly brings out the Greek optative by translating 'if suffering should be God's will'; the author tactfully allows that it may not necessarily be); at w. 14-15 the language recalls that of Isa 8:12/7-13.
(Balch 1981). Secondly, the wives are not to fear intimidation (NRSV 'never let fears alarm you', v. 6), which may again mean they are to stand their ground on the issue of their faith.
Husbands must honour their wives (yj)\ The brief advice to husbands further undermines a conventional reading of the female submission urged in 3:1-6. In Mediterranean society, honour was primarily a pivotal value to be sought by men, but here men are urged to ascribe it to their wives. The reason for
Since the suffering Christ has conquered evil (3:18-22): The word 'For' with which v. 18 opens grammatically connects this section with what has immediately preceded, but since the theme of unmerited suffering has formed a continuous thread throughout the exhortations following 2:17, this concluding
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from their former pagan excesses and so maintaining their boundary with the world (w. i—6), and secondly by acting in ways that promote the cohesion of their believing communities (w. 7-11).
section gives the Christological ground for all that has gone before. Rhetorically, these verses serve to reassure the addressees that their suffering, if borne rightly, really will lead to blessing, since the suffering Christ (their pattern) has overcome all evil powers.
In relation to outsiders (4:1-6): The author again refers to Christ's suffering, but this time as the basis not so much for suffering as for conduct that is distinctive from that of the surrounding culture. Many pagan moralists would also have condemned most of the pursuits listed at v. 3, but the believers are to be distinctive in actually avoiding them, and doing so as an expression of God's will (v. 2). This will alienate (a possible meaning of the word translated 'surprised' at v. 4) their former companions, but this is the price that must be paid for standing firm in the redeemed community of God's people. By warning that those who persist in this stream of dissipation will have to face judgement (v. 5) the author not only comforts his audience with the thought that these outsiders will get their requital, but also warns them not to lapse from their faith and so rejoin the community of the condemned.
The immediate connection between the suffering believer in 3:17 and the suffering Christ in v. 18 reminds the addressees that Christ is their pattern. Whether one reads 'you' or 'us' at v. 18, the point remains the same: Christ's righteous suffering has freed the believers from their former sins and given them access to God. They are accordingly reminded of their baptism, by which they appropriated the benefits of Christ's death. This baptism takes its effectiveness not from the cleansing power of the water, but from Christ's resurrection (v. 21). v. i8fc is unlikely to mean that Christ was put to death as a physical being but raised as a spiritual one. It is also unlikely to mean that Christ was put to death by humans (cf. the meaning of'flesh' at 1:24) but raised by the Spirit, although this would be grammatically possible (so Achtemeier 1996). It is most likely to mean that Christ was put to death in the human, worldly sphere but raised to life in the spiritual sphere (Best 1971). This is not a denial of bodily resurrection. Instead it underlines the fact that Christ's risen life is no mere continuation of natural, earthly existence but is rather an anticipation of the age to come, 'spiritual' because lived directly in the presence of God (cf. i Cor 15:35—57). It was in the spiritual sphere that Christ made a proclamation to the imprisoned spirits (w. 19-20). Traditionally these puzzling verses have been interpreted as Christ's preaching the good news to the pre-Christian dead in the underworld. This is probably not what the author meant, however. First, there is nothing in the text to suggest a descent. Secondly, the Greek word for 'made a proclamation' (ekeruxen) need not imply preaching good news; here it probably means that Christ proclaimed his victory. Thirdly, the description of these imprisoned spirits at w. 19-20 suggests that they are the angelic beings of Gen 6:1-6 whose disobedience ultimately led to the Flood (cf. Jub. 7:21; i Enoch 6-10; 18:12-19:2). It would, in any case, be strange if Christ's preaching to the spirits of deceased humans were restricted to the disobedient contemporaries of Noah, even if 'spirits' most naturally referred to dead humans, which it does not. The point is then that at his resurrection Christ proclaimed his victory to the archetypally wicked spirits that had troubled humanity; as a consequence of his resurrection Christ now reigns with God and all spiritual powers have been made subject to him (v. 22). This is intended to reassure those who pattern themselves on Christ that the powers to which they are temporarily subject, including potentially hostile political authorities and abusive neighbours, have already been defeated in their spiritual backers. The Flood story provides a further link with their own experience by relating the waters through which Noah's family was brought safely to the saving water of baptism
The preaching of the gospel to the dead (v. 6) has been variously interpreted in relation to the imprisoned spirits of 3:19, or to the pre-Christian dead (so Best 1971), or to the spiritually dead. Another option is to see this verse as a reference to Christians who have died (taking 'proclaimed even to the dead' to mean 'proclaimed to those who have since died'), rejected by the world (judged in the realm of the flesh) but alive in the spirit according to God's standards (so Achtemeier 1996). The function of the verse is then to reassure the addressees that those of their number who have died did not believe in vain. None of these interpretations is without its problems, however, and although the last one perhaps fits the context best, it is not the most obvious way of construing the text.
