Part 119
(iQpHab), and like i John, 2 Timothy sees the distress in terms of human sin and apostasy. A long list of such vices is added which follows the conventions of its time, but many of the vices appear elsewhere in the Pastorals, either as characteristics to be avoided or whose opposites are recommended for Christian leaders. The list in Greek has a certain coherence, lost in translation, because of alliteration at the beginning or end of the adjectives, and because the first two and last two begin with the prefix phil-. That these vices belong to heterodox Christians becomes clear in v. 5. Timothy, and through him the whole congregation, are warned to keep out of such people's way.
The group of people thought to be most at risk from these apostates are women. The mocking diminutive is used, 'little women', translated by the NRSV as 'silly women'. It is not immediately obvious whether 'overwhelmed by their sins and
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 1230
it assumes that some parts are not so inspired. This was indeed the belief among some early Gnostic groups such as the Marcionites, so it makes most sense to follow the NRSV translation. It is the usefulness of Scripture that is the significant point; different kinds of usefulness are immediately listed, v. 17, 'everyone who belongs to God' (cf i Tim 6:11), probably refers to anyone in a position to teach or lead the congregation; such a person needs to be well versed in Scripture as well as in Christian doctrine. The result will be good works (as in i Tim 2:10).
swayed by all kinds of desires' refers to their disposition towards this sort of teaching or whether they are seen as particularly sinful women. Taken in conjunction with i Tim 2:11-14 (and i Cor 14:35), it is clear that there were women in the early church anxious to learn. In Acts there are several accounts of women being attracted to the words of an apostle's preaching. Stories told about Thecla (written down in the late second century as the Acts of Paul and Theda), who renounced the prospect of marriage to follow Paul and devote her life to spreading the gospel, illustrate the kind of response from women that the Pastor deprecates. Thecla's vocation is justified in the stories by miraculous escapes from death; there is no doubt that she is portrayed as having arrived 'at a knowledge of the truth'.
Ch. 4 contains more intensely personal material than any other part of the Pastoral Epistles. The first section gives the impression, like 1:3-7 °f being a personal 'testament'; the passing on of instructions from an important person to his followers is a literary form found elsewhere in the NT, but it also has a long scriptural tradition (e.g. Deut 31:24, Isa 8:16). Its content is kerygmatic, like other doctrinal passages in the Pastorals; this is the most solemn both in form and content. Judgement is mentioned for the first time, which adds a note of real seriousness; in the presence of God the Saviour, Christ will judge the living and the dead. A picture of a God who had to approve one's behaviour occurs in 2:14—19, but without mentioning judgement. Here, in language reminiscent of i Cor 15:21-8 (cf. Acts 10:42; i Pet 4:5), judgement becomes explicit. But the favourite terminology of the Pastorals is not absent; Christ's appearing, or epiphaneia, referring to his second coming, recurs in i Tim 6:14; 2 Tim 4:8; and Titus 2:13 (and in 2 Tim 1:10 the same word refers to his incarnation), but 'kingdom' is mentioned only here and in 4:18. Timothy's role is to preach the gospel, in favourable and unfavourable times, to make sure that the message is properly understood. 'The time is coming', has a sense of urgency about it, particularly as it seems to refer to events that are already beginning to take place (cf 3:1—9). Sound doctrine will be rejected in favour of false teaching, myths will be believed instead of the truth. The prediction by Paul of the events that are happening in the community addressed by the Pastorals gives the sense that present events are part of God's plan and Paul knew what was to happen. In spite of suffering, Timothy must continue his good work, and not be put off by the apostasy of some members of the community.
Jannes and Jambres were the names given in some Jewish traditions to the Egyptian magicians summoned by Pharaoh to oppose Moses and Aaron in Ex 7:8-13 etc. Just as Moses' opponents' success was short-lived, so those who opposed the work of God now, by insinuating themselves into households, would fail before long.
Paul as Exemplar (3:10-4:8)
Paul's own steadfast character and his heroism under persecution are set out as an example of true faith. This glowing description of his character, though framed in the first person, bespeaks hagiography not autobiography. He is the model for Christians in times of persecution. The three cities, Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra, where the persecutions took place, are mentioned in Acts 13 and 14 as places where Paul and Barnabas were persecuted by the Jews, jealous of their success. Paul has not yet encountered Timothy at this point in the Acts narrative. It is probable that 2 Timothy and Acts are using the same sources here, unless one depends on the other for information. The example of Paul's persecutions illustrates the possibility of persecution for believers. But just as Paul was saved many times, so would his followers be. The opponents are held up as contrasts to Paul's character (3:14). The situation described at the beginning of the chapter will go from bad to worse as more and more people are led astray. The same situation was foreseen in i Tim 4:1. A chain reaction will take place; after one person has been deceived into believing the opponents' falsehoods, he, in turn, will deceive others.
Paul's death is imminent; in 2 Timothy it has been made clear that he is in prison: now, in poignant language reminiscent of Phil 2:17 (the only other use in the NT of the verb 'pour out as a libation', NRSV), Paul reveals that he is to be put to death. Looking back, Paul reviews his Christian ministry as a fight he has fought and as a race he has run, two familiar metaphors (i Tim 6:12, cf. i Cor 9:25, 2 Tim 2:5; cf. Phil 2:16; 3:13-14). His life is a model to Timothy and to all believers, the reward that awaits him and others who follow him is sure; it is the garland given to victors in athletic competitions, understood by Paul to be the reward for a life of virtue, and so used also in the early church of the reward for martyrs (cf. Mart. Pol. 17.1; 19.2).
(3:14—17) As well as having the model of Paul before him, Timothy must continue to follow the teachings of the sacred writings, an expression used by Greek-speaking Jews to describe their bible. He has been taught Scripture from childhood; the reference is to his mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5), but he has also had teachers such as Paul. Scripture is rarely quoted in the Pastoral Epistles, and there is no description or explanation of the development of Christianity out of and away from Judaism. It is probable that opposition is coming, at any rate some of the time, from Jewish Christians, but apart from differences about myths, genealogies, and the law, we are not told much about where the differences lie. Here Scripture, presumably including the law, is given unequivocal approval. If the NRSV translation of 3:16 is taken, the usefulness of all Scripture arises from the fact that it is divinely inspired. The alternative reading in the margin assumes that only those passages inspired by God are useful, i.e.
Personal Comments and Salutations (4:9-22)
(4:9—15) Many individuals; friends, fellow-workers, and companions of Paul are referred to, adding conviction to the pretence of Pauline authorship, and persuading some
1231 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
commentators that at any rate fragments of the letters are genuine. Timothy must endeavour to visit Paul in prison, for, as he mentioned in 1:15, many others have left him. Only Luke remains (but cf. 4:21 where Paul seems to have several companions). Demas, whose name is found together with Luke's and Mark's in Col 4:14 and Philem 24 has actually deserted him (Demas is also named in Acts of Paul and Theda, as is Hermogenes the coppersmith, cf. 2 Tim 1:15; this is possibly the same person as in 4:14. Both are said to be hypocrites). Crescens and Titus seem to have left but not deserted him. Tychicus is also mentioned in Titus 3:12 and in Acts 20:4; Col 4:7; Eph 6:21. The reference to the cloak, books, and parchment left behind at Troas adds a final touch of verisimilitude to the picture. Alexander, possibly the same person as the Alexander of i Tim 1:20, is mentioned as an enemy. He may be the Alexander of Acts 19:33 who was a Jewish silversmith, not a coppersmith. At any rate this Alexander was well known to the community as an opponent.
fulfilment throughout the NT. God's plan of salvation includes his promises in the past, and their fulfilment in the work of Christ, and in the work of those who proclaim the gospel, as well as the hope of eternal life. Both God and Christ are named as Saviour, because Christ carried out God's work of salvation on earth. The title 'Saviour' is used frequently in the Pastoral Epistles; in Titus, for example, God and Christ are each described as Saviour three times. Two elements of the blessing are present in v. 4, rather than three as in i and 2 Timothy. Titus, like Timothy in i Tim 1:2 is called 'my loyal child', in other words, legitimate successor. From Paul's own letters he is known to be a Greek whom Paul and Barnabas took to Jerusalem (Gal 2:1, 3) and who was associated with the Corinthian church (2 Cor 7:6—16; 8:6, 16—17,
23> I2:I8). In i Tim 4:10, he is said to have been sent to Dalmatia. Like the setting of i and 2 Timothy, this setting is fictitious.
