Acts 17:18

Acts 17:18

Philosophic schools abounded, with Stoics being dominant in this period (later centuries of Christians engaged more Platonism, which had returned to the fore by that period). Platonism, developing ideas of Socrates’ pupil Plato, distinguished the world known through the senses, a world of shadows, from the real world of ideas that stood behind it. Plato emphasized the immortality of the soul. In this period Platonism was adapting some elements of Stoicism; representatives of this period of Middle Platonism are Philo of Alexandria, a Jewish philosopher, and, later, Plutarch. Neo-Pythagoreans shared many views with wider Platonism (e.g., reincarnation) but with distinctive Pythagorean emphasis on numbers, vegetarianism, and the like. Smaller schools also flourished. Peripatetics followed the teaching of Aristotle. Cynics were antisocial. Skeptics emphasized cultural diversity and doubted natural universals.

The philosophic schools noted in are Stoics and Epicureans. Only members of the upper classes followed Epicureanism. Epicureanism’s “theological” views resemble later deism: deities are not involved in the world and are not relevant to it. Going beyond deists, they denied divine design in nature, against the Stoics and other philosophers who affirmed it. Epicureans believed that whatever deities existed could be known only by means of the senses—thus beings such as stars. Epicureans defined the proper goal of life as pleasure, by which they meant the lack of physical pain and emotional disturbance. It was their view of pleasure that their Stoic rivals opposed most regularly.

Stoicism had socially radical beginnings, but by this period they supported the social status quo and were appreciated by some in power, including the current emperor. They believed that logos, or reason, structured the matter of which the universe consisted; the universe would be resolved into periodic fire and even the gods would be recycled. Early Stoicism was monistic, but Stoicism had moved away from that as well as from its radical utopianism. Fate controlled destiny; a person’s only defense against it was to control what one genuinely could control, namely, one’s own attitude. Calmness rather than negative emotions should rule. Stoics and Epicureans remained rivals, but engaged in more sophisticated dialogue than in earlier periods. Stoics claimed to believe in traditional Greek gods yet allegorized and reinterpreted the myths about such gods, since these myths depicted the gods as immoral and often weak. Stoic ethics overlaps Christian ethics at many points. ◆

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Paul has much more common ground with Stoics than with Epicureans, as his speech will show (vv. ); this is good for Luke’s audience, who respected the popular Stoics more than the often criticized Epicureans (cf. the similar alignment with popular Pharisaism as against unpopular Sadducees; ). babbler. The term came to apply to those who recycled scraps from other people’s opinions rather than offering a coherent and creative synthesis. Jesus and the resurrection. Ready as they are to criticize from their own standpoint, these critics are woefully ignorant of Paul’s: they think that Paul is “advocating foreign gods,” plural, because he preaches “Jesus and the resurrection.” That is, they take Resurrection, Anastasis, as a feminine name and suppose that Paul preaches a male-female dyad, a common way of viewing deities in this period. Popular religion deemed many philosophers, unlike the Stoics, irreligious for rejecting conventional Greek religion, though most philosophers allowed the value of traditional religion for the masses. The charge against Paul, “advocating foreign gods,” evokes one common version of the earlier charge against Socrates (cf. note on v. ). Athens had arraigned some others on this same charge.

Areopagus. Athens’ aristocratic city council and leading court, with roughly a hundred members. Most were not professional philosophers but they were familiar with philosophy. They could investigate foreign cults and determine whether visiting speakers would be granted public lectureships. Centuries earlier they had tried Socrates for “advocating foreign gods” (v. ) and had him executed; although there is no danger here of Paul being executed, most of Luke’s audience would catch the implicit comparison with Socrates and his rejected wisdom.

latest ideas. Athenians were widely known for always seeking what was new.

In addition to citing Greek poets (v. ), Paul’s speech here employs high quality literary Greek and rhetorical devices. Especially in vv. , there are many points of contact with the dominant Stoic philosophy; the connections follow a long-standing Jewish intellectual legacy. For more than 300 years Diaspora Jewish intellectuals had selected ideas in Greek philosophy useful for making Judaism respectable among Greeks.

I see . . . you are very religious. Speeches customarily opened by praising the audience, including in Athens. Although Paul is not pleased with the city’s cults (v. ), he concedes that they are “very religious.” very religious. The expression can be either positive or negative; his hearers will assume that it is positive, whereas Luke’s audience will understand it as at best guarded language. Granted, the Stoic and Epicurean philosophers who brought Paul to the Areopagus () will not be interested in altars (; see notes on and ), though Stoics would consider themselves devout (). By contrast, members of the Areopagus, being civic officials, would be publicly supportive of Athens’ civic religion, which was inseparable from civic pride.

an altar with this inscription: TO AN UNKNOWN GOD. Speakers sometimes praised local sites. Paul could have seen any one of Athens’ many inscriptions to unknown gods. Athenian tradition declared that during an ancient plague sacrifices to all known deities failed to end the plague. The Cretan Epimenides (cf. v. ) advised the Athenians, and they built altars to unknown gods wherever the sheep designated for sacrifice rested.

does not live in temples. Epicureans (v. ) denied the need for temples or sacrifices; although some Stoics (v. ) accepted such activities, their early tradition was pantheistic and saw no need for them. While relating to philosophers on this point, Paul also evoked Scripture, unknown to them (cf. ). The meeting place of the Areopagus, meanwhile, was surrounded by temples.

as if he needed anything. That God does not need anything was a basic premise of Stoic philosophers and was commonly affirmed in Hellenistic Jewish works. In Scripture, cf., e.g., . he . . . gives everyone life and breath. Cf. ; .

From one man. Evokes the Biblical account of Adam, although Greeks had some similar traditions. (This does contrast with one Athenian tradition about Athenians springing from the soil, separate from other peoples, though Luke’s audience may not have thought of this.) marked out their appointed times . . . and the boundaries. Biblically, God established the boundaries of nations (; many Greeks agreed) and of epochs in history. Jewish thinking about epochs included especially the historical succession of empires, including Rome.

Stoics taught that God pervaded everything; Jewish thinkers affirmed his omnipresence, though denying (against early Stoics) pantheism.

“For in him we live and move and have our being.” This is usually credited to Epimenides (cf. note on v. ); the same poem is quoted in . “We are his offspring.” Since Paul was from Tarsus in Cilicia, he undoubtedly knew of the Cilician poet Aratus, the likeliest author of this statement; Cleanthes, a Stoic, wrote similarly. Although Jewish people regularly prayed to God as Father of his people, they sometimes portrayed him, as Gentiles also sometimes did, as Father of all creation.

an image made by human design and skill. Most philosophers refused to identify gods with their statues; some, however, justified the statues as mere reminders of the gods. Paul and other Jews rejected idols altogether.

ignorance. Speakers on controversial topics built rapport from the beginning of their speeches, reserving the most controversial points for the end. Most of Paul’s hearers in the Areopagus, who belonged to the educated elite, would balk at their statue-venerating heritage being called “ignorance,” despite admitting their ignorance of the unknown god (v. ). repent. Jewish people welcomed Gentiles to repent, turning to God; philosophers spoke of conversion to philosophy.

he has set a day. Most Jewish views of history included an eschatological climax with a day of judgment; Greeks lacked such a view. judge the world with justice. See ; .

resurrection of the dead. Greeks lacked not only belief in an eschatological climax, but also belief in a bodily resurrection (v. ); unfamiliar with Jewish understandings of eschatological transformation, some Greeks might even envision such an event as corpses being reconstituted and entering the world of the living. Most who believed in an afterlife believed either that the soul would experience a shadowy netherworld or that it would fly up to the heavens freed from the encumbrance of bodily existence.

member of the Areopagus. The aristocratic Areopagus was Athens’ city council and leading court, with roughly a hundred members. woman named Damaris. Athens traditionally secluded women (other than high-class prostitutes) from public life, but a minority of philosophic schools had women disciples, of whom Damaris could be one.

Artist’s recreation of the first-century forum at Corinth.

© Balage Baloge, www.archaeologyillustrated.com

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went to Corinth. The heavily populated Roman capital of Achaia (Greece) lay 53 miles (85 kilometers) to Athens’ west. Because the southern coasts of Greece were dangerous for ships, the sea trade between Italy and the prosperous Roman province of Asia passed through the Isthmus of Corinth, making Corinth wealthy. Rome decimated old Corinth in 146 BC, reestablishing it as a Roman colony in 44 BC. Although some Greeks continued living there in the interim and many Greeks remained in Paul’s day, full citizens of Corinth were Roman citizens and Latin was the language of official civic business. Corinth was the best preparation possible for any future ministry of Paul in Rome or the western Mediterranean.

Claudius. Emperor of Rome from AD 41 to 54, he dealt firmly with the Jewish community at various times, and expelled them from the city of Rome, probably in AD 49, shortly before Paul reached Corinth. What provoked the expulsion order was conflict in the Jewish community over one “Chrestus,” usually thought to be debates about Jesus as the Christ. Jewish Roman citizens probably would not have left, however, and probably many others also remained; given the controversy, however, leaders of the Jesus movement were probably among those forced to leave.

tentmaker as they were. People of the same trade often lived and ran shops in the same neighborhood with one another, but most Jewish people lived in Jewish enclaves distinct from wider trade connections. Tarsus was known for its textile industry, but many scholars think that the term translated “tentmaker” more often referred generally to leather workers. Certainly tools for leatherworking would have been easier for Paul to carry from one city to the next. stayed and worked with them. Despite the importance of hospitality in antiquity, guests were rarely welcomed for more than three weeks. The working arrangement here differs from usual hospitality, however; many workers lived in mezzanine or other apartments attached to their ground-floor shops. Women often worked as artisans or sellers alongside their husbands. Although artisans were often proud of their work, people of status usually despised manual labor, and most Gentile sages avoided it. Some Jewish teachers in this period had another trade besides teaching, often learned from their fathers.

synagogue. Non-Greek religious movements, such as Judaism and the Egyptian cult of Isis and Sarapis, established themselves in and around Corinth. Archaeologists found an inscription in Corinth noting its synagogue.

from Macedonia. Silas and Timothy brought a gift from Macedonian churches (; cf. ).

shook out his clothes in protest. See . Your blood be on your own heads! One who refused to warn the wicked to turn from their way would be guilty of their blood (; especially ).

house of Titius Justus. The name Titius Justus indicates a Roman citizen; Corinth was a Roman colony whose full citizens were also Roman citizens, mostly descended from Roman settlers and freedpersons. Various associations, sometimes including synagogues, started in homes; churches met mostly there in the earliest centuries. He likely had a large home. Scholars estimate that many of these large homes in Corinth could fit 40 to 50 persons; they did, however, vary considerably in size. worshiper of God. See note on .

