Part 61
'srhdwn, he is called Sacherdonos in Greek versions and Archedonassar or Archedonosor in VL; 'Ahikar', in Aramaic 'Ahiqar, a well-known counsellor of Assyrian kings. See Story and Wisdom of Ahiqar, partly preserved in fifth-century Aramaic papyri from Elephantine (ANET 427-30); and in later legends of many languages (APOT ii. 715—84). Tobit here makes him a 'son of my brother [kinsman] Hanael', thus
629 TOBIT
protests her innocence, her purity, and her lack of responsibility for the death of the seven husbands, begging God to deliver her from continued life and vituperation, v. 15, T should keep myself as a wife', Sarah apparently does not know of Tobias, but recognizes the duty, emphasized in this book (1:9; 4:12—13; 6:12; 7:10) to marry within her ancestral family; cf. Gen 24:4, 38, 40; Num 36:6-8. (3:16-17) God's Commission of Raphael to Go to Their Aid v. 16, 'At that very moment', see 3:7. The prayers of Tobit and of
giving him a Jewish background, v. 22, 'appointed him as Second to himself (my tr.). The Greek ek deuteras is unclear; NRSV renders it, 'reappointed him'. However, 4QToba reads tnyn Ih, 'second to him(self)', i.e. made him an Assyrian turtanu/tartanu, an official mentioned in 2 Kings 18:17; Isa
20:1.
(2:1—3:6) Tobit's Troubles and Prayer 2:1, 'Pentecost', the Greek name for the wheat-harvest feast that followed 'fifty days' or 'seven weeks' after Passover (Ex 23:16; 34:22; Lev 23:15-21; Deut 16:9-11). 2:2, 'poor person', Tobit shows his concern to carry out the injunction of Deut 16:11 about strangers, widows, and orphans on the feast. 2:3, 'lies there strangled', another Israelite executed, see 1:18. 2:4, burial after sunset would be less likely to be detected. 2:5, 'washed myself, to remove the ritual defilement from contact with a corpse (Num 19:11—13). 2:6, see Am 8:10. 2:10, 'white films', a primitive description of a cause of blindness; 'four years', see 14:2; Elymais, the Greek name for ancient Elam, a district north-east of the head of the Persian Gulf; see i Mace 6:1. 2:12, 'Dystrus', the Macedonian month Dystros corresponded to the Jewish winter month of Shebat, roughly Jan.-Feb. ofthe modern calendar. 2:14, 'flushed with anger against her', Tobit, otherwise so righteous, could get angry with his wife, even over a supposed theft, in which she might have been only indirectly involved; 'your righteous deeds', Anna's rebuke of Tobit and his righteousness reminds one ofthe taunt of Job's wife (Job 2:9). Her vituperation finds a parallel in that ofthe maid in 3:8. 3:1—6, Tobit's prayer: in this first formal prayer of the book, Tobit begs God for pardon from offences unwittingly committed and for release from this life, which he finds so greatly burdened with affliction, distress, and insult. 3:6, 'eternal home', i.e. Sheol, described in Job 7:9—10; 10:21—2; 14:12 as an abode from which no one returns; 'it is better for me to die', cf. Jon 4:3, 8; also Num 11:15 (Moses); i Kings 19:4 (Elijah); Job 7:15 (Job).
Sarah are heard simultaneously by God. v. 17, the angel's name, Rdpd'el, means 'God has healed', a name indicating the source of the cures to come to Tobit and Sarah; 'At the same time', again the note of simultaneity.
Preparations for Tobias's Journey (4:1-6:1).
(4:1—21) Tobit's Speech v. i, 'That same day', the simultaneity is joined with the motif of the money (1:14). v. 2, T have asked for death', see 3:6. w. 3-19, to Tobias Tobit delivers a speech, which is a cross between a farewell discourse (so DiLella 1979) and a sapiential exhortation, with a group of maxims inculcating the virtues ofthe life that Tobit has himself been leading. These maxims recommend filial duty to parents (4:3-4), pursuit of uprightness (4:5-6), giving of alms (4:7-11, 16-17), avoidance of fornication (4:12), marriage within the ancestral family (4:12), love of kindred (4:13), avoidance of pride, sloth, and drunkenness (4:13,15), prompt payment of wages (4:14), the Golden Rule (4:15), and the praise, reverence, and trust of God (4:5, 19). Many of these counsels can also be found in Proverbs, Sirach, and other collections of ancient NearEastern wisdom, v. 3, 'Honour your mother', cf. Ex 20:12. v. 6, 'will prosper in all', the Deuteronomic doctrine of virtue rewarded by earthly prosperity and of sin recompensed by disaster (Deut 28:1—68; cf. Ps 1:1—3; Prov 10:27—30). v. 7, a lacuna in Sinaiticus begins here and lasts until v. 19; 'give alms', this counsel constitutes a major teaching of this book (see 12:8—9; 14:10—11), as also of Sirach (4:3—5; 7:10/7; 29:9—13; 35:9—10; 40:17, 24); 'your face', cf. Sir 4:4—6; Prov 19:17; Deut 15:7-8. v. 9, 'treasure', cf. Sir 29:11-12. v. 10, 'darkness', Sheol; see TOB 3:6. v. 12, 'marry a woman', see comment on 3:15; 'Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob', Noah's wife is not named in the OT, but in Jub. 4:33: 'Her name was Emzara, daughter of Rakeel, his father's brother.'Abram married Sarai/Sarah (Gen 11:29); Isaac married Rebekah (Gen 24:67; 25:20); and Jacob married Rachel (Gen 29:28). v. 13, 'pride', see Prov 16:18; 'idleness', see Prov 19:15; Sir 22:1—2. v. 14, 'pay them at once', see Lev 19:13^ Deut 24:15. v. 15, 'what you hate', a negative form of the Golden Rule; 'Do not drink wine to excess', see Prov 23:29—35; Sir 31:25—31. v. 17, 'bread on the grave ofthe righteous', the meaning of this counsel is disputed. It seems to recommend what is otherwise prohibited: the pagan practice of putting food on graves (Deut 26:14^ cf.
(3:7—15) Sarah's Troubles and Prayer The narrative shifts to the third person, v. 7, 'on the same day', this temporal note will dramatically join various parts ofthe story together (see 3:16, 17; 4:1). Ecbatana was the capital of ancient Media, on the site of modern Hamadan in northern Iran. 'Sarah', her name means 'princess'. Her plight parallels that of Tobit in Nineveh. Ragouel is the Greek form of Aramaic Re'ffll, 'friend of El (God)', the name of Moses' father-in-law (Ex 2:18); 'reproached', in this case the vituperation comes from a maid, who blames Sarah for the death of seven husbands-to-be, v. 8, 'wicked demon Asmodeus', probably a Persian name (Aesma daeva, 'demon of wrath') used for the spirit that afflicts Sarah; cf. the folktale, 'The Monster in the Bridal Chamber'. See Tob 6:14—15. v. 10, 'intended to hang herself, Gen 9:5—6 was usually understood as a prohibition of suicide. Sarah thinks better of it, realizing the reproaches that would come upon her father; 'in sorrow to Hades', Sarah echoes a biblical refrain; see Gen 37:35; 42:38; 44:29, 31; 'pray the Lord that I may die', her prayer parallels that of (Tobit 3:6). v. n, 'With hands outstretched towards the window', Sarah prays facing Jerusalem, as does Daniel (Dan 6:11); cf. i Kings 8:44, 48; Isa 28:2; 'Blessed are you', she uses the traditional beginning of Jewish prayer, as will Tobias (8:5) and Raguel (8:15); cf. Ps 119:12; i Chr 29:10; Jdt 13:17. In this second formal prayer, Sarah
Sir 30:18). Yet it may be an echo of Wisdom ofAhiqar, Syriac A 2.10 (APOTii. 730): 'My son, pour out your wine on the graves ofthe righteous rather than drink it with evil people.' Hence it is sometimes understood to refer to meals brought to mourners (the 'cup of consolation', Jer 16:7) as a sign of sharing in their grief at the death of a good person (cf. Ezek 24:17, 22). Others think that it recommends the giving of alms in honour ofthe deceased, v. 19, 'bless the Lord God', Tobit commends
TOBIT 630
cerned to set marital intercourse in a proper perspective; 'she was set apart for you', i.e. in God's providence; cf. Gen 24:14, 44; 'You will save her', i.e. from a lonely and unmarried future.
prayer to his son as the basis of a good and upright life, realizing that God freely disposes of his creatures, v. 20, 'ten talents', the speech ends with the money motif, see comment on 1:14.