(1:5—9) The situation envisaged at the beginning of the epistle is that Paul has instigated a successful mission in Crete and it is now Titus' job to continue the work, 'putting it in order'. (Crete is mentioned elsewhere in the NT only in Acts 27, when Paul did not visit the island intentionally, but his ship was wrecked as it sailed past.) Putting things in order consisted first in appointing elders in every town (cf. Acts 14:23), which in turn would discourage opposition. Qualifications are given for elders here which resemble those given in i Tim 3 for bishops (episkopoi) and deacons. The use of the conjunction 'for' at the beginning of v. 7 heading the list of qualities necessary for an episkopos implies an overlap in their roles; perhaps, as in Jewish communities of the diaspora, the episkopos was drawn from the ranks of the elders. In i Tim (5:1,17, 19) it is not clear that this was the case; there a council of elders with an episkopos at its head may have been envisaged. The episkopos is the steward of God's household, a favourite image of the church in the Pastorals (e.g. i Tim 3:4; 5:12, 15). Paul, who was fond of using metaphors of service and slavery to describe his own role, used it of himself once in i Cor 4:1. But there he is the steward of the mysteries of God. To the exemplary character of the episkopos, familiar from i Tim 3, is added the necessity of his having 'a firm grasp of the word', that is, a clear understanding of the Christian message. This will enable him not only to present the church's teaching clearly but also to refute those who contradict it.
(4:16—18) It is difficult to identify Paul's 'first defence' (4:16) with anything we hear about in Acts or in the other epistles, apart possibly from that mentioned in Phil 1:7, 16. There it is the defence of the gospel that is referred to, here, it seems to be a more technical court appearance. However, historical identification is neither possible nor necessary to understand the picture the author is presenting. Paul has survived one trial; the trial resulted in his desertion by his friends, but he was enabled to defend the gospel with God's help. 'All the Gentiles' probably refers to those at his trial, but may be a reference to his whole Gentile mission. That time he survived, the next time he will be saved for God's heavenly kingdom. He expects to die now, but his death will not be the end (cf. 4:8).
(4:19—21) The final greetings name some familiar and some unfamiliar people. Prisca and Aquila are mentioned in an almost identical way at the end of Romans (16:3, cf. i Cor 16:9 where they themselves send greetings). Onesiphorus is familiar from 1:16. Erastus was the name of the city treasurer of Corinth (Rom 16:23), an(^ in Acts 19:22 Paul sends a man called Erastus with Timothy from Ephesus to Macedonia. Trophimus appeared in Acts 20:4; 21:29, as an inhabitant of Ephesus. None of Paul's current companions are mentioned elsewhere in the NT. Perhaps they were names familiar to the community. As a further personal touch Paul urges Timothy to travel before winter, because travel during that season was difficult and dangerous (cf. Titus 3:12).
(1:10—16) The character of those who contradict is then set out. That some of them are Jewish Christians now seems clear (v. 10). This fits with the impression given in i and 2 Timothy but not made explicit there. They are native Cretans, converted to Christianity from Judaism and now apparently reverting in some way to their old faith and possibly advocating the circumcision of Gentile Christians. But as in i Tim 1:4 and 2 Tim 4:4, it is their teaching of Jewish myths that occupies the author's attention. Since we are given no further information, however, it is not possible to know whether these were Gnostic myths or more traditional scriptural myths. They also imposed Jewish commandments on their followers; perhaps food laws which the author did not accept (cf. i Tim 4:3-5), and which may be alluded to in 1:15. Ascetics, whether Jewish or not, who refused to eat certain foods were condemned in i Tim 4:4, for 'all things created by God are pure'. Here such
The final blessing is modelled on those in Gal 6:18; Phil 4:23; and Philem 25.
Titus
Greetings and Instructions on Dealing with Deceivers (1:1-16) (1:1-4) Th£ opening greeting of Titus is longer and fuller than its counterparts in i and 2 Timothy and includes a summary of the gospel message. Paul is named again as the sender, but here he is called slave as well as apostle as in Rom 1:1. Faith and knowledge of the truth are said to accord with godliness or cuscbda (cf. i Tim 2:2, etc.). The idea of God's plan of salvation is clearly set out again, here strengthened by the assertion that God never lies. This is never explicitly said of God elsewhere in the NT but it is a thought underlying the notion of prophecy
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 1232
position of women have changed beyond all recognition, so have attitudes towards the institution of slavery. But at the time the letter was written the institution was never really questioned, though there was discussion of the proper treatment of slaves, particularly among the Stoics (e.g. Seneca, 'On Master and Slave', Epistles, 47). In parallel household rules in other NT epistles, the behaviour of masters to slaves, husbands to wives, and fathers to children is introduced to balance the picture (Eph 6:1—9; Col 3:18—4:1; i Pet 2:18—3:7). The Pastoral Epistles enjoin no such commitments. The reason for the slaves' submissive and obedient attitude that the letter recommends is given in 2:10 in a way very typical of the Pastoral Epistles; they are to be 'an ornament to the doctrine of God our Saviour'. In other words, sound doctrine and ethics are inextricably linked even for slaves.
people are condemned as having corrupt consciences; this is very strong condemnation for people whose understanding about purity is different from one's own. But it is the obverse of believing that sound faith leads to good behaviour. However, it contradicts Paul's teaching on such matters in Rom 14 and i Cor 8—10 where he is able to accommodate both points of view.
Membership of the Community (2:1-3:11)
The main section of Titus is reminiscent of I Timothy in that it describes the qualities of members of the community, interspersed with short doctrinal statements. Here the concern is not with the officers of the community, but with its ordinary members. It is introduced by the injunction to Titus to teach what is consistent with sound doctrine. This seems to entail good behaviour on the part of all members of the community. What follows resembles the lists of instructions about behaviour in other NT epistles (Col 3:18-22; Eph 5.22-33; i Pet 2:183:9), but here the grammatical form is different. Nevertheless, the list of qualities and duties required contains no surprises. Older men (not elders here; a related but not identical word is used) are encouraged to be temperate (cf i Tim 6:11), serious
(2:11—15) contains a typical doctrinal statement, interrupted by ethical exhortations in v. 12, recalling other such passages in the other two epistles, but resembling most closely that in 2 Tim 1:9—12. The close relationship between the death of Christ and the removal of sin is here expressed more clearly than anywhere else in the three epistles and in a way that entirely conforms to Paul's own teaching. Typically for the Pastorals, the incarnation of Christ and his sacrifice are linked with the hope and expectation of his future coming. The Greek of 2:13 is ambiguous. The NRSV chooses to identify God our Saviour with Jesus Christ. Since he is nowhere else called God in the Pastoral Epistles—indeed his humanity is stressed in i Tim 2:5—the alternative translation, 'our great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ' is to be preferred. But, on the other hand, the immediate context of the verse with its imagery of royal epiphany might have encouraged the author to use the most exalted imagery of Christ at his parousia.
(semnos, cf. i Tim 3:8, n), and prudent (sophron, cf. 1:8; i Tim 3:2). These are virtues that would be admired throughout the Hellenistic world but specifically Christian virtues follow; they are to be sound in faith, in love, and in endurance (cf. 1:9; i Tim 6:11; 2 Tim 3:10). A summary, in other words, of the qualities listed in ch. i.
Older women have more detailed instructions: prohibitions as well as positive admonitions. This is a much more general group than the widows of i Tim 5. They are to be reverent, and like those in i Tim 3:11, they must not be slanderers or slaves to drink. They can be teachers, presumably of the younger women, certainly not of men (i Tim 2:12), they taught the female Christian virtues and not matters of doctrine. These virtues are then listed. To the modern eye they encourage submissive attitudes; they are, however, typical of attitudes everywhere in the Graeco-Roman world (e.g. Plut. Mor. I4OC, I42d). It is possible that the opponents of 'sound doctrine' taught that women could remain single and continue to lead a full Christian life, and like Thecla become an itinerant preacher (see 2 TIM 3:1—9). In any case, that kind of behaviour in no way conforms to the ideals of this author, who believes a woman's role is properly that of wife and mother, her salvation dependent on her fulfilling those roles submissively (cf. i Tim 2:9—15). The motivation given here, however, is to prevent the church being discredited. Nothing in the behaviour of the members of the community must attract negative comment from its neighbours.