Crispus. A Roman name sometimes used by Jewish people; although the name does not prove this, he may have been a Jewish Roman citizen. synagogue leader. An influential, high-status member of (or sometimes benefactor for) the local Jewish community. baptized. Corinth had many public baths and fountains.

Gallio. Brother of the Stoic philosopher Seneca. An inscription suggests that Gallio became Achaia’s proconsul July 1 of AD 51 (or on some views 52); although the normal term of office was two years, Gallio left office early because he was ill. The incident Luke reports here thus probably occurred in late 51 or in 52. place of judgment. Probably refers to the fairly new, roofed and elevated platform at the southern end of the city’s forum.

worship God in ways contrary to the law. Some scholars believe that the accusers are charging Paul with apostasy from the Jewish community, therefore removing his exemption from being expected to worship the emperor. Others doubt that participation in the emperor cult was legally enforced, although it was certainly wildly popular.

settle the matter yourselves. A judge’s first determination was whether to hear a case or not; viewing Paul’s faith as Jewish, Gallio views the dispute as an internal Jewish matter. Jewish communities and other groups of resident aliens had freedom to decide their own affairs; Rome did not normally meddle in these matters if they did not affect public order.

drove them off. Gallio’s impatience with a local Jewish community in a Roman colony may reflect wider attitudes in the wake of the emperor’s recent treatment of Rome’s Jewish community (v. ); on anti-Judaism more generally, see note on .

turned on Sosthenes . . . and beat him. Shouting and tempers were common in ancient legal settings; people could have carried out the beating, however, only if Gallio refused to intervene. Scholars debate whether the abusers are Gentiles hostile toward Jews or members of the Jewish community.

Priscilla and Aquila. Writers normally named husbands before wives unless the wives held higher status. had his hair cut off. One normally shaved the head at the completion of a vow, in Jerusalem, but Paul may have shaved before a long vow or perhaps many Diaspora Jews undertook vows without requiring completion in Jerusalem. Cenchreae. Corinth had major ports on both sides of the Isthmus of Corinth; Cenchreae was the port on the Aegean side, from which Paul could sail east (cf. note on ).

Ephesus. Asia Minor’s most prominent city, with 100,000 or even 200,000 residents. The governor of the Roman province of Asia resided there, and it had a class of newly rich people as well as a Jewish community.

I will come back if it is God’s will. Both Jews and (more often) Gentiles often said, “If it is God’s will . . .” Sometimes Gentiles used the plural (e.g., “if the gods are favorable” or “if the gods will”), but Stoics and others often spoke in this way of “God,” usually referring to Fate or the chief deity Zeus.

went up to Jerusalem. The Greek text does not specify “to Jerusalem” but most scholars believe it is strongly implied, given Luke’s usual use of “went up.” Antioch. Over 200 miles (320 kilometers) north of Caesarea, making for an unusually long walk to Antioch unless Paul had other business in Judea.

Alexandria. The chief city of the eastern Mediterranean and the second-largest city in the Roman Empire. Greeks and Macedonians had founded the city in Egypt’s delta region, and the dominant Greeks, perhaps a third of the city, referred to their city as “Alexandria near Egypt,” emphasizing its Greek heritage. Alexandria may have been roughly one-third Jewish. The Jewish elite there had a Hellenistic education, with exposure to rhetoric and philosophy, but Jews, like local Egyptians, were mostly shut out of Alexandrian citizenship.

Priscilla and Aquila. See note on v. . Luke uses informal forms of names such as Priscilla and (earlier in Acts) Silas; Paul’s letters employ the formal forms Prisca and Silvanus. explained to him the way of God more adequately. By ancient Mediterranean standards, Priscilla’s involvement in teaching a man here is unusual, although the less public setting may have mitigated many concerns.

Achaia. Corinth was the capital of the Roman province of Achaia. wrote to the disciples there to welcome him. Letters of recommendation were very common and could be carried by the recommendee (see note on ).

vigorously refuted his Jewish opponents in public debate. Corinth highly valued public speaking and displays of knowledge, reinforcing the humiliation of those refuted.

Aerial view of the theater at Ephesus and the commercial agora area.

Barry Beitzel/www.BiblePlaces.com

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have not even heard that there is a Holy Spirit. Jewish tradition often spoke about the Holy Spirit; they are not claiming that they have not heard the expression, but that they have not heard that the Spirit was already available.

baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus. Besides the nearby Selinus River, Ephesus had numerous fountains and public baths.

lecture hall of Tyrannus. While “Tyrannus” may be a nickname (“tyrant,” perhaps for a demanding teacher or landlord), it is a name that appears commonly in Ephesian inscriptions. Possibly Tyrannus—if he was the hall’s usual lecturer and not its landlord—lectured in the mornings (lectures often finished by 11:00 a.m.) and Paul rented it for use in the afternoons, perhaps starting during the usual two-hour midday siesta period. From a Greco-Roman perspective, Paul adopts here the role of a philosophic-type sage.

all the Jews and Greeks . . . in the province. Word spread quickly in and from major urban centers such as Ephesus.

handkerchiefs and aprons . . . cured. Cf. note on . Although the matter is debated, many commentators see the handkerchiefs as Paul’s sweat cloths wrapped around the head and the aprons as work aprons (cf. ).

tried to invoke the name of the Lord Jesus. Practitioners of magic believed they could control spirits by invoking their names, and they sometimes summoned more powerful spirits to deal with lesser ones. Jewish practitioners of magic were often particularly respected because of their alleged possession of the supreme god’s secret name (the name Yahweh was not normally pronounced).

Sceva, a Jewish chief priest. Outsiders would suppose that a chief priest would have access to the sacred name (see note on v. ), although many scholars think that Sceva’s claim is spurious. Some Diaspora Jews had Latin names; Sceva is a Latin name.

such a beating that they ran out of the house naked and bleeding. In some cases of spirit-possession reported in antiquity and in modern anthropological literature, the possessed are violent toward themselves or others, sometimes with what observers regard as superhuman strength.

confessed what they had done. It is possible to translate this phrase “divulging [secret] spells”; such spells were believed effective only if kept secret. (Nevertheless, the phrase could also simply refer to confessing their activities.)

scrolls. May here refer to magical papyri. Ephesus was apparently a center of magic; many scholars argue that some magical terms used in smaller charms worn in amulets were called “Ephesian writings.” People in the ancient world often burned books to destroy their messages.

Cf. ; .

Erastus. See note on (if the same Erastus is in view).

Rome was concerned above all with order. After anti-Jewish riots, Jewish leaders were keen to prove that their enemies rather than they themselves started the riots. Here, and often, Luke emphasizes that not Paul but his enemies started riots against him (cf. ).

silver shrines of Artemis. An entire month each year, the alleged month of the goddess’s birth, was dedicated to Artemis. Many workers in Ephesus made souvenir miniature shrines of Artemis. Most such shrines were of terra cotta; silver shrines were thus particularly expensive and the job accordingly more prestigious. Many other gold and silver workers made statuettes of Artemis weighing between three and seven pounds (between 1.4 and 3.2 kilograms).

workers in related trades. Workers often united to form trade guilds; metalworkers were common, and many silversmiths in Ephesus made statuettes of Artemis. They would gather for guild meetings, but Demetrius could call a special meeting; members of the same guild lived in the same area, and in Ephesus the silversmiths’ shops apparently lay on the main street that connected the theater (v. ) to the harbor. As often in antiquity, so in Ephesus commerce and religion were closely intertwined. Temples served as banks, and the Artemis temple was one of the most famous in antiquity; evidence suggests that it also owned some 70,000 acres (28,350 hectares) of farmland.

gods made by human hands are no gods at all. Demetrius undoubtedly echoes Paul’s own echoes of the prophets (see ; ; ). Nevertheless, Demetrius exaggerates Paul’s influence; orators in general, but demagogues in particular, used hyperbole to make sweeping denunciations and stir hearers to anger, as here.

the temple of the great goddess Artemis. Ranked among the seven wonders of the ancient world, Artemis’s temple was 425 feet by 230 feet (130 meters by 70 meters)—about four times as large as Athens’ famous temple for Athena. The temple was just 1.5 miles (2.4 kilometers) northeast of the city, and public processions went there one or two times each month. discredited. Despite strong local pride in the Artemis cult, the issue of Artemis’s temple being discredited was a potentially live one at this time. A mere decade before Paul’s ministry in Ephesus, a scandal involving sacred deposits in the temple’s treasury erupted; some of the funds entered private hands. The spread of monotheism genuinely could have economic implications for other cults; in the early second century AD, the governor of Bithynia complained that, through local Christian influence, temples and sacrifices were being neglected. worshiped throughout . . . the world. That the Ephesian version of Artemis was worshiped throughout the world reflects her renown; cult centers for the Ephesian Artemis have been identified in more than 30 ancient cities.