Marriage of Tobias and Sarah (7:1-10:14)
(5:1-6:1) Raphael Engaged to Accompany Tobias to Media v. 3, 'bond', Greek chtirographon denoted a 'handwritten document', often composed in duplicate, which could be torn in two so that it might guarantee the obligation to repay and later be matched on payment, v. 4, 'found the angel Raphael', as the reader realizes, Tobias does not recognize him as an angel; this folkloric technique is used also in Gen 18:2—22 (cf Heb 13:2). v. 6, 'two days', from Ecbatana to Rages was actually about 185 miles. Arrian tells that Alexander took n days of forced march to go from one to the other (Anab. 3.19.83.20.2). The storyteller uses 'two days' to imply a far-away place, v. 12, 'Why do you need to know', heavenly messengers were reluctant to reveal their identity; cf. Gen 32:29. v. 13, 'Azariah', his name means, 'YHWH has helped', a covert identification of his role, which will be played out in the story; 'son of... Hananiah', the patronymic means, 'YHWH has been gracious', v. 14, 'Nathan', a shortened form of Nathaniah, 'YHWH has given', a form found in some MSS; 'Shemeliah', probably a corrupted form of Shelemiah, Selemyah(u), 'YHWH has recompensed'; other texts read Shemaiah, Sema'yah(u), 'YHWH has heard'; 'Jerusalem', see 1:6. v. 15, 'drachma', a craftsman's normal daily wage. v. 18, 'his mother', again Anna does not approve of Tobit's decision to send Tobias to Media. Her disapproval will play itself out in the rest of the story, v. 19, the meaning of this verse is disputed. Pcripscma may mean, not 'ransom' (NRSV), but 'refuse'. VL: 'Nunquam esset pecunia ilia, sed purgamento sit', to which MS G adds 'filio meo'. v. 21, 'my sister', a term of affection, used even by husbands of their wives; see 7:11, 15; 8:4, 7, 21; 10:6. v. 22, 'a good angel', i.e. a guardian angel. Tobit does not recognize what Raphael is.
(7:1-16) Tobias Arrives at Raguel's House and Marries Sarah The arrival scene may be modelled on that of Jacob at Haran
(Gen 29:4—6). v. 2, 'Edna', she is called Anna in VL, a confusion with Tobit's wife's name. v. 5, 'in good health', no mention is made of Tobit's blindness, even though Raguel later speaks about it in 7:7. To get around this discrepancy, w. 4—5 are omitted in the Peshitta and Vg; G1 adds in v. 7: 'Hearing that Tobit had lost his sight, he was griefstricken and wept.' v. n, 'seven... kinsmen', see 3:15; 'she is your sister', see comment on 5:21. v. 12, 'gave her to Tobias', in marriage, v. 13, 'marriage contract', this ancient Jewish custom is not mentioned in the OT For an example, see the Elephantine contract of Mibtahiah's marriage (Cowley 1923: 44 §15; ANET222): 'She is my wife, and I am her husband from this day forever'; 'to which he affixed his seal', this clause is omitted in G1, abridged in G11, but read in VL at the end of the verse; 4QToba has preserved one word of it, whtm, 'and he sealed [it]', v. 16, 'the Lord of heaven', God, in whose providence Sarah has been kept for Tobias, will assure the joy of their marital life; 'Take courage', lit. 'be brave', an encouragement used in the book in contexts mentioning healing (5:10; 11:11). (8:1-21) Sarah is Cured of the Demon v. 2, 'incense', used domestically to fumigate or perfume a house. In obedience to Raphael's instruction (6:17), Tobias burns the fish's heart and liver on its embers to create a smoke that will drive Asmodeus away. v. 3, 'Egypt', the demon flees to Egypt, traditionally considered the home of magic (see Ex 7:11; iQapGen 20:20), where Raphael, having pursued Asmodeus, binds and renders him ineffective, w. 5-7, Tobias's prayer, the third formal prayer, is uttered in obedience to Raphael's instruction (6:18): he praises God, the creator and author of human marriage
Tobias's Journey to Media (6:2-18)
(Gen 2:24), and begs the grace of a long life together with Sarah, v. 5, 'Blessed', cf. Song of Thr 3. v. 9, 'went to sleep', the presumption is that they consummated the marriage. The Vg of 8:4 speaks of three nights of continence before consummation: 'Sarra, exsurge; deprecemus Deum hodie et eras et secundum eras, quia istis tribus noctibus Deo iungimur; tertia autem transacta nocte in nostro erimus coniugio.' That addition is not found in the Qumran texts, Greek versions, Peshitta, or VL but corresponds to another addition in the Vg of 6:18. 'Dug a grave', for Tobias, in fear that he too might have succumbed to Asmodeus, for Raguel knows nothing of the flight of the demon, w. 15-17, Raguel's prayer, the fourth formal prayer, on learning of Tobias's safety, begins as Sarah's did; see TOE 3:11. Raguel thanks God for his mercy and compassion, v. 20, 'fourteen days', Raguel doubles the usual time of a wedding celebration; see 11:18; cf. Judg 14:12. In Gen 24:54—5 Rebekah's brother and mother insist on her staying for ten days after the marriage; from it probably comes the 'ten days' in some MSS of the Peshitta here. (9:1-6) Raphael is Sent to Get Tobit's Money v. 2, 'Travel to Rages', this was a lengthy journey (see TOE 5:6), but Tobias trusts Azariah. v. 3, 'oath', see 8:20. In the NRSV and some other Bibles v. 3 follows v. 4. v. 5, 'counted out... the money
v. 2, 'The dog', the dog appears again in the story only when Tobias begins to come home (11:4), probably acting there as a herald of the return of the travellers. The Tigris was actually west of Nineveh (see comment on 1:3) and would not have been crossed en route to Media, v. 3, 'large fish', Tobias's wrestling with the fish is part of the romantic thrust of the story; the fish is subdued, and its heart, liver, and gall become vital elements in the narrative, which uses folklore about the curative qualities offish organs, v. 6, 'ate', in the Qumran texts and G11 the verb is singular. In many of the other forms of the story it is plural, meaning that the angel also ate; see 12:19.v9> 'the gall', Pliny notes that fish gall 'heals scars and removes superfluous flesh about the eyes' (Nat. Hist. 32.24.69). v. n, 'Sarah', Tobias now first learns of Sarah as his kinswoman; see TOE 3:15. v. 12, 'who loves her dearly', this clause is omitted in G1, G", and the Peshitta, but is found in 4QTobb and VL instead of the last clause in NRSV, v. 12. v. 13, 'book of Moses', see Num 36:6—8, which does not mention a death penalty, v. 14, 'demon.. .killed them', see 3:8. v. 15, 'to bury them', a major concern of this book (1:17; 4:3-4; 14:2, 10). v. 16, 'your father's house', see 4:12—13. v. 18, 'pray', prayer too may be needed to get rid of the demon, but the author is more con-
631 TOBIT
bags', so Gabael is depicted as another trustworthy and dependable person in the story, v. 6, 'wedding celebration', the author gives the impression that it was but a short distance to the wedding in Ecbatana; 'blessed him', Gabael repeats the blessing of Raguel; see 7:7.
way here. v. 17, 'Tobit acknowledged that God', this expresses the expected reaction of the upright Tobit, who now understands that the affliction of blindness has led only to good for him and his whole family, v. 18, 'Ahikar', see TOE 1:21; 'his nephew Nadab', 4QTobd bears the correct form of Ahiqar's nephew's name, Nadin. It so appears also in the Elephantine version of the Ahiqar story. G1, however, reads Nasbas; G11,
(10:1-14) Tobias Prepares to Return to Nineveh v. i, 'kept counting', Tobit knows nothing of Tobias's marriage and the two-week wedding celebration but speculates about the delayed return of Tobias, v. 4, 'My child has perished', Anna gives the most pessimistic interpretation of the delay. Again, she rebukes Tobit; cf 2:14; 5:18. v. 7, 'Tobias', he understands his parents' fears, even as Raguel tries to dissuade him from departing so soon. v. 10, 'half of all his property', Tobias, as the husband of Sarah, Raguel's only child, has become his heir. Thus the story has joined the two families, of Tobit and Raguel. v. n, Raguel's farewell includes a prayer, invoking 'the Lord of heaven', a title often used of God in the post-exilic period (see 10:13-14; Ezra 1:2; Jdt 5:8). The farewell prayers of Raguel and Edna sound yet again the religious chords of the entire story, as Tobias undertakes his return journey with joy and happiness.
Nadab; the VL, Nadab or Nabal; the Peshitta omits the name; 'seven days', see TOE 8:20.