The grace of God has brought salvation to all; the soteriology of the Pastorals is almost always inclusive rather than exclusive (e.g. i Tim 2:4, 6). The qualities that grace enables us to learn have been mentioned before, and include words belonging to the piety (cuscbcia) as well as restraint (sophrosunl) groups. The connection between God's gracious act of salvation in Christ's coming and death with present Christian behaviour has never been expressed more clearly. The word used for redemption here is cognate with that used for ransom in i Tim 2:6; Christ's death is the price of redemption. The idea of purification of a people is not Pauline as ideas of ransom are, but is reminiscent of i Pet 2:9. The final injunction adds weight and authority to his teaching. (3:1-2) The face the church presents is to be that of peaceful and helpful people, both in the public realm towards the government and also towards private individuals. The injunction to be subject to rulers is familiar from i Tim 2:2 and from Rom 13:1-7 (cf. also i Pet 2:13-17 where it is placed in a list of duties as it is here). 'Remind them', an expression also used in 2 Tim 2:14, seems to introduce a general instruction for the community as a whole rather than for a particular group.
Titus is urged to be a model for younger men in his behaviour and teaching. Here it is opponents not secular neighbours who must find no object for criticism in the behaviour of the young men. The Pastoral Epistles show no sense of their community being threatened by persecution in a serious way, but the author does not want to attract attention to the church by odd or antisocial behaviour. Paul had a similar concern about people in Corinth speaking in tongues (i Cor 14:23-5).
(3:3—80) The courtesy which is owed to those outside the church is explained by reference to the experience of each individual in the community before becoming Christian. Usually in the Pastorals lists like this provide a contrast between the behaviour of the opponents and that advocated for believers. Here, on the other hand, the list points up the
Like women to their husbands, slaves are to be submissive to their masters. The teaching about slaves corresponds to contemporary thinking in every way. Just as attitudes to the
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(3:86—11) concerns relationships between Titus and members of the community who indulge in controversy and argument. Such behaviour is contrasted with the good works that profit the whole community. That the difficulties are caused by Jewish Christians is suggested by the fact that some of the debates concern the law. Genealogies are also mentioned as a focus of dispute as they were in i Tim 1:4. After two attempts at putting them straight, Titus is told to ignore such argumentative people; they are the cause of their own condemnation.
contrast between the good moral behaviour of members of the community which arises out of sound doctrine and the same people's earlier moral turpitude. The two lists only partly correspond with one another; there are closer links with similar lists in Eph 2:2; 5:8; i Cor 6:11. So it is clear that lists of 'before and after' behaviour were becoming a commonplace of Christian preaching. The use of the metaphor of slavery to sin is familiar from Paul (e.g. Rom 6:6). (3:4-80) describes the means by which this change has come about for believers. This is the final summary of'sound doctrine' in the epistles, signalled by 'the saying is sure' in v. 8. As always in the Pastorals, the soteriology is theocentric. God is Saviour, and salvation comes not as a reward for good deeds but from God's mercy. The incarnation, not Christ's death, is identified here as the turning-point in salvation history when God's goodness and loving kindness (philanthropic^, lit. love for human beings) were revealed. The crucifixion is referred to only twice in the Pastorals, as the decisive soteriological moment, in i Tim 2:6 and Titus 2:14. The author prefers to balance the first and the future epiphanies to describe God's work of salvation; this passage can be paralleled with 2:11-14 where the future manifestation of Christ completes the process of salvation.
Personal Matters (3:12-16)
Personal details at the end of the book add a final touch of verisimilitude to the fictional situation. Paul hopes that Titus will come to him soon in Nicopolis, a city not mentioned elsewhere in the NT and probably to be understood as the city of Nicopolis in Epirus. Since the city does not appear in Acts and is not mentioned by Paul, any attempt to locate this letter at a particular point in Paul's life as we know it is impossible. Artemas is unknown to us. Tychicus was mentioned in 2 Tim 4:12 and the name appears elsewhere in the NT (Acts 20:4; Eph 6:21; Col 4:7). Zenas the lawyer is unknown but Apollos is known to us from both i Corinthians and Acts (i Cor 1:12; 3:4-6, 22; 4:6; Acts 18:24; I9:I)- Perhaps we are to envisage them as the bearers of the Epistle to Titus. They are to be well looked after and perhaps given financial support for their onward journey. Travel in winter was unadvisable, so Paul had decided to spend the winter in Nicopolis. A final injunction to good works precedes the final greeting.
The decisive moment for individuals was baptism, here described as the water of rebirth and renewal; the moment when 'he saved us'. Justification by grace, a truly Pauline idea, is not explained, but like 'saved' in v. 5, the emphasis is on a past event, enabling believers to become 'heirs according to the hope of eternal life'. The process of salvation is not yet complete, but believers can feel certain of their part in it. Paul's understanding of justification is complex, but contrasts faith as the central element of salvation with works of the law. The Pastoral Epistles' emphasis, on the other hand, is on the close relationship between belief in sound doctrine and the good works which follow. The two ideas are not opposed to one another, but are distinctly different.
Beard, M., North, J. A., and Price, S.R.F. (1998), Religions of Rome
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Miller, James D. (1997), The Pastoral Letters as Composite Documents
(2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
74. Philemon CRAIG S. W A N S I N K
interpretation of this figure has typically framed how the epistle has been approached. Onesimus generally is seen in one of three ways: (i) as a runaway slave (cf. Lohse 1971; R. P. Martin 1974; Caird 1976; Nordling 1991); (2) as an estranged slave, appealing to his owner's friend (amicus domini) (cf. Lampe 1985; Rapske 1991; Bartchy 1992); or (3) as a slave, sent by Philemon, to serve Paul in prison (cf. Knox 1959; Winter 1984; 1987; Wansink 1996). 2. The first two characterizations generally focus on w. n, 15, and 18, and, as discussed in the commentary below, tend to undervalue Greek wordplays, conventions of ancient slavery and, particularly, Paul's location (in prison). For a number of additional reasons, it seems unlikely that Onesimus either ran away or was estranged from his master: (i) If Onesimus had run away or faced estrangement, his owner probably would not have known where he was. Here, however, Philemon appears to have known that Onesimus was with Paul (Winter 1987). (2) It seems unreasonable to believe that Onesimus would run away from his master in order to escape into prison.
A. Paul's Imprisonment. The apostle Paul, according to i Clem. 5,5—6, was'in chains'seven times. In 2 Cor 11:23, Paul himself boasts of having experienced 'far more imprisonments' than his detractors. Ironically, the one who had formerly imprisoned Christians (cf Acts 8:3; 22:4; 26:10) frequently found himself incarcerated. During one such experience, he wrote to Philemon and the church that was in his house. Only twentyfive verses long, Paul's letter is replete with rhetorical dissonance, subtlety, and wordplay. The epistle offers little insight into its provenance or dating. Whether it was written in Rome, Ephesus, Philippi, or elsewhere is not of primary concern. Whether it was written towards the end of Paul's life or towards the beginning of his mission is not revealed. Rather, the most salient aspects of the letter are Paul's rhetoric and his imprisonment (cf. w. 10, 13, 22).
B. Onesimus. 1. Although the figure of Onesimus is not introduced until almost half-way through the letter (in v. 10), the
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Such a hypothesis seems to ignore Paul's imprisonment. (3) If Onesimus were estranged from Philemon and in need of reconciliation, his conversion to the Christian faith—under such conditions—could well appear feigned and opportunistic. (4) Although Paul asks that Philemon support Onesimus, he does not request pity or forgiveness on behalf of Onesimus. Onesimus is not presented in any way as remorseful or repentant.
greeting chairdn ('greetings'; cf. Jas 1:1). Paul thus uses wordplay in a way in which his greeting bears theological import. His use of the word 'peace', in the second part of this greeting, probably reflects the typical Hebrew and Aramaic salutation shalom (saldm). (4-7) Thanksgiving The thanksgiving establishes the major themes and expectations of the epistle, v. 4, although this letter is addressed to an entire house-church, the Greek makes clear that Paul's thanksgiving is now directed to one individual, presumably Philemon, v. 5, Paul acknowledges that he has heard of Philemon's 'love' and 'faith' towards Jesus and all 'the saints'. In v. 6 Paul expounds on this faith and in v. 7 the love. v. 6, T pray that the sharing of your faith may become effective when you perceive all the good that we [other ancient authorities read 'you'] may do for Christ'. The word for 'sharing'—koinonia—is a technical term frequently associated with commerce in the Graeco-Roman world (cf. Sampley 1980). Cf. v. 17 where Paul more explicitly uses the language of commerce. Paul refers to 'the good' again in v. 14. v. 7, 'joy', a typical catchphrase of Pauline rhetoric in Philippians is frequently used during times of persecution. Paul notes his own joy and comfort in Philemon's love, 'because the hearts (splagchna) of the saints' had been 'refreshed' through Philemon. Here Paul sets the stage for the main concerns in the letter. Similar references reappear in v. 12, where Paul describes Onesimus as his splagchna and in v. 20 where Paul encourages Philemon to 'refresh my heart (splagchna) in Christ'. Note that around the year no CE, when the bishop Ignatius was being taken in chains to Rome, he wrote to the Ephesians, thanking them for 'refreshing' him through Crocus and others whom they had sent to be with him while he was a prisoner (cf. Ign. Eph. 2. 1—2) (cf. Wansink 1996).