began shouting. Local loyalty to Artemis was intense; when, e.g., some Sardians in an earlier period allegedly abused worshipers of Artemis, 45 of them were executed. Mobs could chant together, and Ephesians employed acclamations such as the one recorded here.

rushed into the theater together. The theater could hold about 20,000 people and was easily visible even from the harbor; many cultic statues were there. Some information supports the idea that the silversmiths worked near the open-air theater. More importantly, the theater was near the main market, which would be full of people. Many urban riots occurred during this era in Roman Asia. Citizen assemblies were held regularly in the theater, and special emergency assemblies were sometimes called at irregular times.

officials of the province. Only the most elite persons in the Roman province of Asia could become Asiarchs. Several Asiarchs filled the office at a time, but each only for a year, though they kept the title and could be chosen for the office multiple times. Over half of known Asiarchs were somehow associated with Ephesus, the province’s most prominent city. Some members of this same elite group also purchased elite priestly roles (the priesthoods were also annual offices), some serving in the imperial cult. Their objective was to achieve honor, not specific commitment to Paul’s faith. friends of Paul. When applied to people of unequal status, “friends” often meant benefactors; the wealthy sometimes increased their honor by sponsoring popular arts or sages. A sage accused of opposing Artemis, however, would embarrass them. The Asiarchs would want to dissociate Paul from the charge (and perhaps themselves from Paul) as quickly as possible.

did not even know why they were there. Because special emergency assemblies were sometimes called at irregular times, some scholars think that many members of the crowd had wrongly assumed that this was a legal assembly (which it was not; v. ).

pushed Alexander to the front . . . shouted instructions to him. Many polytheists resented Jewish monotheism; Diaspora Jewish communities worked hard not to antagonize their localities, and would not want to be associated with the charges against Paul (vv. , ; cf. v. ). Some cities in antiquity restricted Jewish rights, thereby requiring Jewish people to defend their rights publicly and sometimes even to appeal to Rome.

city clerk. In Ephesus (as opposed to some other cities), the city clerk was the highest official, who represented the city’s interests with local Roman officials and announced the decisions of the citizen assembly. He is well informed about the issues behind the riot (vv. ), possibly by Paul’s Asiarch friends (see v.  and note), members of the clerk’s elite social class. doesn’t all the world know . . . ? Orators often began speeches by praising distinctive characteristics of a city; the Artemis temple was renowned (see note on v. ). fell from heaven. Although many other images reportedly fell from heaven, no extant ancient sources make this claim for the Artemis statue in Ephesus, which was carefully carved. Scholars have offered a range of contradictory explanations for the appendages on the front of the Artemis statue’s torso, most often that they were a fertility symbol, such as breasts or sometimes bulls’ testicles; ancient writers, however, regarded the Ephesian Artemis as a virgin.

since these facts are undeniable. The facts are hardly undeniable; the clerk might even have exaggerated deliberately (e.g., on the image having fallen from heaven) to identify with the crowd’s fervor. Luke’s better-informed audience surely see the claims as plainly deniable.

neither robbed temples nor blasphemed our goddess. Ancients deemed temple robbery one of the most impious acts; they expected deities to avenge this act but they executed the offenders when possible. Jewish apologists disclaimed blaspheming deities, though many Jewish sources ridiculed idols.

the courts are open. Courts normally closed during festivals but were open on the day that the clerk is speaking. Because Asia’s proconsul kept a circuit through nine of the province’s chief cities, he was not always available in Ephesus, but apparently was present. there are proconsuls. Scholars debate whether “proconsuls” is plural as a general reference or because two or three administrators were filling the role until the new proconsul came (if the scene occurred in AD 54).

in danger of being charged with rioting. Ephesus was a “free city,” meaning, among other things, that its citizen assembly was granted a measure of autonomy from Roman oversight. Although it never ultimately happened to Ephesus, some cities lost such privileges because of unrest. Rome had little tolerance for riots.

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Other ancient sources abundantly confirm the travel details in these chapters, even down to the number of days in many locations at the specified time of year. The narrative thus sounds like the work of a genuine traveling companion of Paul on this journey.

traveled through that area. Paul worked partly on the collection for the believers in Jerusalem at this time (; ; ).

stayed three months. Paul may have planned his travel so as to stay with the Corinthian believers during the winter, when travel was difficult. Paul composed his letter to the believers in Rome at this time (; ). just as he was about to sail for Syria. Plots were often leaked. Paul presumably prepared to sail for Syria in order to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem; shifting to a land journey requires him to reschedule his arrival for Pentecost instead (v. ). Journeying to Philippi (v. ) in Macedonia on foot could take two weeks.

He was accompanied. Travel was safest in groups. Respected representatives from local Jewish communities would carry their communities’ temple tax to Jerusalem; Paul adopts a similar approach.

us. See note on . In Philippi the group adds the narrator (i.e., Luke), who was last reported in Philippi (, ).

five days. Prevailing winds slow their voyage to Troas (for contrast, see note on ). The rest of the journey consumes roughly 30 days, so although they have missed Passover, they arrive in time for Pentecost (v. ).

kept on talking until midnight. This meeting probably runs from Sunday evening through Monday morning and was planned because Paul had to leave on Monday.

many lamps. Such abundant lighting was unusual and facilitated the possibility of a night meeting. Possibly the heat or even odor from the lamps contributed to Eutychus seeking a window seat (v. ).

Seated in a window. Glass was rare in windows. Some windows could be large, especially above the ground floor. sinking into a deep sleep. Teachers roundly criticized those who fell asleep during good teaching.

threw himself on the young man. For physical contact during some resuscitations, cf. ; .

Assos. This city had the best harbor in its area. The road from Troas to there followed the coast and was about 38 miles (60 kilometers), probably a two-day journey on foot.

Mitylene. The chief city of the island of Lesbos, it had two harbors; the group would have sailed to the deeper, northern one.

Ships not planning to stop in Ephesus often sailed by the Aegean islands of Chios and Samos and then to the massive port city of Miletus, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) south of Ephesus.

decided to sail past Ephesus . . . to reach Jerusalem. On the desire to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost, see note on v. . Waiting for messengers to reach Ephesus and elders to come from there would have taken at least four days. Scholars debate how Paul’s avoiding Ephesus would have saved him time, but one of the likeliest reasons is that ancient obligations to visit friends would have required him to spend time with many people there. A factor not mentioned by Luke is that many considered it better for everyone if Paul stayed away (cf. , ; ).

Farewell speeches were common and were often an occasion for sorrow (v. ).

When speakers appealed to their sufferings on behalf of their audience, the expected response was appreciation and attention.

taught you publicly and from house to house. Houses belonged to the private sphere; like the most respected teachers, Paul labored in the public sphere as well as the private one.

finish the race. Speakers, especially in the Greek world, often used athletic images to illustrate their points. Athletic competitions such as races were a central feature of Greek civic life and a point of rivalry among cities, including in the significantly Hellenized culture of western Asia Minor.

innocent of the blood. One who does not warn those facing destruction is morally responsible for their deaths (; ). That Paul mentions “shepherds” in v.  may suggest that he goes on from to think of .

overseers. A Greek administrative title, “overseer” also appears in the Septuagint, the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT, and (in Hebrew form) in the Dead Sea Scrolls. shepherds. Ancient literature often compared leaders with shepherds, including in the OT (e.g., ; ; ).

savage wolves. The most obvious and common predators of sheep, wolves were often used to represent humans who would harm others.

three years. In ancient usage, “three years” can mean parts of three years (). night and day. A familiar expression, and could mean parts of night and day.

inheritance . . . sanctified. Jewish people spoke of their inheritance in the promised future and themselves as sanctified, or consecrated, to God by his covenant. Paul uses this traditional language for Jesus’ followers.

I have not coveted. Because many sages were charlatans, exploiting others for profit, other sages sought to distinguish themselves from the charlatans.

In everything I did, I showed you. Teachers sometimes used themselves as models.

kissed him. Friends and relatives often greeted affectionately with a light kiss on the mouth (not to be confused with lovers’ passionate kisses). Ancient narrators could illustrate a person’s positive character by depicting how others loved the person.

accompanied him to the ship. As is the case in many cultures today, friends saw off those who were leaving, e.g., by going with them to their ship.

Kos . . . Rhodes. Both islands on the normal route. The city of Rhodes, the capital of the island Rhodes on its northeast coast, had an excellent harbor that faced Patara. Patara. One of southern Asia Minor’s leading ports for the Alexandrian grain trade; because of Mediterranean wind conditions, ships sailed north from Alexandria to Asia Minor before turning westward to Rome (cf. ).

found a ship. Many ships moved in and out of Patara (v. ). Because grain ships typically kept close to the coast, stopping often, the group transfers to a ship navigating the open waters directly to Tyre in Phoenicia, about 350 miles (560 kilometers), which may have taken four or five days.

Both Phoenicia and Judea belonged to the Roman province of Syria. unload its cargo. Unlike this ship (vv. ), the largest ships might require a month to unload. Hospitality (v. ) rather than haste moved them to wait for the ship to finish; it would take only two days to walk from Tyre to Ptolemais (v. ).

stayed with them seven days. In antiquity people considered it an honor to extend hospitality to traveling members of their social group. Through the Spirit. Both the OT and early Jewish writers often associated God’s Spirit with prophecy, which is probably in view here and in ; but prophetic knowledge was incomplete (, , ; ), and Paul had a fuller picture of God’s leading for him (vv. ; ; cf. ).

on the beach we knelt to pray. Tyre had famous sandy beaches.

Tyre . . . Ptolemais. About 30 miles (48 kilometers) separated the two cities. greeted . . . and stayed with them. Mediterranean culture highly valued greetings and hospitality (cf. v. ).