Revelation of Raphael's Identity (12:1-20)
v. i, 'see to paying the wages', Tobit had advised prompt payment of wages (4:14); now he summons Tobias to carry out that counsel, and with a bonus (recall 5:15—16). v. 4, 'half of all that he brought back', this is usually regarded as a folkloric motif derived from 'The Grateful Dead', in which a guide is rewarded with half of all the hero acquires, w. 6-10, Raphael's answer begins with a didactic, sapiential discourse, in which he urges Tobit and Tobias to praise God (cf. Isa 38:16—20), to pursue good and not evil, to pray, fast, and give alms, and practise righteousness, v. 8, 'Prayer with fasting', so G1 and VL; but G11 reads, 'Prayer with fidelity', v. 9, 'almsgiving saves from death', see 4:7—10, 16 and comment there, v. 10, 'their own worst enemies', Raphael's closing verdict on sinners, w. 11-15, Raphael reveals his identity as one of the seven Angels of the Presence; so he appears in i Enoch (Gk.) 9:1; 20:3. The other six are Michael (Dan 10:13, 2I> I2:I)> Gabriel (Dan 8:16; 9:21), Uriel (2 Esdr 4:1), Sariel, Raguel, and Remiel. The seven names appear together in i Enoch (Gk.) 20:2—8, where they are called 'archangels', v. 12, T who brought', Raphael functions as the intercessor for praying mortals and as one who tests them. w. 16-18, Raphael seeks to dispel fear of himself by ascribing all to God, whose messenger he has been. v. 19, 'a vision', the text of this verse is garbled in the versions. G11 has: 'You saw me that I ate nothing'; G1: T was seen by you all the days as neither eating nor drinking anything'; VL: 'You saw that I was eating, but you saw with your sight.' Fragmentary 4QTobb preserves only, T did not drink', v. 20, 'acknowledge God', i.e. give God the praise that is due.
Homecoming of Tobias and Cure ofTobit's Eyes (11:1-18)
v. i, 'Kaserin... opposite Nineveh', G" omits a preceding sentence that VL has: 'They set out and travelled until they came to Haran', a place half-way between Ecbatana and Nineveh. G1
gives Nineveh itself as the place they have reached and the scene where Raphael, not mentioned in ch. 10, reappears. The diversity of location is probably owing to the problematic 'Kaserin opposite Nineveh'. No such place is known. Torrey (1922) argued that Kaserin and Nineveh were respectively Ctesiphon and Seleucia, towns farther south on the Tigris on the caravan-route from Mesopotamia to Media. If he were right, Tobias and Raphael would have travelled from a town on the west bank and would have had to cross the Tigris; see TOE 6:2. v. 4, 'the gall', Tobias is to use it on the eyes of Tobit; 'the dog', see TOE 6:2. Sinaiticus reads rather ho kyrios, 'the Lord'. The Peshitta of 11:6 depicts Anna seeing the dog coming, and the Vg of 11:9 reads: 'Then the dog that was with them on the road ran ahead and coming on as a herald took delight in the charms of its tail.' So Anna was apprised of the coming of her son. v. 5, 'the road', see 10:7. Despite her belief that Tobias has perished (10:4), Anna continued her vigil, v. 7, 'Raphael', again the angel's instructions are important, and Tobias obediently does what he has been told: he uses the fish's gall to restore Tobit's sight, v. 9, 'Anna ran up to her son', reading Hanna edramen instead ofanedramen. v. n, 'blew into his eyes', so Tobias cures his father's blindness, and the peak of the story is reached; 'Take courage', see TOE 7:16; 'made them smart', G11 reads epedoken (corrupt); read rather epedake, which would agree with momordit (VL). v. 14, 'light of my eyes', said of Tobias, it sums up the sense of the entire story, in which the contrast of darkness and light has played a significant role; recall 2:10; 3:17; 5:10; 10:5; 11:8; 14:10. w. 14/7—15, Tobit's prayer of praise, the fifth formal prayer of the book, ascribes both affliction and cure to God, and ends, 'Now I see my son Tobias!' v. 15, 'reported to his father', Tobias's report sums up the success of his trip: he has brought the money, he has married Sarah, and she is on her
Tobit's Song of Praise (13:1-18)
The sixth formal prayer in the book imitates Ex 15:1—18. Tobit obeys the angel's instruction to praise and thank God for his deliverance. He expresses concern for deported Israelites still in Assyria and prays for the restoration of Jerusalem. All of this is done with words and phrases echoing Psalms and Deuteroand Trito-Isaiah (esp. 54:11—12; 60:1—4; 66:10—14). The song has two parts: w. 1-8 laud God's mercy and sovereignty; w. 9-18 proclaim the rebuilding of Jerusalem. Some commentators have thought that chs. 13—14 were a later addition to the book, but they appear in both the Aramaic and Hebrew copies from Qumran; so they must be an original part of the composition, v. 2, 'Afflicts, and... shows mercy', God is recognized to be in control of all. v. 3, 'before the nations', Israel is called on in its exile to acknowledge God even there. v. 6, Sinaiticus lacks w. 6i-iofc, for which one must follow G1. w. 5-6, the theme of Deuteronomic retribution reappears; see comments on 1:12; 4:6. v. 9, 'Jerusalem, the holy city', cf. Isa 52:1; 48:2; Neh 11:1; 'deeds of your hands', idols, v. 10, 'tent',
JUDITH 632
God's tabernacle, the temple, w. 12-14, Tobit utters a curse and a blessing on people as they will react to the future of Jerusalem, w. 16—17, 'Jerusalern will be built', Tobit's song echoes the vision of the new Jerusalem in Isa 54:11-12.
alms', this sums up Ahiqar's life, as it did Tobit's (14:11); see TOE 4:7—10; 12:9; 14:2. v. 12, 'Buried her', Tobias obeys Tobit's last instructions, v. 14, 'One hundred and seventeen', some VL MSS read 118. v. 15, 'destruction of Nineveh', in 612 BCE Nineveh fell after a three-month siege to the combined forces of Babylonians and Medes, under kings Nabopolassar and Cyaxares. The fall of Nineveh likewise exemplifies Deuteronomic retribution: the wicked are punished. See TOE 1:12; 4:6. 'Cyaxares', Sinaiticus and G1 strangely read Nabouchodonosor kai Asoueros; Hanhart (1983) reads Achiacharos, reflecting the VL Achicar, which seems to be a confusion of the name with Ahiqar.
Epilogue (14:1-15)
The conclusion recounts the last advice given by Tobit before he dies. v. 2, 'Fifty-eight years old', so his age is given in 4QToba, 4QTobb, VL, and G1, whereas G" reads 'sixty-two years old'; 'after regaining it', G11 gives no length of time that Tobit lived, but VL reads 'fifty-four years', which seems to be what 4QTobe once read; 'giving alms', again Tobit's life is so summed up. v. 3, 'seven sons', so the VL, which may be supported by 4QToba and 4QTobc; but this is not clear, because the final t could also be the ending of'six', which would then agree with G1, 'six sons'. G11 omits the number, v. 4, 'Nahum', see Nah 1:1; 2:8-10, 13; 3:18-19; cf. Zeph 2:13. Tobit is made to speak from the eighth-century perspective about the coming destruction of Nineveh and the exile of 'all the inhabitants of the land of Israel' (after 587 BCE). G1 substitutes 'Jonah' for 'Nahum'. 'Samaria and Jerusalem', the capitals of Israel and Judah are mentioned in 4QTobc and G11, whereas G1
Brooke, A. E., McLean, N., and Thackeray, H. St J. (1940), The, Old
Testament in Greek (3 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906-40), iii. 123-44 (VL of P. Sabatier). Cowley, A. (1923), Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. Edited with
Translation and Notes (Oxford: Clarendon; repr. Osnabriick: Zeller, 1967). DiLella, A. A. (1979), 'The Deuteronomic Background of the Farewell
Discourse in Tob 14:3-11', CBQ41: 380-9. Gerould, G. H. (1908), The Grateful Dead: The History of a Folk Story,
omits Samaria, and VL omits both. The theme of desolation and rebuilding emphasizes what has happened in Tobit's own life. v. 5, 'the temple', its rebuilding is foretold in Isa 66:7-16; Ezek 40:1—48:35; Zech 14:11—17. v. 6, 'will all be converted', Tobit reflects a widespread post-exilic Jewish conviction (see Isa 45:14-15; Zech 8:20-3). v9> 'leave Nineveh', Tobit repeats his advice (14:3); v. 10 explains why. v. 10, 'Nadab', or Nadin; see TOE 11:18; 1:21. As the villain of the Ahiqar story, Nadin epitomizes what is wrong with Nineveh. Ahiqar had educated his nephew Nadin to succeed him as counsellor of Assyrian kings, but he treacherously plotted to have his uncle put to death. Ahiqar hid and was finally vindicated (came into the light), whereas Nadin died in a dungeon (in darkness). Again the motif of light/darkness is used to characterize the relation of good Ahiqar and evil Nadin; see comment on 11:14; 'gave
Publications of the Folklore Society, 60 (London: D. Nutt; repr. Folcroft, Pa.: Folcroft Library Editions, 1973), 45-7. Hanhart, R. (1983), Tobit, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum graecum,
8/5 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht). Miller, A. (1940), Das Buch Tobias ubersetzt und erUdrt, Die Heilige
Schrift des Alien Testaments, 4/3 (Bonn: Hanstein), 1-116. Monks of San Girolamo (1950), Biblia Sacra iuxta latinam Vulgatam
versionem ad codicum fidem... cura et studio monachorum Sancti Benedicti... edita (Rome: Vatican Polyglot), viii. Porten, B., and Yardeni, A. (1933), Textbook of Aramaic Documents
from Ancient Egypt Newly Copied, Edited and Translated into Hebrew
and English: iii. Literature, Accounts, Lists (Jerusalem: Hebrew University; distrib., Winona Lake, Id.: Eisenbrauns), 23—57 (Story of Ahiqar). Torrey, C. C. (1922),' "Nineveh" in the Book of Tobit', JBL 41: 237-45.