In relation to other believers (4:7—11): The author proceeds to urge his hearers towards conduct that will strengthen their pressurized communities: they are to practise mutual love (v. 8) and uncomplaining hospitality (v. 9), and to use their several gifts in the service of the community (w. 10—n). Hospitality would be necessary for Christians travelling, either for missionary work or to escape persecution elsewhere or even on their own business. Within a settled community it would also be necessary for those with larger houses to offer hospitality for the congregation to meet.
This is set against a background of eschatological urgency (v. 7), which serves a dual function. On the one hand it reassures the hearers that they do not have long to wait for relief and vindication; on the other it warns them that they will not have much time left if they fall away now. They are accordingly urged to be serious and sober, in contrast to the drunken debauchery of their pagan peers.
The doxology at v. n is brief; it concludes a major division of the letter, but not the letter itself (cf. 5:11). Grammatically 'To him' would most naturally refer back to Jesus Christ, but it is more likely meant to refer back to God, for whom glory is desired in the immediately preceding sentence (cf. 2:12; 5:11).
(w. 20—i). A further implication may be that the ark is a type of the believing community, and that now is not a good time to jump ship (the Flood being a type of the coming judgement).
Body of Letter: Conclusion (4:12-5:11)
(4:12—19) Submit to Suffering The start of the final major division of the letter is marked by the opening word 'Beloved' (v. 12; cf. 2:11). Although the reference to a 'fiery ordeal' (v. 12)
(4:1—11) Living a Christian Life The author now urges his addressees to behave in a manner that will preserve their distinctiveness as Christian communities, first by refraining
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rather than one who sees at first hand; compare the prophets who testified in advance to Christ's sufferings (1:11). There may nevertheless be an allusion to the fact that the Apostle Peter testified to Christ's sufferings by his martyrdom. The self-designation of the author as a 'fellow-elder' at v. i appears modest if the author is meant to be the Apostle Peter, but if Peter was known to have been martyred this would strengthen the appeal to the elders to suffer likewise.
might suggest that the situation has grown graver, it still seems to be primarily verbal abuse that the author has in mind (v. 14). More severe forms of suffering are not excluded, and it may be that there was a constant danger of sporadic local agitation against Christians leading to Roman magistrates applying the death penalty. However, it is by no means necessary that the reference to suffering 'as a Christian' (v. 16) has this kind of semi-official persecution in view. The point is not that Christians may have to suffer 'for the name' because Christianity has become a proscribed religion, but rather that if Christians do find themselves suffering, they are blessed if and only if it is purely their faith, and not any criminal or antisocial behaviour, that has provoked opposition against them (w. 15—16).