Caesarea. Nearly 40 miles (65 kilometers) from Ptolemais. On Caesarea, including its mixed population, see the article “

four unmarried daughters. Philip’s daughters being unmarried helps explain why they are at home. Given the usual young age of marriage for women in Mediterranean antiquity, the Greek term (normally translated “virgin”) probably also indicates that they are in their teens or younger. who prophesied. Many ancient men had prejudice against the wisdom of women and children, although they made exceptions for inspired speech. These young women who regularly prophesied illustrate .

prophet. Most Jewish leaders attributed the role of prophets especially to the past; their frequency in early Christianity (e.g., ) reflects a distinctive ethos (cf. ). came down from Judea. Judea, here, is meant in the narrowest sense; in the Roman administrative sense, Caesarea remained in Judea. One “went down” because Jerusalem was in the hill country and Caesarea on the coast.

OT prophets often communicated in symbolic actions such as this (e.g., ); their language was, as here, sometimes more evocative than precise (e.g., , ; ; , ). belt. A cloth that some people wrapped multiple times around their waist; its inside fold could be used as a pocket.

pleaded with Paul not to go up. Prophecies were sometimes conditional warnings that could be evaded (as in ), and the prophecy’s hearers here seem to have understood this prophecy accordingly.

started . . . up to Jerusalem. Walking from Caesarea to Jerusalem at a normal pace would require two or three days.

brought us to the home of Mnason. The hospitality of the mixed church of Caesarea, and the reception of Jerusalem believers, for this largely Gentile delegation underlines the ideal of unity; but cf. also (by contrast) vv. . Cyprus. An island with a large Jewish population (see ; ); Mnason seems to be a Hellenist (see note on ). Providing lodging for the Gentiles is particularly significant (cf. ).

thousands. Lit. “tens of thousands”; although this might be a small portion of Judea’s population (sometimes estimated at half a million), it remains remarkable for a specific movement. Josephus, never known to underestimate numbers, spoke of only 6,000 Pharisees and fewer Essenes. zealous for the law. The brief reign of Agrippa I (AD 41–44) fanned the flames of Judean nationalism, and many of the believers had been shaped by the political values that surrounded them.

you teach all the Jews . . . to turn away from Moses. Even the most tolerant of Judeans normally treated harshly what they deemed as apostasy—which included leading people away from practice of the law. Views of appropriate interpretation of the law varied in the Diaspora, though most Jews supported continuing the practice of Jewish distinctives. Rumor and slander were widespread in antiquity and complicated to counter (cf. ).

join in their purification rites and pay their expenses. Judeans deemed pious those who sponsored Nazirites. By this period, Jewish people expected such vows to cover at least 30 days (but see v. ). Paul accompanies them but Luke does not specify that Paul himself is undertaking a vow at this time (cf. ).

seven days. Nazirites made impure by contact with corpses offered sacrifices on the seventh day (). Scripture did not specify a minimum length for vows, though Jewish tradition in this period normally required at least 30 days. province of Asia. Ephesus was the chief city of the Roman province of Asia and some members of the synagogue there had reason to dislike Paul (, ). Larger riots occurred in the temple on a number of occasions and sometimes led to massacres or to thousands being trampled.

brought Greeks into the temple. The OT temple divided the Most Holy Place from the priestly sanctuary, and both from the outer court, but did not segregate Gentiles from Jews in the outer court. Herod’s temple, however, divided the outer court into three sections for purity considerations: the court of Israel (which only Jewish men could enter), the court of women outside it (which all Jews could enter), and beyond that the only court where Gentiles could enter. Signs at the entrances to the court of women warned that any Gentiles who entered would be killed; this punishment was approved by Rome.

seen Trophimus the Ephesian. Jewish critics from the Ephesus area (v. ) would recognize Trophimus. They are mistaken, however, in thinking that Paul brought him into the temple.

whole city was aroused. There is no doubt that a claim that someone desecrated the temple could provoke a riot; it had happened on other occasions, involving thousands of people. dragged him from the temple. Bloodshed in a temple could desecrate it, so Paul’s assailants remove him from the inner court into the large outer area beyond which Gentiles, who were usually impure, could not pass. gates were shut. The Levites who guarded the temple may have closed the gates to the inner courts to keep out other intruders or to secure the area from bloodshed, or may have closed all gates to prevent escape by intruders. Most of the inner gates had two doors, nearly 50 feet (nearly 15 meters) high and over 20 feet (over 6 meters) wide.

news reached the commander of the Roman troops. Four cohorts, probably with between 480 and 600 soldiers each, were stationed in Caesarea, Rome’s capital for Judea. One such cohort, however, was stationed in Jerusalem’s Antonia Fortress, on the north side of the temple mount adjoining the court of the Gentiles. Guards stationed on its towers quickly noticed unrest, requiring the commander to intervene quickly. The commander here means a Roman tribune, commander of the cohort. The soldiers rushed down the stairs from the fortress into the temple’s outer court; Luke correctly depicts the temple’s topography.

bound with two chains. A person bound in this way would have each hand chained to a soldier, one on either side; this was primarily to secure the prisoner against opportunity to escape, but chains were also considered humiliating.

Some . . . shouted one thing and some another. Mobs often acted without accurate information (cf. ). the barracks. The Antonia Fortress. It included some lavish facilities, including baths.

reached the steps. Wide steps led from the tall Antonia Fortress down to the outer court of the temple.

Get rid of him! Ancient historians and biographers often linked characters by noting parallels between them; cf. here (much closer in Greek than in the NIV). Other parallels will follow (cf. Paul’s hearings before two governors and a Herodian prince [] with Jesus’ two hearings before Pilate and one before Herod Antipas in Luke’s Gospel []).

Do you speak Greek? Greek was the trade language of the eastern Mediterranean world, including for Egyptian Jews (v. ). Perhaps the tribune is surprised because he expects a terrorist to prefer Aramaic, the language of the Judean countryside, or perhaps the issue is the quality of Paul’s Greek and lack of accent. (People from the northern Mediterranean thought that Egyptians had distinctive accents.) The tribune himself may be Greek (see note on ).

the Egyptian who . . . led four thousand terrorists out into the wilderness. Many Jewish people hoped for a new exodus in the wilderness, but it was also the only relatively safe place to mobilize without expediting Roman intervention. One of the various prophetic figures who mobilized people in this period was an Egyptian Jew; Josephus, who is known to exaggerate numbers, claimed that he had 30,000 followers. Felix () intervened militarily, but the Egyptian prophet escaped, and catching him would certainly advance the tribune’s career. terrorists. Lit. the sicarii, some of whom had been assassinating aristocrats in the temple, while others wreaked havoc in rural areas.

Tarsus . . . no ordinary city. Civic competition and pride characterized much of the eastern Roman Empire. Whereas Greeks and Romans often viewed negatively contemporary Egyptians (v. ), whom Roman rule had subjugated harshly, Tarsus was a respected Hellenistic city in Roman Asia (see the article “

Assured that the crowd’s outcries about Paul are a case of mistaken identity and that Paul is a person from a respectable class, the tribune permits Paul to quiet the crowd, as outstanding speakers were sometimes able to do (cf. ). motioned to the crowd. Ancient rhetoric had special gestures to invite silence or to signal that a speech was beginning. said to them in Aramaic. Aramaic had remained the dominant language of the countryside since the time of the Persian Empire; Judean nationalists would favor this language, but Paul’s Asian Jewish accusers (v. ) probably understood little or nothing that he said.

Aramaic. See note on .

born in Tarsus . . . but brought up in this city. Like Alexandria and Athens, Tarsus was a leading university center in antiquity; many Tarsians themselves, however, pursued advanced education elsewhere. Jerusalem would have been the ancient center for the study of Torah; Paul’s letters reveal particular expertise in Scripture, especially in the Septuagint (the pre-Christian Greek translation of the OT), and such instruction was available in Gamaliel’s household in Jerusalem. brought up. In light of ancient usage, this probably suggests that Paul spent much of his youth in Jerusalem, though his study with Gamaliel I was at a more advanced level. studied under. Lit. “sat at his feet,” which was considered the appropriate posture for a disciple. Gamaliel. One of the minority of Pharisees who belonged to Jerusalem’s elite; he commanded wide respect (see note on ). zealous for God. At least by the time of the Judean revolt in AD 66, some Jewish nationalists called themselves “zealous,” and hence Zealots; their models for zeal may have included Phinehas and the Maccabees, whose reported “zeal” included violence (; 1 Maccabees 2:26, 54).

as the high priest and all the Council can themselves testify. Caiaphas is no longer the high priest (see ) but Paul may presume that some of the elders now leading Jerusalem will remember him.

noon. Considered the beginning of the hottest hour; people would seek shade, sometimes eat a light meal and often take a siesta. Only the most urgent business would require travel at this time.

See notes on . The account is retold slightly differently; ancients appreciated variation. In keeping with ancient rhetorical expectations, Paul highlights the features of his account most relevant to his audience, in this case devout Judeans (see, e.g., v. ).

Cf. perhaps .

Cf. perhaps .

at the temple, I fell into a trance. Most of the ancient world recognized temples as a common place for divine revelations; already in the OT, see, e.g., ; ; .

from one synagogue to another. Jewish tradition suggests that there were many synagogues in Jerusalem at this time.

See note on .

to the Gentiles. Given the rise in Judean nationalism over the previous decade, Paul’s mention of ministry to Gentiles rekindles the riot (v. ), which started over the charge that he had brought a Gentile into the temple ().

listened . . . until he said this. In a normal speech, the narrative was at the beginning, so Paul may not yet have moved past the early part of his speech, but he is unable to finish. Cf. ; see note on .

throwing off their cloaks. Cf. note on . flinging dust into the air. May signify Paul’s uncleanness (cf. ), repudiating him (cf. ), the desire to stone him (cf. note on ), which must go unfulfilled, or a combination of these possibilities.

flogged. Scourging was used for interrogation, among other purposes. Soldiers working for Rome could use a leather whip with bone, iron, or spikes at the end. This would slice open the flesh, sometimes leaving it in bloody strips or exposing sinews and bones.