3. It appears that Onesimus neither ran away nor was estranged from his master. Writing from prison, Paul thanks the recipients of the epistle for their support. He sees his relationship with them as similar to that of 'partners'. And when he returns a person who had been with him in prison, he feels justified in asking that this person be received with respect and care. That is the situation in Paul's letter to the Philippians. That is also the situation in Philemon. In Philippians, Epaphroditus was messenger and minister to Paul's needs. He had been sent to Paul by the Philippians, he had served this prisoner on their behalf, and he then returned to his community. Onesimus, similarly, appears to have been sent by Philemon to serve Paul while he was in prison. During this service, however, something unique happened. Onesimus became a Christian and Paul had now found a new colleague in ministry. If the pagan slave Onesimus was sent by his owner to 'refresh' the imprisoned, if he was no runaway looking for quick redemption and forgiveness, generations of Christian interpreters have cheated Onesimus out of the integrity of his faith.
Prescript and Thanksgiving (1-7)
(1—3) Prescript The references in w. i and 9 reflect Paul's first written use of the appellation 'prisoner of Christ Jesus' (cf. 2 Tim 1:8; Eph 3:1; 4:1; 3 Cor. 3.1). Some see this expression as reflecting only Paul's presence in prison. Others understand it metaphorically, in the light of triumphal marches (cf. Stuhlmacher 19 81) or initiations into mystery cults (cf. Reitzenstein 1978). Most interpreters, however, see Paul's status as 'prisoner' as resulting either 'because of or 'for the sake of Christ Jesus (cf. PHILEM 9; PHILEM 23 offers an alternative interpretation). 'Philemon, our beloved brother and fellow worker'
Body: Paul's Request (8-20)
w. 8—9, Paul opens his request by acknowledging that although he is 'bold enough' to command Philemon to do his duty, he would rather appeal to him 'on the basis of love'
(cf. w. 5, 7). Paul notes that he makes such an appeal as a 'presbutes, and now also as a prisoner of Christ Jesus'. The Greek term presbutes has been translated both as 'old man' and as 'ambassador'. When the received text is emended (Lightfoot 1904) or when comparisons are made to 2 Cor 5:19/7—2oa and Eph 6:20 (cf. Stuhlmacher 1981), this word sometimes is translated as 'ambassador'. However, since Paul has just announced that he would not exploit his authority to give commands (v. 8), referring to himself now as an 'ambassador' would seem contradictory. Furthermore, recent lexical studies emphasize that 'old man' would be the most appropriate translation for this Greek term (cf. Gnilka 1982; Birdsall 1993). Paul, thus, is seeking empathy. He is old and, furthermore, he is in a situation inappropriate for a person of his age: he is a prisoner. These two epithets share at least one key characteristic: both the elderly and the imprisoned were seen as vulnerable and dependent upon others (Hock 1995). 'Prisoner of Christ Jesus': the point seems to be that prisoners were dependent on support from outsiders (cf. v. 13). At the same time, the constellation of military metaphors in this letter points to an even richer meaning for this appellation (cf. PHILEM 23). v. 10, 'Onesimus': literally 'useful' in Greek. In
(NASB). Ironically, only one other individual in this letter is referred to as 'beloved': Onesimus (in v. 16). 'Co-worker': like the four persons mentioned in v. 24, Philemon is a fellow worker, apparently one who assists the imprisoned apostle. v. 2, 'Apphia': some commentators see her as Philemon's wife. Regardless, she is a Christian (i.e. 'sister'). 'Archippus': the appellation 'fellow-soldier' (cf. Phil 2:25) does not necessarily refer to one who performs a specific task within the church. Because soldiers were well known for their loyalty, the title may represent a character attribute (for other martial imagery, see PHILEM 23). The admonitions to a certain Archippus in Col 4:17 led Knox to ask if Paul's admonitions in Philemon were directed primarily to Archippus (cf. Knox 1959). 'To the church in your house': the earliest Christians gathered and worshipped in private homes (cf. PHILEM 22). v. 3, salutation: 'Grace to you and peace'. To readers of Greek epistles, charis ('grace') would have sounded similar to the typical epistolary
1235 P H I L E M O N
charge that to my account.' The 'if which begins this sentence makes the apodosis hypothetical (cf. C. J. Martin 1992). Onesimus did not necessarily wrong Philemon or owe him anything. At the same time, slavery in the Graeco-Roman world often resulted from personal bankruptcy or need. Under these conditions, individuals were slaves because they were in debt to their masters. Furthermore, even if a slave owed his master nothing, if that slave were to be freed, the owner would expect recompense: he would be reluctant to give away what he considered to be an investment, v. 19, 'I, Paul, am writing
this first reference to Onesimus, Paul is not explicit about how these two came to be together. Apparently Philemon already knew. 'My child': in the Pauline and Deutero-Pauline literature, Onesimus, Titus (Titus 1:4), and Timothy (i Cor 4:17; Phil 2:22; i Tim 1:2, 18; 2 Tim 1:2; 2:1) are the only specific individuals whom Paul refers to as his children. The language, thus, is quite intimate. As in i Cor 4:17 and Phil 2:22, here Paul uses the word 'child' in commending to the addressees the one whom Paul, himself, is sending. 'Whose father I have become': Onesimus was converted by the imprisoned apostle, v. n, by postponing the word 'Onesimus' to the end of v. 10, the Greek highlights the wordplays in v. n. Immediately we are told that Onesimus was formerly 'useless' (achrestos) but 'now is useful (euchrestos) both to you and to me'. In what respect was Onesimus 'useless' (achrestos) ? It is difficult to know if Paul is using this expression in a literal, figurative, or simply rhetorical sense. The reference to 'Onesimus' as having been 'useless' would have sounded ironic to the original readers of this letter. The wordplay is even more notable when we look at achrestos in the light of v. 10. Onesimus became a Christian while with Paul. Before Onesimus met Paul he was not a Christian. He was achristos (without Christ). In Koine Greek, achristos and achrestos were homophones. Thus, Paul is saying: Before Onesimus was a Christian, he was named Onesimus (or 'useful'). Atthattime, however, he was not truly useful, because he was achrcstos/achristos. Now that he is a Christian, however, he is truly useful (cf Winter 1987). As Philemon's messenger and minister to Paul, Onesimus would be useful to both persons, v. 12, T am sending him, that is, my own heart, back to you.' The Greek verb employed here is frequently used to refer to the return of messengers or envoys. 'My own heart' (cf. PHILEM 7, 20): the Greek word splagchna, translated as 'heart', is also a synonym for the Greek word pais
(egrapsa) this with my own hand'. The epistolary aorist functions like a signature on a typed letter (cf. Gal 6:n; Col 4:18; i Cor 16:21). Paul is serious about this request. T say nothing about your owing me even your own self. Paul apparently was responsible not only for the conversion of Onesimus but also for that of Onesimus' owner, v. 20, 'Yes, brother, let me have this benefit from you in the Lord!' In v. 7, after Paul writes that the hearts of the saints had been refreshed through Philemon, he refers to him as 'brother'. Here, similarly, Paul refers to Philemon as 'brother', and asks that he benefit him by refreshing his heart in Christ. Just as Philemon refreshes 'the hearts of the saints', so he is to refresh Paul. The verse has, however, yet another implication. In v. 12, Paul refers to Onesimus as 'my heart'. Paul's reference to Onesimus in v. 20 hinges on the equation Paul makes in v. 7. Thus, when Paul writes 'let me have this benefit (onaimen) from you in the Lord', the term onaimen is not coincidental. In a letter inundated with wordplay, the similarities between onaimen and Onesimus (onesimos) would have been obvious to a Greek-speaking audience. Thus, Philemon here is called upon to refresh both Paul and
Onesimus.