41. Judith AMY-JILL L E V I N E
the throne. The same chapter claims that Ecbatana was captured by Nebuchadnezzar; it fell instead to Cyrus of Persia in 550 BCE. Disrupting even the internal attempts at verisimilitude, the Ammonite Achior's recitation of Jewish history includes reference to both the destruction of the Jerusalem temple by Nebuchadnezzar and its rebuilding, following Persia's defeat of Babylon.
By combining theological convictions and narrative motifs familiar from the HB with Hellenistic literature's increasing attention to character development, pathos, and personal piety, the book of Judith epitomizes Second Temple Judaism's attempt to define itself in the light of Greek culture. Along with other Jewish narratives in the OT Apocrypha such as Bel and the Dragon, Susanna, and Tobit, the book of Judith provides instruction on Jewish identity even as it inspires and entertains.
2. Consistent with the fictional genre is the absence from any other ancient sources of several major figures, of whom Arphaxad the ruler of the Medes (1:1-6) is the most conspicuous example, as well as of several nations, such as the Cheleoudites (1:6) and the Rassites (2:23). Although Judith includes several specific dates and times, such as the year of a king's reign (1:1, 13) and the number of days of a particular siege (7:20; 15:11), the enumerations function more to convey a sense of verisimilitude—this is what ancient historiography looks like—than they do to demonstrate historicity.
A. Genre. 1. Whether labelled novella, novel, historical fiction, or romance (see details in Wills 1995), Judith should be regarded as fiction, as the opening lines clearly signal. The more blatant errors include the identification of Nebuchadnezzar as ruler of Assyria rather than Babylon, and of his capital as Nineveh (1:1), which had been destroyed by the Babylonians in 612 BCE, before Nebuchadnezzar ascended
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As a fictional study rather than a historical report, Judith obtains its value in great measure because it can represent problems faced by the covenant community throughout the ages. The almost supernatural evil of Holofernes, a general who marched his army from Nineveh to Cilicia, a 3OO-mile journey, in three days, permits him to become the model of any villain. Moreover, detached from history, the volume serves various allegorical purposes; Martin Luther, for example, regarded the book of Judith as an allegory of Jesus' Passion.
B. Date. 1. The date by which the book of Judith must have been written is the late first century CE; its first external reference is not, as might be expected, the Jewish historian Josephus nor any of the Dead Sea scrolls. Rather, it is in the Christian text, i Clement 55:4-5, which lists Judith as among several women empowered by divine grace to accomplish 'many manly deeds' and who 'asked from the elders of the city permission' to enter the enemy camp.
2. Establishing the date of composition is more difficult, in part because of the book's genre. The first three chapters may show knowledge of the Achaemenid king Artaxerxes III Ochus (358-338 BCE), who did mount western campaigns (in 350 and 343), did attack Sidon (cf Jdt 2:28), and had both a general named Holofernes and a courtier named Bagoas. Yet knowledge of such events does not preclude the author's adapting this information for a fictional retelling.
C. Language and Culture. 1. Best preserved in two of the three major uncial Greek codices, Vaticanus and Alexandrinus, as well as in the uncial Basiliano-Vaticanus (the third major codex, Sinaiticus, shows signs of later editing), Judith may have an Aramaic or Hebrew original (Moore 1985); scholars have argued that in preparing his translation of the book into Latin for his Vulgate, the Christian author Jerome utilized an Aramaic source: he speaks of translating only the texts found in 'Chaldean'. However, one could equally argue that the author of Judith wrote in an elegant, Hebraicized Greek (Craven 1983).
3. The majority of today's scholars who regard the volume as fiction offer much later datings than the fourth century. While Volkmar argued that the book reflects the events of 70 CE, with Nebuchadnezzar representing Trajan and Judith the faithful Judean population, and Caster associated Nebuchadnezzar with Pompey's entry into Jerusalem in 63 BCE, Ball's association of Judith with Judah Maccabee and Nebuchadnezzar with Antiochus IV Epiphanes is probably correct (details in Moore 1985).
2. Other ancient versions rely either upon the Septuagint (e.g. the Old Latin) or upon the Vulgate (e.g. various Hebrew versions as well as, from the Middle Ages, midrashic iterations).
4. The Maccabean connection is supported by several plot motifs. First, whereas Antiochus Epiphanes and his supporters banned circumcision, Achior, Holofernes' erstwhile general, submits to the operation in his conversion to Judaism. Second, and more suggestive, the death of Holofernes resembles Judah Maccabee's defeat of the Syrian general Nicanor; i Mace 7:47 states, 'Then the Jews seized the spoils and the plunder; they cut off Nicanor's head and the right hand that he had so arrogantly stretched out, and brought them and displayed them just outside Jerusalem' (for additional connections, see Moore 1985).
3. Whether Second-Temple Aramaic or Greek, the book of Judith is permeated by Hellenistic motifs. In the wake of Alexander the Great (d. 323), Jewish communities in both Israel and the Diaspora developed new forms of self-definition under pressures to assimilate and acculturate. Such struggles are noticeable in the OT Apocrypha; the volumes reflect intense concerns for Jewish practices (e.g. dietary observances, circumcision, conversion), relationship to the Gentile world, and personal piety. Yet the books are also preserved in the Greek language and reflect Greek culture. For example, in the book of Judith, Greek culture underlies the wearing of olive wreaths (15:13) and the custom of reclining to dine (12:15). The thyrsus Judith carries recollects Bacchantes, who, like Judith, confound gender roles, take heads from unwitting men, and celebrate their god, despite threats against their practice, through dancing and prayer. Scholars have even found allusions in the book to Herodotus' account of the Persian invasions of Greece in the fifth century BCE (Camponigro 1992).
5. The geographical centre of the book of Judith, the town of Bethulia, is another possible clue to the book's Hasmonean date. Bethulia appears to be located in Samaritan territory, which was annexed by the Hasmonean ruler, John Hyrcanus, in 107 BCE. By this time, Hyrcanus had destroyed the capital, Shechem, and torched the Samaritan temple on Mt. Gerizim. Given the positive attitude the book of Judith displays towards Samaritan territory, the book's date may well be several generations after the conquest.
4. The location of composition is, like the date, debated. Most scholars argue for a Palestinian provenance; if the original version were in Aramaic rather than Greek, this argument would be strengthened. However, just as the fictional nature of the tale foils any secure attempt at dating, so its fictional depictions of geography undermine any secure attempt at establishing provenance.
By invoking the outrages of Antiochus and his minions and the successful insurrection against his forces, Judith celebrates Jewish independence, praxis, and theology. As a new Judah (whose name means 'Jewish man'), Judith ('Jewish woman') corrects the priestly leaders' weak theology, defeats the Syrian king, and preserves the temple for Jewish worship. Unlike Judah's successors, the Hasmonean dynasty that eventually assumed the roles of both king and high priest, however, Judith serves more in the model of the biblical judges than she does either as monarch or cleric. Dying childless, she passes on no dynastic legacy. Perhaps then the volume praises Judah even as it subtly critiques his heirs. That Judith's age at her death, 105 years (16:23), is me number of years of independent Jewish rule may be a clue to a first-century BCE dating for the volume.
D. Religious Beliefs and Practices. 1. Although the book of Judith has few references to divine intervention (4:13), theological concerns are paramount. Sounding somewhat like Rahab (Josh 2), Achior the Ammonite gives a relatively complete summary of God's relationship to Israel and concludes with the warning, 'their Lord and God will defend them' (5:21).