Is it legal . . . to flog a Roman citizen . . . ? Roman law prohibited scourging (v. ) a Roman citizen who had not been legally tried and condemned.

, Roman citizen. Although Roman citizenship was common in Italy and Roman colonies, at this time it was very rare in the eastern empire outside colonies. Law required that one who claimed citizenship be treated as a citizen even before confirmation was available.

money for my citizenship. Early in Claudius’s reign people paid high prices for bribes to become citizens; the cost of the bribes declined toward the end of his reign. The tribune may be trying to assess Paul’s citizenship status in hopes that he got his citizenship cheaply. born a citizen. See note on . Being born a Roman citizen made one of higher citizenship status than one who acquired citizenship. Tribunes normally belonged to the Roman class of knights, just below the senatorial class; this tribune was not even born a citizen.

alarmed when he realized that he had put Paul, a Roman citizen, in chains. Even chaining a Roman citizen without trial violated the law; in practice, governors might exercise more flexibility, but a tribune was sometimes politically expendable and could not afford such mistakes.

ordered . . . the Sanhedrin to assemble. Members of the Sanhedrin may have met to discuss business regularly, but the tribune now needs from them a competent Jewish opinion of Paul’s case; the sanctity of the temple is their business, not his. Releasing Paul would be unwise if he were a political liability, but the governor would want the facts if Paul was sent to him.

in all good conscience. A vital issue raised in legal debates was the character of the accused (as well as that of the accusers).

Ananias. Held the high priesthood from AD 47 to 58 or 59 (i.e., until shortly after the time depicted here). Josephus shows that he, like many members of the priestly aristocracy, abused power to gain more wealth; when Jewish patriots revolted against Rome and the Jerusalem aristocracy, Ananias was among the first officials they assassinated, in AD 66. strike him on the mouth. A blow to the cheek was an insult (see note on ). Such abuse of prisoners violated ancient legal ethics.

God will strike you, you whitewashed wall! Walls were whitewashed to conceal their decrepit condition. Most people in antiquity appreciated those who forcefully spoke against tyranny. Paul spoke prophetically (cf. ); in a few years Ananias would die a violent death (see note on v. ). Pointing to the demands of the law would appeal to the Pharisees present (vv. ), who were meticulous about the law and more lenient than Sadducees.

I did not realize. Although Paul was correct in his rebuke (v. ), he concedes that Scripture disallows speaking evil of a ruler (). Scholars debate whether Paul actually did not recognize the high priest or (perhaps more likely) Paul answers ironically. Ananias would not be wearing his high priestly apparel (since chairing the Sanhedrin differed from ritual duties), but his role in the meeting would suggest his rank.

some of them were Sadducees and the others Pharisees. One rhetorical strategy witty speakers under duress sometimes used was to divide their audience. resurrection of the dead. Belief in the future resurrection of the righteous () was a key theological division between Pharisees and Sadducees, and one on which Paul’s views clearly agreed with Pharisaism (and popular Judean hopes). So great was the division that later rabbinic tradition, based in this regard on Pharisaism, for this reason denied that the Sadducees would share in the world to come.

neither angels nor spirits. Sadducees rejected some other Jews’ developed views of angels, and also the belief of many Jews that people became like angels after death and/or after the resurrection. Pharisees affirmed not only the future resurrection but also the survival of one’s spirit after death until the resurrection. Thus they could believe that Paul’s claim of Jesus appearing to him () was a spirit or an angel (v. ), something the Sadducees would deny.

torn to pieces. Ancient sources report occasions where victims were torn apart by mob violence. Even august organizations such as the Roman Senate were known to experience division, and Josephus reports that in this period Jerusalem’s Sanhedrin once even descended to such a level of indignity that they threw rocks at one another! bring him into the barracks. The Antonia Fortress, where the Roman cohort was stationed, was about a third of a mile (half a kilometer) away from the likeliest site of this council chamber. The Antonia Fortress had lavish facilities, including baths.

an oath. The assassins literally placed themselves under a curse; on other occasions in this period revolutionaries offered such vows. Jewish people often offered vows of abstinence, promising not to partake of a particular food or drink until such and such a matter occurred. Under duress they could be released from the vow, but it reveals their strong intention to kill Paul. until they had killed Paul. Assassinations in the temple area were common at this time (see note on ).

Josephus shows that some younger members of the priestly aristocracy sympathized with open revolt against Rome, clashing with their elders.

kill him before he gets here. Only about 1,000–1,500 feet (300–450 meters) lay between the Antonia Fortress and the likeliest site of the Sanhedrin’s meeting place; the route adjoined the temple and was fairly narrow, allowing an unexpected attack on the part of the column of soldiers where Paul would be walking.

son of Paul’s sister heard. In antiquity, leaks of secret information were common, including from the Sanhedrin and other official bodies, sometimes leading to the foiling of secret plots. went into the barracks. Guards could allow visitors if they wished; they often requested bribes, but the case could be different for this family of Roman citizens (Paul’s nephew would be a citizen if Paul’s sister also married one).

one of the centurions. Centurions were sometimes used to guard high-status prisoners with fairly light custody arrangements.

took . . . by the hand. Taking someone by the hand communicated assurance or welcome (or even an agreement, as in ).

Don’t tell anyone. If it were discovered that Paul’s nephew had learned and leaked the plot, his own life would be in danger, because collaborators were among the revolutionaries’ chief targets. To prevent having to turn down the local senate’s request, which would be politically problematic, the commander must preempt it by acting swiftly and without public knowledge.

two hundred soldiers, seventy horsemen and two hundred spearmen. Some cohorts had 480 foot soldiers and 120 cavalry men; Jerusalem’s cohort may have been increased during the recent festival (cf. ), as often happened, but the tribune is sending a large proportion of his force. He does, however, expect most of them to return before Jerusalem knows how many soldiers have gone (v. ). Caesarea. Judea’s capital, where the governor normally resided (though governors often visited Jerusalem during festivals). tonight. Given the prevalence of night attacks by revolutionaries in the Judean hill country in this period, a strong force would better deter attacks and consequent casualties.

taken safely. Night ambushes in the Judean hills were common in this period. Governor Felix. Tiberius Claudius Felix (his most probable full name) was governor of Judea from AD 52 to probably 59. Ancient historians condemn his corruption; a freedman (former slave), he achieved the governor’s office only through his freedman brother Pallas, who had favor with the emperor.

The letter contains legal terminology and constitutes a formal referral; it would have been available to Paul (and thus Luke) as part of the trial documentation. Because it would also be available to the prosecution, the tribune words it delicately.

Claudius Lysias. Lysias is a Greek name and Claudius was part of the tribune’s Roman name, acquired because he became a citizen under the emperor Claudius (see note on ). His Excellency. Although “Excellency” was generally applied to members of the Roman knight class, and Felix was instead a freedman, the title was appropriate for him as a governor. Greetings. A standard greeting in letters.

Lysias paints himself in an ideal light. In view of how benefaction and reciprocal obligations worked in the ancient world, Lysias can expect Paul not to contradict his story.

as far as Antipatris. Soldiers were supposed to exercise every day, with periodic forced marches of 20 miles (32 kilometers) in five (or sometimes even four) hours; sometimes they had forced marches of 30 miles (48 kilometers). The Roman road from Jerusalem to Antipatris was longer, 35 to possibly even 45 miles (55 to possibly even 70 kilometers), depending on the exact site, although the journey was downhill. The soldiers would thus need to march from nine that evening until probably well into the morning. Yet ancient sources show that soldiers sometimes made forced marches at a high speed throughout the night.

they returned to the barracks. When they reached Antipatris, they would be at the end of the Judean hill country. The cavalry could continue the mission more safely across the largely Gentile open country by day; they could traverse the 30 miles (48 kilometers) north to Caesarea more quickly without the infantry. The infantry could return to Jerusalem at a less hurried pace during daylight.

read the letter. Reading was usually done out loud (as in ). province he was from. If he wished, the governor could defer Paul’s case to the governor of Paul’s own province, but such deferral was not wise since Paul was from Cilicia. During Paul’s specific period, Cilicia was under the governor of Syria, Felix’s immediate superior, who would expect Felix to handle the case himself.

when your accusers get here. Roman officials normally waited for accusers to bring charges. Felix stayed in the palace built by Herod the Great in Caesarea. He provides Paul accommodations elsewhere in the same palace; high-status prisoners received better treatment than others.

Aerial view of the theater and coastline at Caesarea. Paul was brought here on trial before Governor Felix ().

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Courts made summary transcripts of speeches; Paul and his supporters, such as Luke, would have had access to these summaries. The judicial rhetoric in Paul’s defense speeches is brilliant, appealing to the best forms of argumentation; if not for political complications (such as the status of his accusers), Paul should have been released immediately.

went down to Caesarea. Unlike Jerusalem in the Judean hill country, Caesarea was on the lower coastal plain. Felix had reason to accommodate Ananias as much as possible; Felix’s predecessor was recalled (and the predecessor’s assistant executed) because of complaints by Ananias and his colleagues. brought their charges . . . before the governor. It was not unusual to first summarize the case privately for the governor, but the actual hearing (vv. ) required the defendant’s presence ().

Tertullus presented his case. Accusers spoke first. peace under you . . . your foresight. Speakers normally opened by praising the judges, and often praised officials’ commitment to peace and foresight. Felix, however, was corrupt and he badly misadministered Judea; he did not bring about reforms, and his tenure was certainly not peaceful.