(child) (cf. Artemidorus, Oncirocritica, i. 44). v. 13, T wanted to keep him with me' (Paul wants Philemon to make his own choice; w. 9, 14, 21), 'so that he might be of service to me in your place'. In prison, Paul would have been dependent on outsiders for food, clothing, the delivering of letters, etc. v. 14, T preferred to do nothing without your consent, in order that your good deed might be voluntary'. In v. 6, Paul prays that Philemon might effectively share his faith when he perceives 'all the good that we [the imprisoned?] may do for Christ'. Here Paul expects that Philemon—with free will and this knowledge—will use his goodness appropriately, v. 15, 'Perhaps this is the reason he was separated from you for a while'. Those interpreters who claim that Onesimus was a runaway slave tend to see this verse as Paul's euphemistic handling of a delicate situation (cf. Stoger 1971; Lohse 1971). The Greek word translated as 'separated', however, does not necessarily mean 'ran away'. Slaves were often separated from their owners, conducting business for them, delivering letters, helping others, or simply working where their labour was needed (cf. D. B. Martin 1990). What Paul directly acknowledges is that this separation has resulted in a change in Onesimus' status and how he is to be viewed, v. 16, 'no longer as a slave but more than a slave, a beloved brother'. Onesimus was converted in prison and just as Philemon is referred to as 'beloved' (v. i), just as he is referred to as Paul's 'brother' (w. 7, 20), so Onesimus here is referred to as a 'beloved brother', w. 17— 18, Tf he has wronged you in any way, or owes you anything,
Final Prayer, Greetings, and Blessing (21-5)
w. 2i—2, Paul is confident about both Philemon's obedience and his own release from prison. Furthermore, he asks Philemon to prepare lodging for him. House-churches were not only for worship, Christian meetings, and moral instruction, but also for hosting travellers and guests. Just as Paul had prayed for Philemon (cf. PHILEM 4), so he asks that this community pray for him in his imprisonment. Paul employs the second person plural pronoun, clearly emphasizing his relationship with the entire community, v. 23, 'Fellow prisoner'. The Greek sunaichmalotos actually means 'fellow prisoner of war'. The term points to more than merely shared imprisonment. When Paul, by implication, refers to himself both as a 'soldier' (cf. PHILEM 2) and as a 'prisoner of war', the implication is that Paul's imprisonment followed naturally from his commitment to Christ Jesus. Like famed Roman soldiers, and like Socrates, Paul and Epaphras refused to desert their posts, regardless if it would lead to imprisonment or death (cf. Knox 1955; Wansink 1996). v. 24, Paul refers to the others with him as 'fellow workers' (cf. PHILEM i). Of Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke, the latter figure has provoked the most interest. In 2 Tim 4:11, he is the last person to remain with the imprisoned apostle. In Col 4:14, he is called 'the beloved physician'. Because ancient sources see illness as a terrifying threat faced by the imprisoned, it is interesting to note that each of the references to Luke—the physician—
HEBREWS 1236
appears only in epistles said to have been written from prison, v. 25, a traditional final greeting.
Martin, C. J. (1992), "The Rhetorical Function of Commercial Lan-
guage in Paul's Letter to Philemon (Verse 18)', in D. F. Watson (ed.), Persuasive Artistry: Studies in New Testament Rhetoric in Honor of George A. Kennedy, JSNTSup 50 (Sheffield: JSOT), 321-37. Martin, D. B. (1990), Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in
Pauline Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press). Martin, R. P. (1974), Colossians and Philemon, NCB (London: Oli-
Bartchy, S. S. (1992), 'Philemon, Epistle to', ABD v. 305-10. Birdsall, J. N. (1993), TIPESBYTHS in Philemon 9: A Study in Con-
phants). Nordling, J. G. (1991), 'Onesimus Fugitivus: A Defense of the Run-
jectural Emendation', NTS 39: 625-30. Caird, G. B. (1976), Paul's Letters from Prison (Oxford: Oxford Univer-
away Slave Hypothesis in Philemon', JSNT 41: 97-119. Rapske, B. M. (1991), 'The Prisoner Paul in the Eyes of Onesimus',
sity Press). Gnilka, J. (1982), Der Philemonbrief (Freiburg: Herder). Hock, R. F. (1955), A Support for His Old Age: Paul's Plea on Behalf of
NTS 37:187-203. Reitzenstein, R. (1978), Hellenistic Mystery-Religions: Their Basic Ideas
Onesimus', in L. M. White and O. L. Yarbrough (eds.), The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks (Minneapolis: Fortress) 67-81. Knox, J. (1955), 'Philemon', in G. A. Buttrick (ed.), The Interpreter's
and Significance, trans. J. E. Steely (Pittsburgh: Pickwick). Sampley, J. P. (1980), Pauline Partnership in Christ: Christian Commu-
nity and Commitment in Light of Roman Law (Philadelphia: Fortress). Stoger, A. (1971), The Epistle to Philemon, ed. J. L. McKenzie, trans. M.
Bible (New York: Abingdon), xi. 555-73.
Dunne (New York: Herder & Herder). Stuhlmacher, P. (1981), Der Brief an Philemon, EKKNT (Zurich: Ben-
(1959), Philemon Among the Letters of Paul: A New View of Its Place and Importance (Nashville: Abingdon). Lampe, P. (1985), 'Keine "Sklavenflucht" des Onesimus', ZNW 76:
ziger). Wansink, C. S. (1996), 'Chained in Christ': The Experience and Rhetoric
of Paul's Imprisonments, JSNTSup (Sheffield: JSNT). Winter, S. (1984), 'Methodological Observations on a New Interpreta-
:35-7Lightfoot, J. B. (1904), St Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Phile-
mon (London: Macmillan). Lohse, E. (1971), Colossians and Philemon, trans. W. R. Poehlmann and
tion of Paul's Letter to Philemon', Union Seminary Quarterly Review, 35: 3-12. (1987), 'Paul's Letter to Philemon', NTS 33: 1-15.
R. J. Karris, Hermaneia (Philadelphia: Fortress).
75. Hebrews HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE
B. Date. 1. Dating is equally problematic. Suggestions have ranged from the middle to the end of the first century.
Among the letters attributed to St Paul appears a lengthy work celebrating the person and work of Jesus Christ and encouraging fidelity to his covenant. Although the attribution is certainly secondary, the document is a masterpiece of early Christian homiletics, weaving creative scriptural exegesis with effective exhortation.
Some scholars have argued that the lack of an explicit reference to the destruction of the Jerusalem temple, which occurred in 70 CE during the Jewish revolt against Rome, dates the work prior to 70. Yet Jewish authors after 70, including the historian Josephus and the compilers of the Mishnah, refer to the temple and its cultic system as extant. Hopes for restoration remained alive and expressed themselves in terms of the presence of ideal realities. Furthermore, Hebrews refers not to the temple reconstructed by Herod the Great, but to the tabernacle of Scripture. Hebrews is interested in biblical symbolism, not the fate of the cultic site. The condition of the temple is, therefore, irrelevant to dating.
A. Authorship. 1. Hebrews does not name its author. A reference to 'our brother Timothy' (13:23) may have occasioned the tradition that Paul composed the work. Differences in style and theology between Hebrews and the assuredly genuine epistles of Paul make that attribution most unlikely. Attempts to preserve some degree of Pauline authorship have centred on ch. 13 and its epistolary conclusion (13:18—25), which some have seen as Paul's endorsement of a collaborator's work. Although the conclusion may be an addition, it coheres with the body of the homily and is probably by the same, nonPauline, hand.
2. While a specific date proves elusive, the general range within which Hebrews was written is clear. The work is certainly known to i Clement, an exhortation from the leadership of the church at Rome to Corinth. Although the date of i Clement is debated, it is not likely to be later than no CE. At the other end of the spectrum, the traditions in Hebrews certainly required time to develop. It is unlikely that they reached their current form before 50 CE. The homily, therefore, was composed in the second half of the first century, probably between 55 and 90 CE.
2. The tradition of Pauline authorship was not uniform. Tertullian, in late second-century North Africa, attributed Hebrews to Barnabas. In second-century Alexandria learned leaders of the Church knew but doubted the attribution to Paul. Clement of Alexandria reconciled popular tradition with literary analysis by suggesting that Paul had dictated the text to a scribe such as Luke or Clement of Rome. In the third century, Origen summarized earlier speculation, agreed that the contents were worthy of Paul, but concluded that 'God only knows' who actually wrote it. More recent scholars have proposed other candidates, including Apollos and Sylvanus. Evidence for any is indecisive and the author remains anonymous.