This appeal to the elders does not necessarily mean that the author believes them to be defective; the point is rather that they have a vital role to play in keeping the beleaguered communities together. But this also requires that their leadership be respected (v. 5). Nevertheless, the author wants not so much hierarchical subordination as mutual submission (v. 5), of which slaves and wives were earlier the exemplars (2:18-3:7). The quotation from Prov 3:34 then serves at least three functions: it provides a scriptural warrant for the exhortation to mutual submission; it hints that any proud oppressors troubling the community are opposed by God; and it leads into the next section. (5:6-11) Submit to God Since the addressees'present trials are the start of God's final judgement on the world (4:17), the proper attitude is to submit to them as God's will; one will then receive ultimate vindication (v. 6; cf. Mt 23:i2/Lk 14:11; Jas 4:10). The command to be sober (v. 8) recalls 4:7; there the context was eschatological urgency, also implied here by the command to be watchful (cf. Mk 13:34—7). The immediate context here, though, is that of their spiritual foe. The idea is that a sheep detached from the fold (cf. 2:25; 5:2) is more likely to fall victim to a predatory lion. The members of the community are thus exhorted to stand firm within the community, and it is by this means that they will resist the devil (v. g;cf Jas 4:7). In the author's view divine judgement is a blessing in disguise since it shows that the end-time deliverance is near and enables believers to prove the value of their faith. Failure to stand firm would turn this disguised blessing into a diabolical snare, since those who fall away fail the test, forfeit their salvation, and revert to the community of the lost; the addressees are thereby warned that falling away from faith to escape persecution is worse than useless. In any case, the suffering is only to be 'for a little while', after which God himself will relieve them, for they are destined for glory in Christ (v. 10; cf. 1:5—6). In the meantime they are only having to undergo what Christians everywhere are suffering (v. gfc). This can hardly refer to an empire-wide official persecution of the church, since there is no evidence that this occurred before 250 CE under Emperor Decius. It must refer rather to the type of verbal abuse, harassment, and social pressure already referred to in the letter, perhaps coupled with the sporadic but everpresent threat of more violent local persecution fomented by hostile pagan neighbours.
The word rendered by NRSV as 'mischief maker' in v. 15 is allotriepiskopos, which, though rare in Greek literature, occurs elsewhere in the sense 'busybody'. It may seem strange to put busybodies in the same category as murderers and thieves, but the sense intended may be 'meddlers in the affairs of outsiders' (the Greek word literally means 'overseer of others'). The point may then be that members of the Christian community are not to attract unfavourable attention by interfering in other people's business.
If the prospect of suffering now seems more intense, this is partly because the author gives it a clear eschatological interpretation. The 'fiery ordeal' (v. 12) is to be understood, not as a heating up of official opposition to Christianity, but as the sufferings associated with the end-time; which is why the addressees should not be surprised. It is the first stage of the last judgement (v. 17), which begins with the 'house of God'
(AV), i.e. the temple taken as a metaphor for God's people (cf Isa 10:11-12; Jer 25:29; Ezek 9:6; Mai 3:1-6). If things seem bad for the believers, they will turn out much worse for out-
siders (w. lyb—18), so despite whatthey are suffering now, the addressees had far better endure (and not lapse). Indeed, since their present sufferings are a sign of their imminent vindication, they should rejoice (v. 13) and entrust themselves to God (v. 19).
(5:1—5) Submit to One Another Having again addressed the external pressures on the scattered Christian communities of Asia Minor, the author turns once more to their internal group cohesion. This time he is primarily concerned with relations between elders and those who are younger (w. 2—3). Although this could refer to relative biological age, it is more likely to refer to the length of time people have spent in the faith. Whether the author envisages a distinct order of'elder' (presbuteros) or 'presbyter' is unclear; the word may simply be borrowed from contemporary Jewish practice rather than denoting the later order of Christian ministry. But these elders clearly have some duty of pastoral oversight (v. 2), which they are to exercise in a godly rather than worldly fashion (v. 3; cf. Mk 10:42—5). In particular they are to be examples (or 'types') for their flock; elsewhere Christ is held up as an example for the believer, particularly in respect of his innocent suffering, so it may be that this is the type of example the elders are to set (as they are also to be sharers in Christ's glory: w. ib, 4). That the author describes himself as a witness of Christ's sufferings (v. i) cannot be used to prove Petrine authorship. The word translated 'witness' (martus) means one who testifies
The brief doxology at v. n (cf. 4:11) concludes this final division of the body of the letter, which has itself summarized the main argument of the letter.