2. Notable are the volume's depiction of personal piety and struggle for a faithful approach to the problem of theodicy.
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Concerning the former: Judith, like her sisters in the OT Apocrypha (Susanna, Esther of the Greek Additions, Sarah of the book of Tobit) prays; like them as well, she is pious, well schooled in the traditions of her community, and chaste even in the presence of lecherous threat.
the corrective by emphasizing Judith's personal history (e.g. her genealogy), clever strategizing, deception, and the power of the individual. For these reasons and others, commentators typically divide the book between the first and second eight chapters (Craven 1983). One notable exception is the theory of Ernst Haag (1963), which suggests the Book of Judith forms a tripartite structure (1—3; 4—8; 9—16).
3. The innocence of these women leads directly to the question of theodicy. Esther, Susanna, and Sarah are all tested and are all found worthy; so too, Judith argues against the Deuteronomic theology mouthed by Uzziah, the Bethulian leader, which insists that the onslaught of the enemy general Holofernes is punishment for the people's sins. Judith responds that the Assyrian campaign is not a punishment but the means by which God proves the people's fidelity. More, she condemns Uzziah's willingness to put God to the test by stating that, if divine help does not come within five days, he will surrender.
3. Characterization serves to yoke the two parts. In the first seven chapters, Achior provides the transition. His speech relates Assyrian plans and Jewish abilities, and his forced removal from the military camp to the outskirts of Bethulia shows the division between the two areas both geographically and ideologically. This most unlikely of heroes will enter Israel not only as an involuntary exile, but as a willing convert, as his circumcision attests. Judith is Achior's opposite: the second section of the book depicts her traversing from Bethulia to the enemy camp, but through her own will rather than as an outcast. Whereas Achior truthfully summarizes Jewish history and is not believed, Judith dissembles about plans for the temple sacrifices and is believed. While Achior undergoes circumcision and therefore changes both identity and appearance, Judith only feigns change: her make-up can be washed off and her festive clothes replaced by sackcloth.
4. Like Greek Esther and, especially, the book of Daniel (a work probably composed during or immediately after the Maccabean revolt), the book of Judith emphasizes Jewish self-definition by accentuating dietary concerns: Greek Esther speaks of avoiding the Persian king's libations; Daniel refuses to dine at Nebuchadnezzar's table (Dan 1:8) and so, along with his friends, resorts to a vegetarian regime; Judith eats only kosher food (10:5; 11:13; I2:2)- Finally, like the story of Tobit, the book of Judith emphasizes the Jerusalem Temple (4:2-3, 12; 8:21, 24; 9:8, 13; 16:20) as a place to be protected, to be entered undefiled, and to serve as the location for votive offerings, celebrations, and worship.
4. Judith is also the opposite of Holofernes. The Assyrian general insists that everyone worship Nebuchadnezzar as divine, although the king had not actually given this order (Craven 1983). That is, Holofernes interprets his task theologically. Judith does the same: she invokes God through prayer, but her actions are of her own devising. Furthermore, unlike Greek Esther, Susanna, orTobit's Sarah, who explicitly receive divine aid, Judith's prayers are answered by the machinations of the plot rather than the entry of the supernatural.
5. Such concerns for piety have been regarded both as indicative of Pharisaic piety and as in contravention of it. The former suggestion can also be supported by Judith's calendrical observances and ritual washings; the latter suggestion is premised upon the conversion of the Ammonite Achior, despite Deuteronomy's prohibition of Ammonites
5. Just as the book of Judith is frequently regarded as aesthetically uneven, so it is often condemned as ethically untenable. Interpreters have excoriated the heroine, who lies, who lulls her victim into a false sense of security, who kills. Such a focus misses the narrative's irony even as it displays sympathy for Holofernes, who is a ruthless butcher. The irony accompanies the assassination motivated by self-defence: Judith decapitates the general, with his own sword no less, by the 'hand of a woman' (the phrase appears several times). Nothing could be more ignominious (see Judg 9:53). Enhancing the irony are the numerous doubles entendres, the fainting of the seasoned soldier Achior at the sight of Holofernes' head, and the name of the theologically weak Bethulian leader, Uzziah, which means 'God is my defence'.
(and Moabites) entering the covenant community (Deut 23:3). However, lack of secure information on Pharisaic thought of the Hasmonean period makes any suggestion tentative.
6. Similar problems apply to explanations for Judith's absence from the canon of the synagogue. Justifications ranged from the conversion of the Ammonite, to his conversion apart from ritual immersion, to the volume's universalism seen as incompatible with (hypothetical) Pharisaic exclusiveness, to the (more likely) arguments that the book was known to be late (Daniel gained entry because of its back-dating to the Babylonian Exile), fictional, and/or composed originally in Greek. Again, any argument on the absence of Judith from the canon of Judaism must remain tentative.
6. Yet irony and self-defence do not preclude the fact that the book, and its heroine, can be regarded as dangerous. More cunning than Jael (Judg 4—5), who dispatches the enemy general Sisera by tucking him into bed, giving him milk, and then pounding a tent peg into his temple, Judith seeks out her victim, takes the head as a trophy, and then facilitates the slaughter of the Assyrian army and the looting of their camp (White 1992). More dangerous than Jael, the 'wife of Heber the Kenite' and therefore distanced from the covenant community, Judith is 'one of us'. More threatening to traditional gender roles than Deborah, who is aided by Barak and is called a 'mother in Israel', Judith as book and as character subverts
E. Aesthetics and Ethics. 1. Because the titular heroine does not appear until midway through her story, the volume has been regarded as unbalanced. However, closer reading indicates substantial connections and correctives between the first and last seven chapters (Craven 1983). Paragraphs 2-4 below are examples of the balance:
2. Chs. 1—7 emphasize military campaigns, fear engendered by overt show of strength, and success based on armaments, numbers of soldiers, and male dominance; at the end of this section, Achior appears condemned, Nebuchadnezzar triumphant, and the Bethulians doomed. Chs. 8—16 provide
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the social expectations for men and women. Judith remains independent, her female slave runs her estate, she refuses all sexual advances, the men she encounters are at best inept, even her donkey is female (Craven 1983). Perhaps then it is not surprising that the book insists upon its fictional status, that Judith finally retires to her house, and that she does not produce children.
empire which in 722 destroyed the northern kingdom of Israel. He is depicted as ruling from Nineveh, the Assyrian capital which his father had sacked in 612 BCE. This mythic setting makes the story always relevant: Nebuchadnezzar represents any who seek to obliterate the Jewish community. The conceit also allows the horror of the scene to be contained; from the opening sentence, irony and not the destruction of Jews will be the dominant motif.
7. The connection of the books of Judith and Judges is, however, a helpful corrective to those who find her story unethical or unladylike. Judith is, in terms of narrative genre and character development, in the model of the judges: she is resourceful and brave like Jael; she is a mother figure in her protection of the community, like Deborah; she is sly (and even conveys a possible hint of sexual scandal) like Ehud. As with the judges, the land remains at peace until her death.
Reinforcing this pattern, the first chapter continues to mitigate the ominous references to Nebuchadnezzar by means of exaggeration. Arphaxad, identified as the king of Media but unknown to history, prepares to defend his lands against Nebuchadnezzar by constructing major fortifications around his capital, Ecbatana: the towers are 150 ft. high, with foundations 90 ft. thick; the gates, 60 ft. wide, permitted entire armies to parade through. Contributing to the exaggeration of the fortifications is the language: the opening sentence in Greek is several lines long, which English translations typically break up.
8. The book of Judith evokes more than the stories of the judges, and herein lies a major part of its aesthetic import. Throughout, by drawing upon other texts, it adds to its own literary richness even as it contributes to the tradition-history of its literary predecessors. Most significant is Judith's connection to Gen 34, the rape of Dinah. From the (probably) Samaritan setting of Bethulia, to Judith's descent from Simeon, to her promise to protect the 'virgin' (Heb. betuld), to the deceitful conquest, and even to the suggestions in each story of castration, the Apocryphal narrative recapitulates the earlier story. Indeed, the character of Judith redeems that of Simeon (as do two other Second-Temple texts, Jubilees 30, and the Testament of Levi), condemned for his violence by Jacob (Gen 49:5-7).
Nebuchadnezzar also seeks strength in numbers: he rallies much of what is now southern Turkey. However, the populations from Persia to Jerusalem to Egypt to Ethiopia refuse to join him, for they regarded him as 'ordinary' or, literally, 'as an equal' (v. n). The irony continues: Nebuchadnezzar is more than the average king, as recognition of his name even today demonstrates. Increasing the irony, Holofernes will insist that Nebuchadnezzar be worshipped as a god.