C. Addressees. The greeting from 'those from Italy' (13:24) suggests that the intended recipients of the work's written form were also 'Italians'. It is possible that they were a community, military or mercantile, located outside the homeland, but it is more likely that they were in Italy itself, where Hebrews is known bythe end ofthe first century. Paul's epistle
1237 HEBREWS
Exhortation to Faithful Endurance (10:19—12:13)
to the Romans indicates that by approximately 55 CE a Christian congregation flourished in the capital. This community, or some portion of it, could have been the intended recipients of the homily.
Transitional Admonition: Hold Fast to the Faith; Warning
and Encouragement (10:19-39) A Celebration of the Faithful (11:1-12:3) A Homily on Endurance (12:4—13) Final Advice about Life in the New Covenant (12:14—13:17)
D. Genre and Structure. 1. The end of ch. 13 (13:18-25) reads much like a letter and has close parallels with Pauline epistles. The rest of the text differs markedly from the other letters of the New Testament. The conclusion, therefore, was probably designed to transmit the work to a distant audience.
Transitional Admonition (12:14—17)
Sinai and the Heavenly Jerusalem (12:18-29) Concluding Exhortations (13:1—17) Benediction and Epistolary Postscript (13:18—25)
2. As a whole Hebrews is a striking example of rhetoric serving scriptural exegesis. In making God's word effective (1:1—4; 4^12—13) the text revels in human words. It abounds in ornamental devices, including alliteration, anaphora, assonance, chiasm, litotes, paronomasia, and other figures of speech. Hebrews deploys a rich vocabulary, using illustrations and metaphors from various spheres: agriculture (6:7—8), athletics (5:14; 12:1—3), education (5:12—14), law (9:16—17), and seafaring (6:19).
E. The Message of Hebrews. The homily balances exposition and exhortation. The exposition portrays Christ as the cause of the addressees' salvation (2:10; 5:9; 9:14) and the model for their behaviour (12:1-2). The exhortation has two aspects expressed in recurring motifs. On the one hand the homilist urges his addressees to 'hold fast' to what they have, their confession, their partnership with Christ, the virtues that are appropriate to that partnership (3:6; 3:14). He also urges them to 'move' either 'in' towards the Christ who can be for them a source of aid and comfort, or 'out' to 'endure' a world that challenges their commitments and confession (13:13). Warnings alternate with hopeful assurances based on Christ's presence as a sympathetic mediator (4:14-16; 7:23-4). Covenant fidelity requires faith, hope, and charity (10:22—5), but also specific virtues (13:1—17).
3. Defined as 'word of exhortation' (13:22), Hebrews clearly adapts the homiletic forms of Hellenistic Judaism. The text grounds its exhortations not in general appeals to logic or emotion, but in exposition of an authoritative text. Some sections, e.g. chs. 3 and 4, illustrate formal homiletic patterns built around exposition of a cited text. At the centre of Hebrews a lengthy exposition of the significance of the Day of Atonement reveals a similar structure. A preface summarizes and introduces certain themes (8:1-5). A citation from Jer 31:31—4 follows. The homilist then explores the text in balanced units playing upon several antitheses (9:1-10:10). A summary repeats elements of the scriptural text (10:11-18); a hortatory application follows (10:19-39).
Exordium: The Definitive Word (1:1-4)
Hebrews begins sonorously, with a ringing evocation of the person at the centre of the theology of the work. Alliteration and assonance mark the opening verse, which builds in a series of balanced clauses to the affirmation of the Son's exalted status. In the process, the homilist sounds several key themes interwoven throughout the homily, v. i, God's speech of long ago forms the foundation of Hebrews, which will use texts from the Torah, the Prophets, and the psalms to construct its message. The exegesis of those texts aims to make the word of God a vital reality, v. 2, the final and definitive vehicle for God's revelation is the 'Son'. That he has spoken 'in these last days' suggests not merely that he delivered his message recently, but that the context of his speech is the final act in the salvific drama, the imminent divine judgement; cf. 9:28; 10:25; 12:18—29. Th£ note that the Son is 'heir of all things' introduces a recurrent theme (cf. v. 4; 1:14; 3:1; 6:17; 9:15; 12:25—9), among both Hellenistic Jews (e.g. Philo, Quis Heres) and early Christians. The latter expected to be heirs of God's kingdom (e.g., Mt 5:5; 25:35; i Cor 6:9—10), immortality or eternal life (Mt 19:29; Mk 10:17; Lk 10:25; J Cor 15:50), salvation (i Pet 1:4—5), or the heavenly city (Rev 21:2—7). The basic structure of the motif resembles Gal 3:23-4:7, where Christ's status as heir secures the inheritance of his followers. An evocation of Christ's role in creation balances the affirmation of his eschatological status as heir. Like other early Christians (Jn 1:3; i Cor 8:6; Rom 11:36; Col 1:16), Hebrews exalts the significance of Jesus by transferring to him attributes of divine Wisdom (Prov 8:22—31). v. 3, Sapiential tradition is transparent in the affirmation that the Son is the
4. Homiletic devices appear in other portions of the work. Stern warnings against the dangers of apostasy punctuate the text (2:1-4; 6:1-20; 10:26-31; 12:14-17; 12:25-9). Th£ catalogue of exemplars of faith in ch. n resembles appeals to examples of virtue in Hellenistic moral discourse. Exegetical strategies also vary, from the concatenation of scriptural citations in ch. i through the playful reflection on Melchizedek in ch. 7.
5. The interplay of exegesis and exhortation in carefully balanced segments leads to a climactically ordered composition that builds an appeal for renewed faith. That structure may be outlined as follows:
Exordium: The Definitive Word (1:1-4) Christ Exalted and Humiliated, a Suitable High Priest (1:5—2:18)
A Catena of Scriptural Citations (1:5—14) Transitional Admonition: To Attend Carefully (2:1-4) The Subjection and Glorification of the Son (2:5-9) Christ and his Family (2:10—18) Christ Faithful and Merciful (3:1—5:10)
A Homily on Faith (3:1-4:11) Transitional Exhortation: Approach the Merciful High
Priest (4:14—16) The Merciful Christ and the High Priests (5:1—10) The Priestly Work of Christ (5:11-10:18)
Transitional Admonition (5:11-6:20)
Scriptural Reflection: Christ and Melchizedek (7:1-28) Scriptural Reflection: Christ's Sacrifice and the New
Covenant (8:1-10:18)
HEBREWS 1238
'reflection of God's glory', which echoes Wis 7:26. The description of Christ as the 'imprint of God's very being' juxtaposes a monetary image (charakter: 'stamp') and a metaphysical term (hypostasis). The former term parallels affirmations about Christ as the 'image' (tikori) of the divine (cf. 2 Cor 4:4; Rom 8:29; Col 1:15). The philosophical term reappears at 3:14 and 11:1 with varying connotations. Creation is not the sole venue of the Son's activity. Like the powerful force of divine Wisdom who 'pervades, penetrates and renews' all things (Wis 7:24—7), the Son too 'sustains all things by his powerful word'. The Jewish philosopher and exegete Philo also remarked frequently on the sustaining activity of the Logos or Word of God (Som. 1.241; Quis Hcrcs, 7; Migr. Abr. 6). Such affirmations may underlie Hebrews, although here the divine word is embodied in a human person. The homilist is not concerned with cosmology, but with the way in which the Son sustains a community struggling to be faithful (cf. 4:14—16; 12:1—2). The heart of the Son's activity is his sacrificial death, whereby he effected 'purification for sins'. This phrase adumbrates the complex theme of Christ's priestly action that will dominate the central chapters (8:1-10:18, esp. 9:13-14, 26). Of equal structural significance is the picture of the Son's session 'at the right hand'. The image derives from Ps 110:1, the celebration of the enthronement of an Israelite king. Inspired by Jewish literature portraying the exaltation of the persecuted righteous (e.g. i Enoch 45:3; 79:27—9; T. Levi 2—5; Wis 2:4—5), early Christians regularly affirmed God's vindication of Christ in terms of his exaltation, using Ps 110:1 to refer to that event (Mt 22:44; Acts 2:34-5; Eph 1:20; i Pet 3:22). The Psalm's imagery reappears at key points in Hebrews (1:14; 8:1; 10:12; 12:2), articulating its structure and advancing the heavenly status of the Son as a ground for hope. Unlike other early Christian texts, Hebrews also uses another verse from the Psalm to establish a relationship between Christ and Melchizedek (cf. Ps 110:4 a^ 5:^; 6:20; 7:1—28). v. 4, the affirmation that the Son is 'superior to the angels' has been construed as polemic against Christians or Jews who accorded too high a status to angels or against Christians who considered the exalted Christ an angel. Hebrews offers no evidence of such polemical concerns elsewhere. The remark stands in continuity with the scenario of exaltation, in which a status higher than the angels is common (cf. Phil 2:9-10; Col 1:15-18; Eph 1:21; i Pet 3:22). The phrase affords a transition to the collection of citations about the exalted one in v. 5. The exordium ends with an argument about Christ's 'inherited' name. To obtain a special name is also part of a process of exaltation (cf. Phil 2:9; 3 Enoch 12:15; Philo, Conf. Ling. 146). Though not specified, the name is certainly 'Son', a title that begins the following catena and plays a role in the contrast between Christ and Moses (3:6). The imagery of 'inheritance' associated with the moment of glorification stands in tension with the affirmation of the Son's role in creation. The homilist has not systematized his Christological traditions but has interwoven two formally distinct models in his affirmation of Christ's heavenly status.