Epistolary Closing (5:12-14)
v. 12 succinctly states the purpose of the letter. Grace (charts) has a number of meanings for this author; here it may mean both eschatological salvation and that which is pleasing to
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urge his audience towards group-reinforcing behaviour. Again, 'peace' is a conventional element in a concluding formula, but here it possesses an added poignancy as that which the recipients feel they do not enjoy from their hostile neighbours. Tn Christ' is basically a way of saying 'Christian', but it also expresses where the author hopes his addressees will remain, rooted in Christ as their pattern and the true source of their peace despite the hostility of an uncomprehending world.
God. The phrase 'through Silvanus' would not normally mean that Silvanus is the amanuensis through whom 'Peter' has written; it would more naturally mean that Silvanus is the bearer of the letter. If so, then there is no reason for supposing that he is the same Silas/Silvanus mentioned by Paul and Acts, who was in any case an associate of Paul rather than Peter. Rather than being a pseudepigraphal device he may be a real person, commended by the author as the bearer (and interpreter?) of the letter, but otherwise unknown to us. NRSV is probably correct in interpreting the co-elect female of v. 13 as a church (in Greek feminine ekklesia). 'Babylon' is almost certainly a code-name for Rome, the destroyer of Jerusalem in 70 CE as ancient Babylon (apparently an uninhabited ruin by the first century) had been in 587 BCE. It is unclear whether 'my son Mark' is a reference to the John Mark mentioned in Acts. This Mark was associated with Paul and Barnabas rather than Peter, though it may be that the author knew the tradition that Mark acted as Peter's interpreter. But since Mark was a very common name in the Roman empire it is conceivable that 'my son Mark' is an oblique self-reference to the Petrine disciple who was the actual author of the letter.
Achtemeier, P. J. (1996), i Peter (Minneapolis: Fortress). Balch, D. L. (1981), Let Wives Be Submissive: The Domestic Code in i Peter,
SBLMS 26 (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press). Beare, F. W. (1970), The First Epistle of Peter, 3rd edn. (Oxford: Basil
Blackwell). Best, E. (1971), i Peter, NCB (London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott). Elliott, J. H. (1982), A Home for the Homeless (London: SCM). Malina, B. J. (1983), The New Testament World (London: SCM). Michaels, J. R. (1988), i Peter, WBC 49 (Waco, Tex.: Word). Selwyn, E. G. (1958), The First Epistle of St. Peter (London: Macmillan). Thuren, L. (1995), Argument and Theology in i Peter: The Origins of
The kiss of love (v. 14) was a mark of early Christian communities, and here our author takes one last opportunity to
Christian Paraenesis (Sheffield: Academic Press).
78. 2 Peter J E R E M Y D U F F
The approach taken here is that 2 Peter depended on a text similar to Jude 4—13.
The Second Letter of Peter is often an unwelcome guest at the table of NT scholarship: its focus on the coming judgement finds little favour in the modern age, and the long-running dispute over the letter's origins have left commentators unsure how to approach the text. Because of this, significant space is given here to the question of the letter's origins, though in the process many features of the text are highlighted.