Everywhere and in every way. One common rhetorical technique was repeating sounds.

in order not to weary you further. Although public speeches could last two hours, others valued brevity, and provincial officials, who generally had a heavy caseload, would often demand it. It was a common rhetorical technique to note that, for the hearer’s sake, one should stop elaborating a point—when in fact the speaker had nothing more to say on the matter anyway.

troublemaker . . . all over the world. Resembles a recent accusation from the emperor against some Jewish people; attacking the defendant’s character was standard prosecutorial practice. stirring up riots. A charge of sedition—a capital offense.

tried to desecrate the temple. Desecrating the temple was a capital offense. That Paul’s accusers now charge that he merely tried (rather than that he succeeded) reflects the lack of authentic witnesses, willing to be cross-examined, that Trophimus was actually with Paul in the temple (). Now that the festival () was over, Paul’s accusers have presumably returned to the province of Asia ().

Speakers often invited judges to examine matters closely, rhetorically implying that the speakers are telling the truth.

Assertions without evidence were common in trials, making up in quantity what they lacked in quality; speakers also typically asserted that they were giving only facts. Courts took into account not only the content of and evidence for charges, but the social status of the plaintiffs and defendants. Paul’s accusers are of high status (v. ).

for a number of years you have been a judge over this nation. It was customary to praise the judge, but Paul’s praise is more accurate than that of Tertullus in v. . Scholars debate when Felix became governor; it may have been as early as AD 52, between four and six years before this hearing; he had also had earlier administrative experience in Judea.

Speakers would narrate, from their respective perspectives, the events that led up to the present case. twelve days. The time given would demonstrate that Paul’s coming coincided with a festival (). went up . . . to worship. Arguments based on a person’s character were common; one who came to worship would not desecrate a temple.

stirring up a crowd. A capital charge (v. ). Speakers often began by stating the charges they were refuting.

they cannot prove. Speakers would commonly point to the other side’s lack of proof; in capital cases, accusers bore the burden of proof.

I admit. Speakers in defense speeches sometimes confessed what was not a crime, gaining credibility for honesty while admitting nothing that could be prosecuted under law. What Paul confesses is also the issue raised before the Sanhedrin (see note on vv. ); Paul knows that Roman officials regard Jewish religious beliefs as an internal Jewish matter outside the Roman purview (cf. and note on ), and thus not punishable by death (cf. note on ).

there will be a resurrection. Sadducees denied the future resurrection (), but Pharisees, who affirmed it, reflected on this point the majority view of Jewish belief in Judea and Galilee. Judaism divided on whether the unrighteous would be raised for eternal judgment (despite ). Paul’s views (v. ) are, if anything, closer to the Jewish mainstream than those of his accusers, who would therefore be less inclined to want to make an issue of this point.

my conscience clear. A person’s character was a major factor in cases deciding guilt or innocence; Paul offers an example of this character in v. .

gifts for the poor. Paul refers to his collection for believers in Jerusalem (; ; ), though Luke does not expressly elaborate that point. Benefactors were to be honored, not prosecuted; in ancient legal settings speakers sometimes denounced those who responded to benefaction instead with hostile treatment (cf. ).

in the temple courts. Ancients used temples for asylum and protection; attacking someone there was considered a violation of sacred rights.

ought to be here before you. It was standard practice for defendants to reverse charges against their accusers; Paul’s incomplete Greek sentence here might leave that implication (cf. more directly ). Paul did not start the riot (v. ); it was therefore clear that his accusers had. The case’s original plaintiffs had apparently not made themselves available for the governor’s cross-examination. Under Roman law, therefore, they could be legally charged themselves for abandoning the case. Whenever accusers did not appear, a case was supposed to be thrown out.

As in many speeches, Paul’s final argument is the most compelling. In ancient courts, changing charges after the beginning of a case invited accusations of fabrication. Paul had maneuvered the debate before the Sanhedrin away from the fabricated charges to the real reason for which some of the leaders wanted to be rid of him (). Official documentation confirmed that the charge was a theological one (). This was not an offense under Roman law, so the case should be immediately dismissed.

Paul’s argument as presented in vv.  should have been sufficient for the case against him to be thrown out; the charge has morphed from a riot caused by his accusers into an opportunity to prosecute him on unrelated matters. For Roman officials, however, political considerations sometimes trumped individual claims to justice. Paul’s accusers are of high status (v. ), but simply handing Paul over for execution could be complicated as well. He was a Roman citizen, and Paul’s accusers have already inadvertently informed Felix that Paul is leader in a movement (v. ) that Felix knows is of significant size (cf. ). Because the case was legally clear-cut, Felix’s political motivation for postponing the case would be obvious.

under guard. High-status captives received better custody arrangements, in this case probably still in Herod’s palace (), especially given Felix’s private hearings with him (vv. , ). Centurions were sometimes used to guard high-status prisoners with fairly light custody arrangements (). permit his friends to take care of his needs. Normally prisons supplied little food and no clothing; prisoners were dependent on outside help. Felix’s orders would prevent the centurion and his soldiers from requiring bribes, as guards often did.

Drusilla. Over the years Felix married three different princesses; the most lasting marriage was with Drusilla, the younger sister of Agrippa II and Bernice, whom Felix had married perhaps four years before this scene. When Drusilla was 16, Felix convinced her to divorce her husband to marry him, even though governors were not supposed to marry women from the provinces they administered. Officials were also not supposed to use prisoners for private ends, as here and in v. . He sent for Paul and listened to him. Educated people sometimes liked to hear sages lecture; given Felix’s lifestyle just mentioned, his discomfort at Paul’s lecture topics (v. ) is not surprising. Ancient readers could respect Paul’s courageous speech (see note on ).

offer him a bribe. Josephus shows that, apart from Felix’s successor Festus (v. ), most of Judea’s final governors before the Judean revolt were corrupt. Many ancient governors, including some in Judea in this period, took bribes, but if it were proved in Rome they could be recalled and prosecuted.

Felix returned to Rome around the year AD 59 (some prefer 60, and some earlier). At that time, now lacking reason to fear retribution from Felix, some Judeans accused him in Rome. wanted to grant a favor to the Jews. Felix’s brother Pallas still retained sufficient influence to protect him from punishment, but Felix has reason to want to grant a favor to the Jews when he leaves. A governor of Judea soon after Felix and Festus freed even revolutionaries who paid bribes (cf. v. ), but governors often lacked incentive to conclude all cases before their departure. Records of Paul’s proceedings would remain, but no verdict; the new governor, Porcius Festus (see note on ), would need to set a new hearing.

Like Luke, Josephus depicts Felix as corrupt but his successor Porcius Festus as an effective governor who was more just than other governors of Judea in this period. Festus suppressed disturbances yet was tolerant of Judean customs, including those with which he differed. He died in office, possibly after just two years, and was succeeded by the rapacious Albinus.

Three days after arriving. A new governor’s term of office officially began July 1, but because Festus’s predecessor was already gone, locals would have looked to him as soon as he arrived. Festus’s fairly expeditious meetings after his arrival contrast with Felix’s delays and fit Josephus’s portraits of these two governors.

the chief priests and the Jewish leaders. The high priest now in charge of Jerusalem’s aristocratic leadership is different from Ananias in ; . Agrippa II had appointed a new high priest, Ishmael son of Phabi, apparently shortly before Felix’s departure. The priestly aristocracy had clashed with Felix, but looked for a new start with his successor.

have Paul transferred to Jerusalem. Caesarea, where Paul was already detained, was the capital that Rome had chosen for Judea; moving the venue to Jerusalem would have set a bad precedent of accommodating Judean nationalism.

convened the court. After local accusations (as in v. ), a governor would hear a case from his tribunal (as here), seeking advice from his consilium if desired (v. ).

could not prove them. When a case was weak, speakers would make louder assertions, but opposing speakers would draw attention to their lack of evidence.

against Caesar. This probably indicates a new charge (v. ; contrast ), though one related to the charge of sedition. In ancient courts, changing charges after the beginning of a case invited the counteraccusation of fabricating charges.

wishing to do the Jews a favor. Although more just than Felix, Festus does not simply dismiss the groundless case. go up to Jerusalem. He recognizes the political usefulness of granting them a harmless request, especially considering the bad relations between them and his predecessor (whom they had prosecuted).

If, however, I am guilty of doing anything deserving death. In ancient defense rhetoric, a speaker could affirm that the crime of which he was accused merited death, while protesting that he did not commit it. I appeal to Caesar! Evidence suggests that provincials who were Roman citizens (see note on ) could appeal a capital verdict to the emperor. Appealing before a verdict was unusual, however, so Festus consults his council (the consilium of advisors that a governor could rely on if he desired). Dismissing an appeal to the emperor could be politically problematic if criticism were raised. Sending Paul to the emperor, however, was politically useful: Festus escaped the political necessity of condemning someone on weak evidence or of releasing him despite the offense this would cause to the local elite with whom he would have to continue to deal.

King Agrippa. This is Agrippa II, son of Herod Agrippa I (see note on ). Because of Agrippa’s youth he ruled only a small area, but he spoke on behalf of his people and also supported Rome. He strongly opposed the Judean revolt and officially celebrated Rome’s victory many years afterward. Agrippa welcomed and often visited Roman officials. Bernice. In its fuller form, the name was Berenike. Bernice was Agrippa’s sister, one year younger than he. When Agrippa I died (), Agrippa II was 17 and Bernice 16; the youngest sibling, Drusilla (), was 6. Like Agrippa, Bernice appears favorably in Josephus; she was close to her brother and stayed with him after the collapse of her marriage (the occasional accusation of incest between them was almost certainly slander). Although 15 years older than the future emperor Titus, Bernice later became his mistress when he was besieging Jerusalem. Agrippa and Bernice were both alive when Luke and Josephus were writing their accounts.