Formally, the chapter resembles collections of citations made by members of the sectarian community at Qumran (4QFlor; 4QTestim). Like such collections, this catena applies scriptural verses to a contemporary situation. The catena in its entirety exalts the Son, arguing that he is superior to beings assumed to be of high status, the angels, v. 5, the rhetorical question introducing Ps 2:7 links the catena with the exordium and, with the reference to the angels in v. 14, frames the catena. The artificial connection between the frame and the contents suggests that, at least in part, the collection derives from a traditional florilegium serving catechetical or apologetic needs. The first text cited, Ps 2:7, which reappears at 5:5, is linked with 2 Sam 7:14, a combination attested in the Dead Sea scrolls (cf. 4QFlor i.io—n and 18—19). Both texts originally expressed Israel's royal ideology, according to which the king, at his accession ('today'), became God's adopted son. 2 Sam 7:14 is part of Nathan's oracle, promising YHWH's fidelity to David's household. Early Christians linked Ps 2:7 with Christ's baptism (Mt 3:16—17; Mk 1:10—n; Lk 3:21—2) and exaltation (Acts 13:33-4). 2 Sam 7:14 applies to believers, not Christ, at 2 Cor 6:18 and Rev 21:7. v. 6, the introduction of this verse has raised difficulties. The most natural reading suggests that the homilist construes the verse to be a call to angels to worship the Son at his birth. Some scholars refer 'the world' to the supernal or heavenly realm. Others take the adverb 'again' temporally and construe the event to be Christ's parousia. The adverb in this context has no temporal sense, but simply links verses in the catena (cf. v. 5; 2:13). The homilist apparently has appropriated a florilegium focused on the eschatological exaltation of Jesus and reinterpreted it within the framework of his understanding of Christ as the agent of creation as well as redemption (1:2-3). Th£ text focuses on the lofty status of the Son, so high that even the angels must worship him even when he enters the cosmos, v. 7, the next verse refers not to Christ but to the angels with whom he is compared. Ps 104:4 originally hymned the power of God who makes even winds and fire instruments of his word. The homilist exploits the grammatical ambiguity of the Greek translation to construe the text to mean that God can make his angels mere winds and his other, presumably supernatural, servants mere flames, w. 8-9, the image of mutable angels contrasts with the vision of eternal stability in Ps 45:6—7, which originally praised the majesty of the Israelite king at his wedding. The psalm glorified the monarch for his righteousness and claimed that this quality distinguished him from other kings. Hebrews takes the 'companions' of the Son to be other members of the divine realm, or angels, to whom Jesus, because of his 'anointing' as heavenly priest, is superior. His throne, the locus of his authority, is also eternal (cf. 4:16). The ambiguity of the addressee proved attractive to the homilist. The first verse could be construed to say that the king's throne, or foundation of his authority, is God. Alternatively, 'God' could be taken as a vocative, a title of majesty applied to the Son. Similar ambiguity surfaces in v. 9, which could be read as 'O God, your God has anointed you'. Although Hebrews does not otherwise use the title 'God' for the Son, the ambiguity here was probably intentional. The
Christ Exalted and Humiliated, a Suitable High Priest (1:5-2:18)
Son who is the 'stamp of God's very being' (1:3) could well be styled 'God', w. 10—12, the next citation derives from Ps 102:25-8, a lament contrasting the pitiable state of the sup-
(1:5—14) A Catena of Scriptural Citations The rest of the chapter consists of citations from Scripture, primarily the Psalms.
1239 HEBREWS
of humankind, made 'a little lower than the angels', thus 'crowned... with glory and honour' and set in a position of dominion with 'all things under their feet'. Thus the psalm finally celebrates humanity's status in the created order. The citation omits one clause from the original, 'You have set him over the works of your hands'. The verse, focusing on the present world, might have made the homilist's rereading more difficult. The NRSV captures the psalm's original sense, but obscures the basis for the homilist's interpretation. In Greek the psalm reads: 'What is man that you are mindful of him or the son of man that you care for him?' In v. 7 the psalmist's response uses the singular pronoun in referring generically to the human beings to whom all things are subject, w. 8/7—9, by exploiting ambiguities in the text, the homilist construes the primary referent of the passage to be not humankind in general but Christ. He may or may not know of the attribution of the title 'Son of Man', connected with Dan 7:13, to Jesus (cf. e.g. Mt 8:20; 12:40; 24:27 and parallels; Jn 1:51; 12:23; Acts 7:56). He does interpret the singular nouns 'man' and 'son of man' in the first verse to refer to an individual, not a collectivity. He interprets the psalmist's response in v. 7 not as parallel affirmations of the exalted status of all humans, but as a brief synopsis of Christ's story. Finally, he construes the adverbial phrase, 'a little bit', in v. 7 as temporal ('for a little while'), not qualitative. His first comment in v. 8 treats the notion of subjection. He continues to use the singular, not specifying its antecedent, but noting that, contrary to the absolute phrasing of the psalm, 'all things' have not been brought into subjection 'to him' (not 'to them' as in the NRSV). The subjection envisioned is apparently the subordination of Messiah's enemies promised by Ps no (cf. 1:13). The final eschatological victory remains to be achieved, as in i Cor 15:27. In the interim what can be seen, at least with the eyes of faith, is Jesus, whose human name appears for the first time. The homilist refers to Jesus with phrases from the psalm, applying 'for a little while made lower than the angels' to his incarnation and 'crowned... with glory and honour' to his exaltation. These phrases frame the note that the exaltation took place 'because of the suffering of death'. He concludes by recognizing that Jesus' death was for others. The biblical expression 'tasted' death (Isa 51:17; 4 Ezra 6:16; Mt 16:28; Jn 8:52) refers to death's bitter reality. For the phrase 'by the grace of God' some M S S and patristic citations read 'apart from God', which could evoke the forlorn cry of Jesus on the cross (Mt 27:46; Mk 15:34), butthis understanding conflicts with 5:7 which describes God as hearing the prayers of Jesus. The phrase was probably a marginal gloss, inspired by i Cor 15:27, noting that God is not among things subjected to the Messiah.
plicant with the Creator's majesty. Unlike the ambiguous vocative, 'O God', in the previous citation, the divine name 'Lord' is clearly a vocative in the first verse of this psalm. The psalm originally addressed YHWH; the homilist, who believes the Son to be involved in creation (1:2-3) applies the title to him. The remainder of the psalm evokes the assuring images of stability associated with the Son (cf 6:18—19; 7:21-4; 13:8). v. 13, the catena closes with an explicit citation of Ps 110:1, forming an indusio with the exordium (1:3). v. 14, the concluding comment recalls the language of Ps 104, cited in v. 7. Angels merely serve the heirs, who share the Son's inheritance (1:2, 4). (2:1-4) Transitional Admonition: To Attend Carefully The first of several warning passages interrupts the exposition of Scripture, which continues in 2:5—9. Th£ exhortation shifts focus and tone. Previously Hebrews had emphasized the heavenly status of the Son; the text now highlights Christ's participation in suffering humanity, v. i, the warning not to 'drift away' bespeaks anxiety about defection from the community that pervades the warning passages (cf. 6:4; 10:25, 29> 12:17, 25)- Whatever the external factors, such as persecution (10:32-4), the image of casual drifting suggests that lassitude or indifference was perceived to be part of the addressees' problem; cf. 12:12—13. w2~3> Hebrews regularly uses the threat of punishment as part of its exhortation to renewed fidelity. The 'message declared through angels' is the Torah itself. Scripture does not ascribe such a role to angels, although Ps 68:18 intimates their presence at Sinai. Later Jewish tradition does, however, accord a role to angels in delivering the Torah (cf. Jub. 1:27-9; 5O:I-I3; Jos- -Ant. 15.126). The question 'how can we escape?' implies an a fortiori argument. Here the contrasting parts of the analogy
are the ancient Hebrews, warned by angels about the consequences of transgression, and contemporary Christians. The chronological progression of the proclamation, from the Lord, to his followers, then to contemporaries, may reflect traditional formulations about the spread of the gospel (cf. Acts 10:36-9). v. 4, the description of contemporary reality in terms of 'signs, wonders and miracles', based upon OT accounts (Deut 4:34; Ps 135:9; Jer 32:20—1), recalls Christian experience (e.g. Mt 11:20; Mk 6:4; i Cor 12:10; Gal 3:5). That displays of power confirm the gospel is an apologetic commonplace (Mk 16:20; Acts 3:1—10; 14:3—11).