Prompted by Arphaxad's insult to his military strength, Nebuchadnezzar seeks revenge; among his targets are Judea, Egypt, Moab, Ammon; thus Judea is now threatened together with, rather than by, its traditional enemies.
9. Like Jacob, Judith travels from her home, cleverly defeats an enemy who has been feigning friendship, and escapes enemy territory unnoticed. Judith may also be compared to Moses: both faced lack of water and a suffering people with weakening theological grounding (Ex 17; Num 20; Deut 33); both, with divine help, preserve and strengthen the covenant community (Van Henten 1995). Like Abigail, Judith descends a mountain, takes her own food, humbles herself before a military leader (David), and is involved with a drunk man who dies (Nabal); see i Sam 25 (Van Henten 1995). Like Esther, with whom she is typically paired in both ancient manuscript collections and modern interpretation, Judith uses her physical charms along with her clever words and loyalty to her people to defeat a genocidal enemy. Like the Maccabees, she rescues her people from false worship as well as military conquest.
The battle begins with the despoliation of Ecbatana. The Greek literally states that the city's beauty was 'turned to shame' (v. 14). Here the motif of shame appears for the first time (recurring at e.g. 4:12; 5:21; 8:22; 9:2), anticipating Judith: by placing herself in a situation of seduction that would traditionally be considered shameful for a woman, she will succeed in humiliating the Assyrian men.
Nebuchadnezzar's army returns to Nineveh for four months of recuperation. With the fall of Ecbatana, the fate of the rest of the Mediterranean and Asia Minor is, apparently, sealed.
Nebuchadnezzar's Plan (2:1-13 J
Irony continues as Nebuchadnezzar broadcasts his 'secret strategy' (v. 2) to his ministers, nobles, his general Holofernes, and the readers. His self-appellation, 'Great King, lord of the whole earth', continues the hyperbole of ch. i even as it establishes the theological challenge of the book. Holofernes is ordered to take 'experienced soldiers' (v. 5; lit. men confident in their own strength; the inference is that one should be confident in God's strength (Moore 1985)) to occupy all the territories, slaughter the rebellious, and capture the rest for Nebuchadnezzar to kill later. The general, ordered to follow his 'lord's' commands (v. 13) is thus a parallel to Judith, who will follow her 'lord's' commands. That the number of infantry soldiers Holofernes takes, 120,000, matches the number of Antiochus' troops (i Mace 15:13) appears more than coincidental.
10. Given Judith's composition during the Hellenistic era, it is not inappropriate to compare her also with Greek figures. Like Medusa, her looks prove deadly (see Bal 1994 for arthistorical and literary connections); like Euripides' Bacchae, she carries a thyrsus and produces the decapitated head of a ruler. For more on connections between Judith and Greek fiction, see Wills 1995.
Nebuchadnezzar's Threat (1:1-16)
Judith opens with an overtly fictional conceit: Nebuchadnezzar, the infamous king of Babylon who destroyed the Jerusalem temple in 587 BCE, is named the ruler of Assyria, the
Nebuchadnezzar orders Holofernes to have 'all the land to the west' prepare for him 'earth and water' (v. 7), traditional
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Persian tokens of submission. Should they fail, he promises, again hyperbolically, the destruction of their peoples until the rivers overflow with corpses. The repetition of terms concerning water anticipates again the second half of the book, where Holofernes attempts to enforce Bethulia's submission by severing its water supply. The king concludes his orders first by taking the oath, 'as I live, and by the power of my kingdom', and then by promising that he will accomplish his plans 'by [his] own hand' (v. 12). The oath is reminiscent of the divine proclamation of Deut 32:39—41; Nebuchadnezzar is again seen to be setting himself up as a false god. The promise augurs Judith's repeated point that vengeance will be taken 'by my hand'—that of a woman
The Judeans together with the neighbouring peoples fortify their villages and stock food, but given Arphaxad's unsuccessful preparations their efforts appear hopeless. Joakim the high priest, together with the Jerusalem council (Gk. glrousia) orders the populations of Bethulia and its environs to guard the hill-country passes and thereby protect Judea. This Joakim is otherwise unknown. Neh 12:26 mentions a high priest Joiakim, but he did not have the military authority that this figure does. The first leader of the post-exilic period with both temple and military control was the Hasmonean Jonathan (see i Mace 10:18—21). The indication that the high priest was in Jerusalem 'at the time' (v. 6) would be gratuitous except during Hasmonean times, when priest-kings involved with military manoeuvres did leave Jerusalem. That the gerousia (see also 11:14; I5:^) is replaced by the Sanhedrin
(8:33; 12:4).
(Synedrion) under John Hyrcanus II in about 67 BCE may narrow the date of composition.
Holofernes' Campaign (2:14-3:10)
Holofernes begins his campaign by mustering an army comparable in its exaggerated description to the fortifications of Ecbatana (1:2-4). Contributing to the numbers, and the threat, of his army, are its multifarious followers; like a locust plague (2:20) they demolish all in their path: Put and Lud, the Rassisites and Ishmaelites, Cilicia and Arabia, Midian and Damascus. Their amazing feats are matched by their miraculous, or at least humorously exaggerated, feet: the army traverses 300 miles, from Nineveh to Cilicia, in three days (2:21). Hearing of Holofernes' victories, the coastal cities, including Tyre and Sidon, Jamnia and Ascalon, petition for peace. The reference to Jamnia (2:28) may recall Judah Maccabee, who burned the city in 164 BCE. The local populations offer everything: land, livestock, even the people as slaves. They greet Holofernes with garlands (Gk. 'crowns'), dancing, and tambourines. He, however, mercilessly demolishes their sanctuaries and 'woods' (groves dedicated to a goddess?) so that all nations worship Nebuchadnezzar alone, 'that all their dialects and tribes should call upon him as a god' (3:8). This scene will be reversed in ch. 12, when Judith, with garlands, dancing, and tambourines, brings Holofernes' head to Jerusalem and her God. Holofernes next advances towards the Esdraelon plain, near Dothan. Camping for a month between Geba and Scythopolis, he readies his army to attack Judea.
The Israelites comply with Joakim's request. The men, women, and children of Jerusalem and the resident aliens and servants also fast, don sackcloth, prostrate themselves before the temple, and drape the cattle and even the altar
(v. 10) with sackcloth. This public expression of religiosity, especially fasting, becomes increasingly common in the postexilic period, as Esth 4:1-3 and i Mace 3:44-8 attest. The people's prayers are both personal and communal: they seek protection lest children be carried off, women raped (lit. for booty), towns destroyed, and the temple profaned. However, reference to cows in mourning is probably here, as it is in Jon 3:8, a touch of humour. The Lord hears their prayers, but it will take several chapters before the people recognize this response. Meanwhile, they continue to fast and wear sackcloth while the priests make burnt as well as votive and voluntary offerings for the house of Israel.
Achior Recounts Jewish History (5:1-24)
Holofernes is furious upon learning of the Israelite fortifications, including the closing of mountain passes, the garrisoning of hilltops, and the laying of traps in the plains. Summoning the rulers of Israel's traditional enemies, Moab and Ammon, he seeks information from these 'Canaanites' concerning the resistance: their identity, numbers, the size and resources of their army, the source of their power, and their king (v. 3). Achior the Ammonite leader responds with a recitation of Jewish history. However, aside from identifying the people, he answers none of the other questions. The omission is pregnant: their numbers are irrelevant given what one woman can accomplish; their king and the source of their power is, as readers well know, God.
Israel Threatened (4:1-15)
Hearing of Holofernes' attacks, including his sacking of sanctuaries, the Israelites in Judea are terrified; in particular they are 'alarmed both for Jerusalem and for the temple of the Lord their God' (v. 2). The concern is, moreover, poignant: the people had recently returned from exile and recently rededicated the temple (v. 3). Although some scholars look on this verse as a gloss, its date is consistent with the purification of the temple by Judah Maccabee and his supporters (i Mace 4:36-61; 2 Mace 10:3-5). That the Judeans warn their neighbours, including 'every district of Samaria' (v. 4), poses another historical quandary. Samaria, the former northern kingdom of Israel, was in the post-exilic period commonly Judea's enemy (Neh 4, 13; Ezra 4). The Hasmonean John Hyrcanus conquered Samaria in 107 BCE; it remained in Judean hands until 63 BCE, when Roman hegemony began.