Festus discussed Paul’s case. Agrippa II could depose and appoint high priests, so if Festus were armed with his advice he would not need to worry about the opinion of the priestly aristocrats. Festus could scarcely send Paul to Rome without some informed advice for Paul’s dossier (v. ).

an opportunity to defend themselves against the charges. Under Roman law, defendants had to be granted a public hearing and have the chance to defend themselves. Festus makes it sound as if the accusers mentioned in v.  wished to sidestep this protocol.

points of dispute with him about their own religion. Rome was not interested in settling local religious disputes (cf. ).

high-ranking military officers. Lit. “commanders of cohorts”; five military cohorts resided in Caesarea. Thus they include as many as five tribunes, if all were present. Most tribunes were from the Roman class of knights, the class just below senatorial rank, and used the office of tribune as a short step in their political career (though this was not the case with Lysias, ).

especially before you, King Agrippa. Agrippa II was Jewish but also fully Romanized; he was uniquely qualified to offer a respected perspective.

specifying the charges. A dossier (litterae dimissoriae, containing at least a cover letter) would be sent to Rome along with a prisoner, since the emperor’s tribunal (in which the current emperor, Nero, chose to be largely uninvolved) would need the facts of the case. The tribunal lacked time to be bogged down in research.

motioned with his hand. It was customary to stretch out one’s hand at the beginning of a speech, here perhaps (as in the opening of some judicial speeches) sweeping from right to left with the thumb touching the middle finger.

I consider myself fortunate . . . especially so because you. It was customary to compliment the judge in the opening of one’s speech. Though some of the aristocratic priests resented Agrippa and he later sided with Rome during the Judean revolt, he honored the Jewish law and protected his people after the war.

I beg you to listen to me patiently. Ancient speeches often included an appeal to listen patiently.

the way I have lived ever since I was a child. Defense speeches often began with a narrative that would give background for the present case (here vv.  or vv. ). Such narratives also helped establish the person’s character, showing that they would not have committed the offense of which they were charged.

known me for a long time and can testify. Speakers often invoked public knowledge. living as a Pharisee. Pharisees were considered the most meticulous interpreters of the law that most Judeans would encounter (Essenes were stricter but many lived in the wilderness).

Arguments from probability figured heavily in ancient courts.

convinced that I ought to . . . oppose the name of Jesus. Hearers often gave special credence to testimony from unlikely sources—here a persecutor.

On the authority of the chief priests . . . they were put to death. Since such lynchings as are indicated here violated Roman policy, Paul implicates the class to which his current accusers belong, for he acted on the chief priests’ authority. cast my vote against them. Against some interpretations, Paul’s “vote” does not mean that he was a member of the Sanhedrin. Paul was undoubtedly too young to have been a member (), and “casting a vote” was a frequent figurative expression in Greek for giving approval or making a decision (cf. ). Additionally, because casting a vote could also be translated as casting a “pebble” (as pebbles were traditionally used for voting), there may be a wordplay: others cast stones, and Paul cast his (figurative) pebble.

Gentile authorities who persecuted Jewish people had found them obstinately unwilling to deny their faith; Christians followed the same model, provoking complaints from persecutors (such as a second-century governor in northern Asia Minor). tried to force them to blaspheme. Probably implies that he was unsuccessful in this objective.

About noon. Only the most zealous or desperate people traveled at noon (see note on ).

In Jewish tradition, the heavenly voice would speak in Hebrew or Aramaic. Agrippa II had a Greek education and, like some of Luke’s audience, might also catch Greek allusions here. kick against the goads. A Greek proverb that appeared in the same context of the same Greek drama that most prominently highlighted the danger of fighting against God (). A goad was something like a cattle prod, but the image was often used figuratively.

Cf. .

Cf. , ; . sanctified. See note on .

I was not disobedient to the vision. Ancient speakers sometimes justified their actions by arguing that their actions were necessary; one form of necessity was compulsion by the orders of a deity.

Jews . . . tried to kill me. It was standard practice for defendants to reverse charges against their accusers.

Festus interrupted. Judges sometimes interrupted speakers. out of your mind. Many people considered philosophers insane (philosophers held the same opinion of the masses); those who were inspired were also considered insane (in a positive way). great learning. Festus refers to Paul’s learning and might additionally think of his visions (vv. ).

reasonable. Translates a Greek term often contrasted with “insane” (v. ); philosophers argued that they were (despite many others’ protests) saner than everyone else. Festus might understand Paul’s protest in such terms.

familiar with these things . . . none of this has escaped his notice. Speakers often invoked public knowledge. Public acts were more trusted than secret ones; Roman officials were anxious about acts performed secretly, which risked subversive behavior. done in a corner. A figure of speech for private activity; some used the expression to criticize sages who withdrew from public life.

Recognizing a rhetorical trap, Agrippa wittily complains that if he answers that he believes the prophets (v. ), Paul will make him answer as if he is a Christian.

except for these chains. A speech’s conclusion often included an emotionally rousing climax, here probably including Paul gesturing with his unjust chains. Given ancient analogies, Paul’s right hand may have been chained to a guard’s left hand, with an iron shackle weighing 10 or 15 pounds (4.5 or 6.8 kilograms).

Festus would have Agrippa’s expert opinion recorded in the cover letter sent to the emperor’s tribunal. could have been set free. The appeal to Caesar inhibited Festus from freeing him not legally but politically (see note on ). Sending Paul with Agrippa’s support completely freed Festus from repercussions with Paul’s elite enemies in Jerusalem.

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The details of the journey fit the weather conditions and geography so precisely that this account surely reflects an actual voyage under the conditions described.

other prisoners. This might include Roman citizens on appeal like Paul, but the majority were probably condemned criminals being sent to the capital to entertain the Roman people by their public deaths. a centurion. Centurions were sometimes used to guard high-status prisoners with fairly light custody arrangements (; ), and were also sometimes given special assignments with small detachments of soldiers (vv. ). the Imperial Regiment. Lit. “the Augustan Cohort”; the title “Augustan” was borne by various legions and cohorts, including a cohort attested in this region and period.

ship. Apart from the massive ships carrying grain from Alexandria (see note on v. ), most ships weighed less than 250 tons (225 metric tons). Ships were designed to carry cargo, with transport for passengers on the same vessels being incidental; passengers thus brought their own food and slept on deck. Roman officers could requisition supplies and transport at no cost (cf. ). Caesarea, from which the group sailed, had a renowned harbor complex built by Herod the Great. Adramyttium. A city in northwest Asia Minor, Adramyttium had a significant artificial harbor. Aristarchus . . . was with us. Probably in view of Agrippa’s evaluation (), Paul’s custody arrangements are light; friends were not always allowed to accompany a prisoner.

Sidon. The voyage begins with making good time; Sidon was nearly 70 nautical miles (110 kilometers) north of Caesarea. allowed him to go to his friends. Passengers would not need to remain on board at a port where unloading and reloading freight could require days. Paul’s treatment again (as in vv. ) shows that his custody is light. At the same time, it is to Julius’s advantage to let Paul’s friends show Paul hospitality; this allows Julius to requisition fewer supplies from reluctant hosts.

passed to the lee of Cyprus. Although they need to proceed northwest, they must move north before moving west; this was the usual route, but especially important now because winds from the northwest were common late in sailing season. Thus they make their way north partly by using the large island of Cyprus as a shield from the wind.

Myra in Lycia. Land breezes would help them sail west along Asia Minor’s coast to Myra’s port town, Andriace. This was an even more significant port for the Alexandrian grain ships than was Patara (); finding a larger ship (see v.  and note) was therefore not difficult.

Alexandrian ship. Rome imported as much as a third of its grain from Egypt—probably more than 100,000 tons (90,000 metric tons) per year. It doled out grain free to Rome’s residents to ensure peace in the capital, while many children in Egypt died of malnutrition and its effects. Many cargo ships, sometimes 180 feet (55 meters) long, plied the waters from Alexandria in Egypt’s northern delta to Rome. Persons of means privately owned the ships, but Rome ensured that their investment was economically rewarding. Although the return voyage from Rome was often less than two weeks, because of Mediterranean wind patterns the voyage to Rome ranged from about six weeks to more than two months.

arriving off Cnidus . . . Salmone. Cnidus in Asia Minor had two harbors; from there they could sail across the open sea for two or three days to Salmone in northeastern Crete.

along the coast. Because of winds from the northwest, they sail along the southern coast of Crete; few of Crete’s good harbors were in its north in any case. Fair Havens. A bay two kilometers west of Lasea; sheltered by small islands, it would protect ships from strong winds.

become dangerous. The most dangerous and least sailed season ran from roughly Nov. 10 through early March, but dangers were possible as early as mid-September. Some scholars estimate that 20 percent of long voyages encountered serious dangers; the known remains of over a thousand wrecked ships from antiquity testify how frequently the dangers translated into disasters. Grain ships normally made their first voyage from Alexandria in spring; a second run was economically desirable, but unloading could take 12 days and ships could also face bureaucratic delays in Italy. If a ship returned to Alexandria by late August, they might reload to attempt a second voyage, despite the risks.

owner of the ship. Ship owners were usually wealthy despite their low social status. Current imperial policy offered serious economic benefits to ships bringing Rome grain even in the most dangerous seasons. Ship owners paid high costs for insurance, but the loans they used to fund the cargo would be forgiven if the ship went down. Because sailing was dangerous, most sailors were such from necessity, because they either were very poor or were slaves. Financial considerations normally determined whether ship owners gambled on another voyage. In this case, it is too late to reach Rome before winter, but a better harbor than Fair Havens is available (v. ).

unsuitable to winter in. Fair Havens (v. ) was not the ideal harbor, and worse yet few outsiders would want to pass the winter in this small fishing village. hoping to reach Phoenix. By contrast, Phoenix, some 40 to 50 miles (65 to 80 kilometers) away, had one of the best harbors in this part of Crete. Reaching Phoenix, however, entailed a degree of risk. A ship could follow Crete’s coast four to six miles (6.5 to 9.5 kilometers) past Fair Havens, but at Cape Matala the coast turns north, providing no protection against a wind from the northwest. This would be especially the case if (as is likely) they sailed across open sea (through the bay of Mesará) to reach Phoenix quickly.