(2:5—9) Tne Subjection and Glorification of the Son The text at the centre of the next section, Ps 8:4—6, exhibits thematic connections to the scriptural catena of the first chapter. It may have been part of a traditional catena on which our homilist based his exposition. He subjects the verse to a Christological reading in terms of the incarnation and suffering of the Son. v. 5, the introductory comment continues the contrast between Son and angels. Its reference to the 'world to come' reinforces the notions of imminent judgement and cosmic transformation intimated by Ps 102, cited at 1:10—12. w. 6—8a, the studied imprecision of the citation formula ('someone... somewhere') is paralleled in first-century Jewish interpreters (Philo, Ebr. 61; Deus Imm. 74). Ps 8 praises God's powerful majesty and questions the significance of humanity in the face of the divine glory ('What are human beings ... ?'). The psalmist responds to his query by affirming the lofty status
(2:10-18) Christ and his Family The note in v. 9 that Christ tasted death for all foreshadows this section, which describes the salvific effects of Christ's death and explicitly introduces the title 'high priest', v. 10, concern about what is 'fitting' to say of God is common in Hellenistic theology (cf. Ps.-Arist. DC Mundo, 397/7; Plut. DC Is. el Os. 78, 383A). The emphasis of such theology on the loftiness of the divine suits the designation of God as Creator 'for whom and through whom all things exist'. The homilist, however, focuses on the appropriate relationship between means and end in the salvific process. God's purpose to bring 'many children [lit. sons] to glory'
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forces (As. Mos. 10:1; T. Levi 18:2; i Enoch 10:13; 2 Esd iy1' iQM 1:11—17). Early Christian texts apply the scheme to Jesus, who conquers the diabolical world (Mt 12:25-30; Lk 10:18; Jn 12:31; 14:30; 16:11; i Jn3:8; Rev 12:7-10), or more specifically death (i Cor 15:26, 55; 2 Tim 1:10; Rev 20:14; 21:4; Od. Sol. 15:9; 29:4). v. 15, the liberating result of Christ's combat with the devil resembles the key episode in the myths of heroes such as Orpheus or Heracles who descend to the underworld to free death's captives. The homilist was no doubt familiar with such myths and their metaphorical applications, where a major theme is the 'fear of death', often seen to be a basic human problem (Eur. Or. 1522; Lucr. DC rerum naturd, 1.102-26; Epict. Diss. 1.17.25). The Stoic philosopher and dramatist Seneca, for example, portrayed the story of Heracles as a model of liberation from the fear of death (Here. Furens 858-92; cf. Here. Oetaeus 1434-40, 1557-9, 1940-88). For Hebrews, it is not Stoic acceptance of death, but assured hope in heavenly glory that effects liberation, v. 16, a parenthetical remark concludes the theme of Christ and the angels that framed the scriptural catena of the first chapter. Christ's action in 'coming to help' (lit. grab hold of) continues the imagery of the hero's quest to free death's captives. The object of the hero's attention are the 'descendants [lit. seed] of Abraham'. This group includes not only the physical descendants of Abraham among whom Jesus lived but also those who stand in the tradition of Abraham's faith, the heirs of God's promises (cf. 6:13—17; 11:8—19). Hebrews thus shares an early Christian claim to be the true seed of Abraham; cf. Lk 1:55; Gal 3:8-9, 29; 4:28-31; Rom 4:1-25; Jn 8:33. v. 17, the reflection on the 'fittingness' of God's action concludes with a summary involving important Christological themes. The affirmation that Jesus was 'like his brothers and sisters in every respect' will later (4:15) be modified, but the insistence on his humanity remains constant. His human experience qualifies Jesus for his office of'high priest'. The title appears for the first time, although the exordium (1:3) alluded to it. The character of Christ's priestly office and ministry stands at the heart of Hebrews (chs. 7—10). The 'merciful' character of this high priest comes to expression in his intercessory function
may reflect the original meaning of Ps 8, cited in w. 6-7. The divine plan clearly involves participation by Christ's followers as fellow heirs in his eschatological rule; cf. 1:13—14. 'Pioneer' describes the agent of glorification, the one who has already been glorified (cf. 2:8-9). Th£ relatively rare epithet (Gk. archegos, lit. fore-leader) appears in Acts 3:15; 5:31, and Heb 12:2. Both attestations in Hebrews involve untranslatable wordplays. The term here suggests Christ's role as the pathbreaker on the way to heavenly glory (cf. 'forerunner' at6:2o). What is fitting is God's making this agent 'perfect through suffering'. Hebrews develops the notion of perfection in complex ways. Applied to Christ, it refers to the way in which he is made fit to fulfil his duties as a special kind of priest (cf. 5:810; 7:28). In that office he is able to bring perfection to his followers (9:9; 10:14; II:4°; 12:2, 23). The key to Christ's perfection is his experience of suffering that renders him compassionate and sympathetic (2:17-18; 5:9). v. n, what binds the Son to his siblings is not simply physical kinship but sanctity. The cultic language hints at the theme of Christ's priesthood and the effects attributed to his sacrificial death (cf. 9:13-14; 10:1-2, 10, 14; 13:12). There is ambiguity in the formulation of the unity between sanctifier and sanctified, which the NRSV resolves with the translation 'have one Father'. The Greek states simply 'are all of one'. While other interpretations of the 'one' are possible (e.g. Adam, Abraham), the resolution is appropriate in this context which had just pointed to God, the source and goal of all (2:10). Hebrews has thus applied to the Christian community the kind of expression of solidarity often found in Jewish sources (e.g. Philo, On Virtues, 79). Because of their spiritual relationship, Jesus can address his followers with familial language, v. 12, Ps 22:22, construed as a remark of Jesus, provides evidence for his relationship to his followers. The citation reflects the early church use of kinship categories for the community of faith (e.g. Rom 1:13; 16:4; Acts 1:15). The only other saying attributed to Christ in Hebrews, at 10:5-7, is also a citation from the Psalms. Ps 22, a prayer of supplication in time of distress, is prominent in the passion narratives (Mt 27:35, 39, 43, 46, and par; Lk 23:35; Jn 19:24). The homilist may evoke such texts here, but he focuses on a verse not cited elsewhere. As a simple proof text, Ps 22:2 establishes that the speaker, presumed to be the Messiah, preaches to his 'brothers and sisters'. The second clause indicates that the status of children of God is a matter of 'the congregation'. The Greek term ekklesia, used again at Heb 12:23, is me common designation for the Christian assembly, v. 13, two more scriptural verses support the solidarity of Christ and his followers. They probably derive from Isa 8:17-18, although the first also resembles 2 Sam 22:3 and Isa 12:2. The separation between the verses highlights the notion of'trust' in the first. The attitude attributed to the 'pioneer' foreshadows the complex notion of faith that Christ and his followers are meant to share (11:1-12:3). v. 14, attention shifts from the relationship between Christ and his followers to the act establishing that relationship. The fact that Jesus fully shares in 'flesh and blood' exemplifies the insistence of Hebrews on Christ's full humanity (cf. 2:17; 5:710; 12:1-4). Depiction of Christ's death as a struggle against 'the one who has the power of death... the devil', evokes an ancient mythical theme. In Jewish apocalyptic sources it comes to expression as the Messiah's victory over demonic