2. 2 Peter and i Peter. 2 Peter differs from i Peter in style, as recognized both by modern critics and by earlier commentators (e.g. Jerome, Epistles, 120.11; Calvin, Commentary on 2 Peter, Preface): while i Peter is elegantly simple, 2 Peter is grandiose and elaborate (affected by the emerging Asiatic style of Greek rhetoric). Similarly, the two letters differ in terminology: for example 2 Peter refers to Jesus' return as parousia (coming: 1:16; 3.4; cf. 3:12), i Peter as apokalupsis
A. Literary Relationships. 1.2 Peter and Jude. 2 Peter 2:1-3:3 is closely related to Jude 4-13: the attack on the false teachers is very similar in both substance and order (except that 2:12, 13,15 = Jude 10,12, n). Common authorship, however, founders on the difference in style and outlook and on the discordant use of the same metaphors (e.g. 2:11-15, cfJude 9~I3)- Two explanations are feasible: one used the other, or both used a common source. If direct dependence is assumed, Jude is demonstrably prior. For example, Jude 12-13 describes the false teachers successively as clouds, trees, waves, and stars for whom the darkness has been reserved (for wandering stars = angels consigned to darkness cf i Enoch, 10:1—6; 83:1—11, a text used elsewhere in Jude). 2 Pet 2:17 however, leaps from clouds to the darkness—bizarre but explicable as an abridgement of Jude (see also 2:11, cf. Jude 9). Furthermore, it would be difficult to explain the abandoning of much of 2 Peter's argument to produce the brief Jude, while the reverse seems more reasonable. However, the paucity of close verbal agreements means that a common source (similar to Jude 4-13) is quite feasible. 2 Peter's dependency on Jude would have the virtue of simplicity, but this is insufficient to prove the case.
(revelation: 1:7, 13; 4:13). 2 Peter appears more Hellenistic with its stress on knowledge (1:2,3, 8; 2:20) and the 'partaking in the divine nature' (1:4, contrast i Pet 1:9). Only three features connect the letters. First, both are ascribed to Peter and contain very similar salutations, but 2 Peter differs in using Simeon as the preferred name for Peter (1:1-2; i Pet 1:1—2). Secondly, 2:5 uses the example of Noah, absent from the Jude parallel (5—7) but present in i Pet 3:20. However, the usage is different and the flood is a common image for judgement (e.g. Mt 24:38-9). Thirdly, 3:1 declares itself to be a second letter: apparently a reference to i Peter, although a lost letter is possible. Overall, there is no conscious attempt to imitate i Peter.
3. 2 Peter and Other Texts. Although 2 Peter explicitly refers to Paul's letters (3:15-16), it is not dependent on them: the only connections, e.g. the Lord's return like a thief (3:10, cf. i Thess 5:2,4), are part of the wider Christian tradition (cf. Mt 24:42-4; Rev 3:3; 16:15). 2 Peter's description of the transfiguration (1:16-18, cf. Mk 9:2-8 and par.) and prediction of Peter's death (1:14, cf. Jn 13:36; 21:18—19) sh°w no clear dependence on any written gospel. Many of the later Petrine
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writings, such as the Apocalypse of Peter and Acts of Peter depend on 2 Peter. 1—2 Clement and the Shepherd of Hernias show some connection with 2 Peter (e.g. i Clem. 23.3 || 2 Clem. n.2, cf. 3.4).
immediately to the fact that they are Testaments (e.g. Test. Levi, 1:1—2; cf. Rev 1:1); in contrast 1:12—15 is t°° late, by then readers would have concluded that it was a letter-essay. Furthermore, in comparison with Testaments, 2 Peter contains far more explicit argument, far less prediction (only 2:13; 3:3—4), is Hellenistic in outlook, and claims to have actually been written by the hero. Overall, therefore, 2 Peter is a letteressay with testamental features, but not a Testament.