Locating I srael internationally, Achior begins by recounting its Chaldean origins, its rejection of local gods in favour of the 'God of heaven' (v. 8), and its consequent expulsion. He recounts that, fleeing to Mesopotamia the people, upon divine command, settle in Canaan where they prosper. Next, moving to Egypt because of a famine, they again prosper until their numbers prompt the king to enslave them. Answering their prayers their God afflicts Egypt with plagues. Israel's divine protection will continue as a theme through the speech: it is again confirmed when, as the Israelites flee Egypt, God dries
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up the Red Sea and leads the people through the Sinai. Driving out the desert peoples, the Israelites inhabit Amorite land. They then cross the Jordan, take the hill country, and expel the Canaanites, Perizzites, Jebusites, Shechemites, and Gergesites (v. 16). With the exception of the Shechemites, the list matches the summary statements of Gen 15:20; Ex 3:8, 17; Deut 7:1; Josh 9:1; 11:3; Ezra 9:1; and Neh 9:8. Perhaps the inclusion of the Shechemites is meant to anticipate Judith's reference (9:2) to Simeon's conquests in Gen 34. Ironically, the existence of Achior, the Ammonite narrator, along with his Canaanite allies, belies any total conquest.
Under a rain of stones from the Israelites, Holofernes' slaves bind Achior and leave him near the springs below Bethulia. Achior is then taken by the Israelites to their rulers, Uzziah the Simeonite, Chabris, and Charmis. The rulers summon the elders, and all the young men and women assemble as well. Questioned by Uzziah, Achior relates Holofernes' plans and his own recitation of Israelite history. The Bethulians respond by praying that the enemy's arrogance be punished and the people's plight be pitied. They also commend Achior; Uzziah takes him home and gives a banquet (v. 21, lit. drinking party; one that will stand in contrast to Judith's encounters with Holofernes) where, together with the elders, he prays for help.
Achior observes that the Israelites are protected as long as they remain faithful to their God. When they sin, they are defeated and taken into exile; their temple is destroyed, and their towns occupied by enemies. Having repented, the people have returned to their lands. Thus Achior advises that, if the Israelites are faithful, Holofernes should change his plans lest he be defeated and his army become a laughingstock. Although Achior spoke truthfully, Holofernes' officers reject his advice: viewing Israel as weak they assert to 'Lord Holofernes' that his army 'will swallow them up' (v. 24). Ironies abound. First, the people do lack military strength; the officers are correct. Second, it is an Ammonite general, rather than the Israelite high priest, who recognizes the connection between faithfulness and security, sin and war. Third, Achior proves prophetic: his comments foreshadow the plot. Fourth, the image of the rapacious army plays upon the trope of food common throughout the book: the people in Bethulia fear starvation, but Judith will avoid Holofernes' table and her servant will transport Holofernes' head in a food bag. Finally, whereas Achior's truthful statements are not believed, Holofernes and his troops will trust the deceiving Judith.
Bethulia under Siege (7:1-32)
Holofernes' forces, 170,000 infantry and 12,000 cavalry, as well as soldiers with the baggage train, begin the siege; the Israelites stand guard in fear. On the second day, Holofernes secures the city's water source. Returning to his main forces, he is then visited by the rulers of Israel's traditional enemies, the 'children of Esau' (v. 8), the Moabites, and others who urge him to forgo a battle. (The reference to Esau probably refers to the Edomites, who were defeated by Judah Maccabee in 164 BCE (see i Mace 5:1-5) and then converted to Judaism under John Hyrcanus around 120 BCE.) They advise that he wait until thirst and starvation leave the Bethulian men, women, and children dying in the streets. Prolonged death will be, in the enemy's view, appropriate punishment for the city's rebellion. Agreeing, Holofernes places the area surrounding Bethulia under guard by thousands of Assyrians, Ammonites, and the children of Esau. The plan was to prevent any man (Gk. andros) from leaving (v. 13); keeping the gender-specific Greek permits irony, for no man will leave Bethulia, but only Judith and her female slave.
Achior's Fate (6:1-21)
As Holofernes' generals predicted, the children grow listless, and young men and women faint in the streets. Their courage depleted, and convinced that God has abandoned them for their (unnamed) sins and the sins of their ancestors, the population condemns Uzziah and the elders for not making a treaty with the Assyrians. Better to be slaves, the men insist, then to watch their wives and children die from thirst. The choice of slavery or death evokes the Exodus generation
Holofernes' reaction ironically recalls biblical traditions. First, he questions not only Achior's advice, but his association with Ephraimite mercenaries (v. 2). Ephraim is another name for the northern kingdom of Israel, destroyed in the eighth century by Assyria. Rhetorically, Holofernes thus begins reconstituting the covenant community. Second, he accuses Achior of playing the prophet; whereas biblical prophets typically encourage the repentance of Israel, Achior seeks the protection of the Assyrian general; yet both speak the truth and are usually not believed by rulers. Finally, Holofernes asks, 'What god is there except Nebuchadnezzar?' (v. 2). This god, Holofernes insists, will erase the memory of Israel. Thus Holofernes threatens even more than Nebuchadnezzar commanded.
(Ex 14:10—12; 16:3) as well as that of the Jews facing the campaign of Antiochus Epiphanes (i Mace 1:52—3). The cry that 'God has sold us into their hands' (v. 25; see Esth 7:4) will be corrected by the saving ability of Judith's hand. As the people cry to heaven, Uzziah exhorts courage. He promises that if there is no rescue after five days, he will accede to their wishes. Dejected, the men return to their posts, the women and children to their homes. For the moment kept apart from men and military concerns, the women will later join Judith as well as their male relatives in the celebration of victory (15:12-13).
For his words, Achior is banished from the Assyrian camp and delivered (v. 7, lit. 'they will bring you back') to the hill country of Israel; perhaps the expression indicates that Holofernes thought Achior was already on the Judeans' side. Holofernes then vows to kill him during the siege. The conversation ends with the general's snide observation that if Achior believed his own words he would not be depressed. The Greek is literally 'do not let your face fall' (v. 9); Holofernes unknowingly prophesies his own fate. Achior's presence in Bethulia will in turn prove fortuitous: he will be able to identify the severed head (14:6—8).
Judith's Introduction (8:1-3 6j
News of the siege finally reaches the widow Judith; separate from the community, she has not been affected by the lack of water nor involved in the political discussions. The narrative keeps her even more detached by inserting a very long genealogy, the longest of any biblical woman, immediately after her
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given Bethulia's strategic location, its fall would entail the sack of Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple. Were the people then taken captive, they would become a disgrace in the eyes of all. Therefore, she concludes, Bethulia must be an example for the rest of Judea: the people should thank God for putting them to the test, just as Abraham was tested at Isaac's near-sacrifice (Gen 22) and Jacob at Laban's house (Gen 28).
introduction: interest shifts from the dying population, who believe they suffer for the sins of their ancestors, to Judith's
(righteous) forefathers. With names among the sixteen generations such as Merari, who was a son of Levi (Gen 46:11); Shelumiel, a Simeonite leader who aided Moses (Num 1:6; 2:12; 7:36, 41; 10:19); Gideon, a judge; Elijah, a prophet; Hilkiah, a prophet; Nathaniel, a prophet; and Israel, Judith appears destined for greatness. However, the majority of these names do not represent the well-known figures; at best they are evocative. It is Judith herself who brings the glory to her line.
Uzziah acknowledges Judith's wisdom yet fails to recognize the import of her words: he first makes the excuse that he was 'compelled' (v. 30) to acquiesce by the people, and then he urges her, perhaps condescendingly, to pray; since she is a 'God-fearing woman' (v. 31), God will send rain at her request. Judith does not deign to respond to these comments. Instead, she announces she will do something memorable 'through all generations' (v. 32). But she refuses to divulge her plans. Again, the leaders acquiesce; whether out of desperation, because they are cowed by her resolve, because they trust her judgement, or because, as some more cynical commentators suggest, they are happy to be rid of her, is unclear; saying, 'may the Lord God go before you, to take vengeance on our enemies', they depart for their posts. That Judith acts while the ostensible leaders react reverses gender roles; psychoanalytic readers would even suggest that the leaders were symbolically castrated. They will, of course, find a better application for this insight a few chapters later.
Even Judith's name, meaning 'Jewish woman', is portentous: this only named woman in the story will both protect and embody the covenant community (Levine 1992). A widow, Judith recalls the God known as the protector of widows (Ps 68:5; Sir 35:15), even as the covenant community is depicted as a widow (Isa 54:4; Lam 1:1; 5:3-4). However, Judith's mourning, unlike that of the Judeans in Babylon, is not caused by sin; rather, her husband Manasseh, also from the tribe of Simeon, had died from sunstroke while supervising his servants as they bound barley sheaves. His inglorious death will be repeated by Holofernes, who is also wounded in the head, takes to his bed, and dies (cf 8:3; 13:2). Manasseh's disgrace may be exacerbated by his name, which he shares with the Judean king to whom is attributed Jerusalem's destruction (see 2 Kings 21:12—15; 23:26—7; 24:3—4).