B. Dating. Three different strategies can be used to date 2 Peter. First, its relationships with other texts: it must postdate several of Paul's letters (therefore after 60 CE), and i Peter and the Jude-like source (whose dates are disputed), but predate the Apocalypse of Peter (thus before 130 CE). The second strategy, locating it within a model of the development of Christianity, suggests closer to 60 than 130 CE: Hellenistic expressions (e.g. 1:4, 13—14) can be paralleled in first-century Jewish texts, there is no promotion of church order, 'your
D. Authorship. 1. Analysis of Authorship. Three different explanations of 2 Peter's authorship must be distinguished—(i) Peter wrote the letter; (2) during Peter's lifetime someone else wrote it under Peter's authority; (3) someone else wrote it after Peter's death (the majority position)—though (i) gradually merges into (2) as the scribe Peter used is given more autonomy. The arguments about authorship divide into four. First, language and style: 2 Peter's Hellenistic Jewish thought expressed in Greek Asiatic rhetoric cannot be attributed to the author of i Peter, nor to Jesus' Palestinian disciple. Thus explanation (i) must be discounted. Secondly, dating: Peter died in 64-8 CE making his involvement in 2 Peter (i and 2) feasible (dates from 60 CE were possible), but unlikely (80—90 CE was preferred). Thirdly, genre: because Jewish Testaments were pseudonymous, some suggest that 2 Peter's testamental nature implies that it is pseudonymous. However, arguing from genre to pseudonymity can be flawed: Revelation is explicitly an apocalypse but unlike other apocalypses it is not pseudonymous. Furthermore, it was observed above that 2 Peter is not a Testament: its testamental features may have been drawn from works not seen as pseudonymous (e.g. the farewell speeches in Deut 33 and Mk 13), and hence would not have been connected with pseudonymity. Fourthly, content: is the text implausible in Peter's mouth? Aside from the features examined in relation to dating, the suggestions are weak: Peter would not need to bolster his authority by the story of the transfiguration (1:16-18)—but this account is part of his defence of the parousia; Peter would not have used the Judelike source—but were apostles always original? Thus, explanations (2) and (3) are feasible, though dating favours (3). However (3) would mean that the text was pseudonymous— falsely claiming Peter as its author (1:1, 16, 18; 3:1). Early Christian pseudonymity is not well understood, but there is a natural distinction between pseudonymity which was (intended to be) deceptive, and that which was not (transparent fictions). The lack of imitation of i Peter would be surprising if 2 Peter was aiming deceptively to assert Petrine authorship. Deceptive pseudonymity also presents hermeneutical difficulties: should one suspend disbelief—read it as if it were by Peter—or ignore the story and structure of the text and excavate from it the thoughts of a later generation? It is also unclear how it would function as part of the Christian canon. Non-deceptive pseudonymity relies heavily on genre—readers need to understand what is going on in order not to be deceived. The Jewish Testament is the only real suggestion for a non-deceptive genre for 2 Peter, but it does not fit well (above), nor is it certain that Testaments were seen as nondeceptive.
apostles' (3:2) suggests a time before 'apostle' was used only for the twelve founders of the church universal (cf. i Cor 9:2; 2 Cor 8:23; Phil 2:25; Didache, 11.3—6), and the opponents are more similar to those in Corinth in the 503 than to secondcentury Gnostics. The third strategy focuses on two particular passages: 3:4 and 3:15—16. In 3:4 the scoffers claim that the promise of 'his coming' has failed: 'the fathers' (NRSV, 'our ancestors') have died yet life continues as before. This points to bewilderment among Christians as the founding generation of the church died prior to the Lord's expected return (alluded to, perhaps, in e.g. Mk 9:1; 13:30). By, say, 120 CE this would be an outdated issue. However, concern over the death of'the fathers' would have grown from the 503 onwards (cf. i Thess 4:13-18; Jn 21:23, and me redaction of Mk 9:1 in Mt 16:28 || Lk 9:27). Nevertheless, if 'since the fathers died' means that all the generation had died, after 80 CE seems most likely. 3:15-16 refer to Paul's letters being twisted as are 'the other scriptures'. This bracketing of Paul's letters with 'the scriptures' implies that they were seen as divinely inspired (3:15, 'wisdom given to him'), but not necessarily 'canonical'. Since Paul referred to his own words as (conveying) the inspired words of God (i Thess 2:13; i Cor 2:13; 14:37—8; cf. i Pet 4:11) and ordered that they be read in the churches (Col 4:16; i Thess 5:27, cf. reading of the Jewish Scriptures), 3:15-16 would be feasible during Paul's lifetime, though it is suggestive of a later period. However, the reference to Paul merely as a 'dear brother' is in marked contrast to the exalted epithets he received in i Clem. 47.1 and later texts. Overall, these approaches point towards the period 60-130 CE, with some reason to favour 80-90 CE.
C. Genre. 2 Peter has a letter format and, despite the generality of the address (1:1), the specificity of the questions dealt with (esp. 1:16—21 and 3:4—13, not paralleled in Jude) suggests that a particular audience was in mind. The letter can be broken down into the standard features of Greek rhetoric: 1:3-15—exordium (announcement of the topic and request for a hearing); 1:16—3:13—probatio (presentation of the case); 3:14—18—peroratio (recapitulation and final appeal). It has been suggested that 2 Peter is generically a 'Testament'—a contemporary Jewish genre in which dying heroes give ethical admonitions and prophecies (e.g. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs). 2 Peter does indeed have testamental features: the occasion of the writing is Peter's impending death (1:1215), it includes prophecies (2:1-3; 3:3~4) and ethical instruction (esp. 1:3—11). Nevertheless it cannot be seen as a Testament: crucially Jewish Testaments alert their readers
2. Approaches to 2 Peter. Thus, it is not clear how to approach 2 Peter. It could be by Peter, though the dating makes this difficult. If it is not, it would be convenient if it
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were non-deceptive pseudonymity—to be read as 'what Peter would have said'—but since evidence for this is lacking, this is perhaps wishful thinking. If deceptive, different readers will wish to read it in very different ways. Recent methods of biblical interpretation sidestep this issue—a literary approach simply takes the text on its own terms (a letter by Peter)—a canonical approach is similar because that is its status within the canon. The approach taken here is to read 2 Peter as a letter written by Peter. Furthermore, because of its dependency on a Jude-like source, Jude will be used to illuminate the obscure parts of ch. 2.
this future component would ever happen (3:3—13), but its importance is reaffirmed here in Peter's articulation of the Christian message. Ch. 2 will describe and oppose those who despite possessing the knowledge are following the path to destruction (hinted at in v. 9). Overall, the exordium provides a positive message, while the body of the letter expands on this by dealing with those who are, in Peter's view, stumbling.
2 Peter distinguishes between two different word groups when dealing with 'knowledge' (the distinction is not as clear elsewhere in the NT): one coming from the rootgnos—general understanding (1:5, 6, 16, 20; 3:3, 18); and the other from epignos—knowledge of God gained in conversion (1:2, 3, 8; 2:20). The idea that knowledge is central to religion has extensive Jewish roots (e.g. Prov 2:5; Jer 31:34; Hos 4:1): it does not represent a later development in Christianity. 'Participants in the divine nature' (v. 4) is striking, but this Hellenistic terminology had already been absorbed into the Jewish tradition (cf Wis 2:23; 4 Mace 18:4; Philo, Quaes. Ex. 2.29) signifying not 'becoming part of God' but 'the achievement of immortality and incorruptibility' (precisely the context here): its pairing with escape from the corruption of the world shows that it is a future reference.
E. Structure.
Salutation and Exordium (1:1-15) Probatio Part i (1:16-21) Probatio Part 2 (2:1-22) Probatio Part 3 (3:1-13) Peroratio (3:14-18)
Salutation and Exordium (1:1-15)
Probatio Part i (1:16-21)
2 Peter begins in a manner typical of contemporary letters: X to Y plus salutation (1:1-2). The use of Simeon (transliteration of the Heb. name, elsewhere used of Peter only in Acts 15.14) rather than Simon (the standard Gk. equivalent) adds a ring of authenticity to the letter, though this could be a deliberate ploy. This divergence from i Peter shows that there is no attempt at imitation, despite the similar use of'abundance' in the salutation (paralleled in many Jewish letters, though only at Jude i in the NT). The addressees are not specified but are assured that their standing is equal to that of Peter's. The description of Jesus as 'God' is noteworthy (attempts to construe the phrase differently are forced), although it has parallels (some of which are also disputed) elsewhere in the NT (Jn 1:1; 20:28; Heb 1:8; Titus 2:13; i Jn 5:20; Rom 9:5).