By marrying endogamously, Judith conformed to recommended practice (Num 36; Tob 1:9). She does not, however, submit to levirate marriage, even though she is childless and the Bethulian leader, Uzziah, is a fellow Simeonite. Yet Uzziah is weak, and Judith neither needs nor desires a spouse. Given her actions, perhaps her widowhood is fortunate; the shame her actions might cause a husband would be enormous. Judith's mourning epitomizes radical piety. She lives in a rooftop shelter, wears sackcloth around her waist, and dresses in widow's clothes. Every day save sabbaths, new moons, and Jewish festivals, she fasts. Nevertheless, she remains 'shapely and beautiful' (v. 7; see Gen 29:17 concerning Rachel) as well as rich in gold and silver, male and female servants, livestock and fields, all inherited from her husband. Finally, so well known was her piety that 'no one spoke ill of her' (v. 8). This too is ironic; few maintain such spotless reputations. The specified length of her mourning, three years and four months (v. 4) or forty months, may suggest the number of years Israel spent in the wilderness; it also parallels the thirty-four days of the siege of Bethulia (7:20) even as Judith's sackcloth mirrors that of the townspeople (and cattle).
Judith's Prayer (9:1-14)
Extended prayers, particularly by women, feature prominently in Hellenistic-Jewish literature; examples include Susanna, Esther (in the Greek Additions), Sarah of the book of Tobit, and the martyr mother of 2 and 4 Maccabees; comparable models include the prayers of Daniel, his friends, and Tobit.
Judith prays at the time of the incense offering in the Jerusalem temple; the note anticipates her pilgrimage there following Holofernes' defeat. The prayer begins by invoking the God of her ancestor Simeon, omitted from her genealogy. Just as Simeon took revenge on the 'strangers who had... polluted [a virgin's] womb' (v. 2)—the reference is to the sacking of Shechem following the rape of Dinah (Gen 34)—so Judith seeks to protect Bethulia: the city's name evokes the Hebrew word betuld, meaning virgin, even as it sounds like bet-'el ('house of God') and bet-'aliyd (house of ascents). Dinah's name goes unmentioned, and this omission highlights the connection to Bethulia even as it places increasing emphasis on Simeon. Finally, in a reversal of the episode of Dinah, who 'went out' (Gen 34:1) to visit the women of the land but instead was attacked by Shechem, the local prince, Judith will go out to the Gentile camp, where she will 'unman' the general who had planned her seduction. The mention of deception in v. 3 (the prayer utilizes forms of the term 'deceit' four times) hints at Judith's yet unnamed plan.
Upon hearing of the people's protest and Uzziah's response, Judith sends her slave, the one in charge of all her property, to summon the town elders. Stereotypical gender roles are reversed: a female slave commands a major estate; a widow demands obedience from city officials. The Bethulian elders receive from Judith strong rebuke: how do they dare test, place conditions upon, or presume to know the thoughts of God? Rather, the people should continue to pray and await deliverance. Then, like Achior, Judith recites the history of Israel: their ancestors had been punished for worshipping idols, but the present generation has remained faithful. Consequently they must have hope. Judith next observes that,
Her unabashed celebration of the rape (see 4:12) of the Shechemite women, the selling of their daughters into slavery, and the distribution of their property among the Israelites recollects the fear of the Bethulians. That such militaristic ideology appears in the context of theological egalitarianism
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(Judith notes that God 'strikes slaves as well as princes', v. 3) is typical in ancient narrative.
fernes exhorts her to courage (11:1), for he has never hurt anyone who chooses to follow Nebuchadnezzar. The comment is disingenuous, given his earlier massacres (2:10; 3:7— 8). He apparently assumed, mistakenly, that she would be afraid of him. As for the siege, he asserts that the Israelites, refusing such loyalty, have brought about their own situation.
Following the recitation of Simeon's victory, Judith prays that God now help her, not a warrior but a widow (v. 4), since God is the ally of the weak (v. n). Then, typical in HellenisticJewish prayers, she celebrates God's omnipotence, omniscience, and creative powers. Against these attributes, the boasts of the Assyrians are empty and insulting. Because, Judith says, the Assyrians plan to desecrate the temple, to knock off the horns of its altars with a sword, so God should strike them down. Like Esther, who asks for 'eloquent speech' (Add Esth 14:13), Judith asks for a beguiling tongue ('deceitful words', v. 13). Deceit will be her weapon, so that Holofernes will be killed 'by the hand of a woman' (v. 10; the 'hand' motif appears 9 times more: 2:12; 8:33; 9:2, 9; 12:4; 13:14, 15; 15:10; 16:5), as was Sisera by the deceitful Jael (Judg 4-5, see 9). To emphasize the insult, in the Greek Judith speaks not of a 'woman' but uses the generic 'female' (see also Judg 9:54 on Abimelech's fear of the shame of being killed by a woman).
Judith's response is a masterpiece of double entendre. She states she will speak nothing false to '[her] lord'; she claims that if he follows her advice, 'my lord will not fail to achieve his purposes' (11:6). She then moves to mocking, in stating that because of Holofernes, not only people, but also beasts, cattle, and birds, serve Nebuchadnezzar (11:7). Mentioning Achior in the one verse of this dialogue in which she does not in some degree dissemble, Judith acknowledges the truth of his statements; however, she lies in stating that the people have resolved to sin by eating the first fruits and tithes consecrated to the priests, which the people are forbidden even to touch; they are but waiting for permission from the Jerusalem council (11:12—13). No law forbids such touching, but Holofernes would not know in any case.
Judith's Plan (10:1-17)
Finally, Judith states that God sent her to accomplish with Holofernes 'things that will astonish the whole world' (11:16). Claiming loyalty to the God of heaven who has given her foreknowledge, she tells Holofernes that she will withdraw to the valley every night to pray, and that God will tell her when the Israelites have transgressed. At that time, she will guide Holofernes to victory. The general along with his attendants is so delighted by Judith's words, and beauty, that he promises her, upon the completion of her prediction, that her God will be his God (see Ruth 1:16), she shall dwell in Nebuchadnezzar's palace (hardly something Judith desires), and her fame shall encompass the world.
As Esther transforms from mourning to magnificence (Add Esth 15:1), so Judith removes her sackcloth, bathes (how she obtained water given the siege is unexplained), applies perfume, dons a tiara, and puts on the clothes she wore when she celebrated with her deceased husband. Among her accessories are chains, typically translated as 'anklets'
(v. 4); Judith may be wearing a step-chain, designed to shorten her stride and make her appear more 'feminine' (Moore 1985; see Isa 3:16). The connection to Isaiah may also suggest that 'earrings' should be translated 'nose-ring' (Moore 1985). Thus she presents a picture of pampered helplessness. On the other hand, perhaps she should be seen as arming herself for battle. Bedecked with jewellery and dressed to kill, she intended to draw the attention of any man who saw her. Then, accompanied by her maid, who carried a skin of wine, jug of oil, and bag with roasted grain, fig cakes, and bread, she ventured to the city gate. Seeing her, Uzziah and the elders are struck by her beauty. Judith orders the gates open, and as she and her maid journey to the enemy camp, the leaders stare after her.
Judith in the Assyrian Camp (12:1-9 J
Holofernes invites Judith to dine on his 'delicacies' (v. i, a term not found elsewhere in the LXX, and perhaps suggestive of self-indulgence (Moore 1985), but she insists on eating her simple meal of kosher food. The general is concerned for her well-being, since there are no other Jews in his camp who might replenish her supply, but Judith, echoing her prayer (9:10), assures him that the Lord will accomplish by her 'hand' what is planned before her supplies are exhausted. Judith's comments reinforce Holofernes' trust: surely someone so faithful to diet would not lie regarding the Bethulians' transgressions.
Caught by an Assyrian patrol, Judith is questioned about her nationality. Honestly she replies she is a Hebrew; by using that term rather than 'Israelite', perhaps Judith sought to evoke the time when the people were enslaved in Egypt. Dishonestly she adds that she is fleeing from the Assyrian onslaught and to Holofernes, to whom she will tell the way (v. 13; the term could refer either to the means or to the path) by which he can conquer the hill country. The soldiers, struck by her beauty, promise her protection and flounder in attempts to find the lucky one-hundred to escort her to the general (v. 17).
Escorted by Holofernes' attendants to her tent, Judith begins the first of a three-day pattern. She sleeps until midnight and at the morning watch, leaves for the valley of Bethulia to bathe herself from the uncleanness of the Gentile camp and pray; ritually pure, and giving the Assyrians no reason to distrust her, she returns to her tent (v. 8).