gentle south wind began to blow. A wind from the south would help keep them near the coast, preventing risk of being blown out to sea.

wind of hurricane force, called the Northeaster. Unfortunately, mountains immediately north of Fair Havens obscured the visibility of storms coming from the northeast—and in this region, a south wind can suddenly shift to a northeaster. Even if they saw the approaching storm once they reached the bay of Mesará, they did not know local conditions: sandwiched between two mountain ranges, the Platanos Valley could concentrate wind speed and hurl the ship into the open sea.

could not head into the wind. Ancient ships, with their square mainsails, could sail against the wind only by tacking widely; it was impossible for them to sail against a storm.

a small island called Cauda. The northeaster quickly carries them by Cauda, more than 20 miles (32 kilometers) southwest of where the wind struck them. Ominously, it was the southernmost Greek island; the course farther southwest was dangerous (v. ). make the lifeboat secure. The east-northeast side of the island they were passing offered no harbors, but it blocked some of the wind’s force long enough for them to salvage the lifeboat, or dinghy. Often it was towed behind the ship, but in this storm it would be lost if not brought aboard.

ropes. Frapping cables used to brace ships’ hulls. sea anchor. If the NIV is correct in referring to a sea anchor here, it might be used as a drag, but the Greek term’s meaning is debated. Some 400 miles (645 kilometers) to the southwest—the direction the storm was driving them—lay the feared Syrtis Major off the Libyan coast. Ships and even fleets had been destroyed there, often grounded in shallow water and then submerged with the onslaught of new waves.

throw the cargo overboard. A common means to try to lighten the ship in drastic conditions. They undoubtedly can discard only a small portion of it here, however (cf. v. ); the ship was probably transporting far more than 250 tons (225 metric tons) of cargo. Unloading at docks could take 12 days, despite the availability of equipment and manual help needed to move sacks of grain often piled six feet (1.8 meters) deep.

threw the ship’s tackle overboard. Many commentators think that the “tackle” refers to the yard, a spar (a long pole made of wood that supported the sails) nearly as high as the ship was long. Workers would need to either secure it or jettison it.

neither sun nor stars. Without stars, sailors could not determine their position or course. In addition to the horror of drowning, ancient beliefs increased their despair. Those who died at sea normally could not obtain burial, and Greek tradition denied the unburied a place in the netherworld; in their belief, the ghost of someone who drowned might hover perpetually over the site of their death.

Men. A customary address in ancient speeches. Some ancient speakers could raise their voices above storms, though it is not clear whether Paul speaks on deck (where passengers remained and even slept during normal conditions) or in one of the larger compartments beneath it. Although the crew would all be male, presumably not all the passengers were.

Caesar. Though Nero himself would not personally take time to judge all the cases, his court would.

keep up your courage. Gentiles respected sages who lived up to their teachings about courage, especially in storms at sea. faith in God. Gentiles believed gods would sometimes rescue ships for the sake of a particularly devout person on board, or sink them because of someone very wicked. Paul’s comportment and confidence contrast starkly with the behavior of someone like Jonah ().

On the fourteenth night. A ship blown southwest from Cauda but attempting to tack north to evade Syrtis (vv. ) would normally reach Malta in roughly 13 days (here it took 14). Adriatic Sea. In contrast to the modern definition, the ancient boundaries of the Adriatic Sea included the area as far south as Malta (). sensed. The familiar sound of waves pounding land would normally be audible over a mile (1.5 kilometers) from Koura, east of Malta (v. ).

took soundings. Sailors took soundings by lowering lead weights smeared with grease on a hollow underside, to pick up samples from the sea floor. a hundred and twenty feet deep. That is, about 37 meters. This probably indicates that they are within a quarter of a mile (0.4 kilometers) of Koura, east of Malta; they may have passed within 1,500 feet (450 meters) of it. They would reach the second sounding recorded in this verse about half an hour later. ninety feet deep. That is, about 27 meters. The rapid decrease in depth means that they are moving swiftly toward being grounded, very possibly on rocks just beneath the sea’s surface. This grounding could rupture the ship’s hull.

dropped four anchors. To stall for time, probably one after the other. from the stern. Usually ships dropped anchors from the bow, the front of the ship, but here sailors drop them from the stern, the back of the ship. Scholars sometimes suggest that they did so to prevent the stern from being driven around into the rocks or because they will resume their course in the morning. prayed for daylight. The visibility of daylight is needed to try to ground the ship safely.

let the lifeboat down. The lifeboat, or dinghy, could be used for maneuvers, but sometimes people also tried to use them to escape (as Paul recognizes the case to be here, presumably prophetically). The dinghy would not risk grounding on the rocks ahead, but it held only a handful of people.

the centurion and the soldiers. Though villagers deferred to centurions, the officers mentioned in v.  ran the ship under normal circumstances. In the present emergency, however, the soldiers have an advantage: they are armed. Unless these men stay with the ship. Without the sailors’ skills to navigate the ship closer to land, the others aboard would not survive.

Not one . . . will lose a single hair. The meaning is obvious enough in any case, but the phrase reflects an OT idiom for protection (; ; ; ).

took some bread and gave thanks. Jewish custom was to offer thanks and then break bread. Passengers on ships had to bring their own food supplies, of which bread was the most common form.

276 of us on board. Alexandrian grain ships such as this one often weighed some 340 tons (300 metric tons). Some grain ships were even larger, a few weighing more than 1,000 tons (900 metric tons) and carrying up to 600 passengers.

throwing the grain into the sea. In an effort to lighten the ship and keep it above subsurface rocks as long as possible, they discard more of the cargo, which consisted especially of sacks of wheat (see note on v. ). This would be done by forming a chain that would pass the heavy sacks in hold compartments from one person to another until those on the edge of the deck could throw them overboard. They could not have removed all the tons of wheat, but it was important to do what they could. Once wet, the wheat below the deck could expand and even double in size, further rupturing a leaking hull.

a bay with a sandy beach. Although the passage of time has altered the landscape, most scholars agree that the bay here is St. Paul’s Bay, on the island’s northeast.

rudders. The pair of steering oars at the stern; the pilot used handles to control them and steer the ship. While the anchors held the ship stationary at night the rudders were best kept immobile, but now they were essential for guiding the ship. foresail. In addition to the square mainsail (v. ), they had a smaller, triangular foresail; the latter could be removed when slowing down when coming into a harbor, but now reaching land while they still can is urgent.

sandbar. May be St. Paul’s Bank; it is now about 40 feet (12 meters) underwater, but it would not need to be much higher than that to ground a large ship. pounding of the surf. Waves are violent here, so once the ship lodged here and could no longer advance, the waves pounding its stern would soon spell the ship’s ruin. Passengers would have to get to shore.

planned to kill the prisoners. Soldiers could be punished if their detainees escaped; shipwreck would normally absolve them, but it was more prudent not to take chances with potentially arbitrary authorities. Most of the prisoners were slated to die to entertain Rome’s populace anyway.

wanted to spare Paul’s life. But it would be hard to justify treating the prisoners inconsistently, so sparing Paul meant sparing all.

In these circumstances, no one would expect the survival of all, barring divine intervention. planks. Some suggest that the planks were boards used to separate grain in the hold below. Incoming waves near the shore would help propel toward shore both swimmers and those aboard the planks. If Luke’s notes were on papyrus, the ink on it would dissolve in water. He would likely have access to a sealable container, however; certainly he had advance notice of the shipwreck (v. ).

Malta. Ships from Rome heading toward Egypt regularly stopped at Syracuse (v. ) and then sometimes at Malta. They stopped, however, not at the site Luke depicts here but at the viable harbors farther south on the island; a good harbor seven miles (11 kilometers) south of their landfall was at what is today Valetta, Malta’s capital.

welcomed us. Hospitality toward strangers was a valued virtue in antiquity; its importance was particularly recognized toward people who had been shipwrecked. The elite islanders could be conversant in Latin (see v.  and note), but most residents of the island spoke Punic, the language of Carthage. raining and cold. The temperature on Malta at this time of year averages about 60°F (or about 15°C), but can be cooler after much rain.

goddess Justice has not allowed him to live. Local and Roman culture personified Justice. People often attributed survival at sea to divine favor and hence virtue; one who escaped shipwreck only to die another way was thought cursed by the gods to die one way or another.

Cf. ; .

said he was a god. Both Jews and Gentiles thought that persons who were exceptionally close to God or gods might experience special protection. Gentiles sometimes venerated such people as partly divine; Gentiles’ practice of treating some humans as divine is an issue also elsewhere in Acts (cf. ; ; , ).

Publius. A Roman name. Members of the island’s elite could be Roman citizens, conversant in Latin and/or Greek. the chief official of the island. Inscriptions from Malta sometimes use the term here translated “the chief official” for the governor; at the least he is a leading citizen.

suffering from fever and dysentery. Typhoid and other causes of fever existed, but malaria was the most common cause. Fever also accompanies dysentery.

honored us in many ways . . . furnished us with the supplies. Ancient Mediterranean culture emphasized reciprocity; Paul had benefited them, so they honor Paul and supply his needs.

After three months. Sea traffic sometimes became safe again as early as Feb. 7 (see note on ). put out to sea in a ship. Roman officers could requisition supplies and transport at no cost (cf. ), in this case on another grain ship from Alexandria that had to stop short of Rome for the winter. Castor and Pollux. Sailors commonly invoked the twin brothers Castor and Pollux as their patrons and protectors during storms. In ancient myth, although only Pollux had inherited immortality, he shared it with his brother Castor; in some versions their days among the living alternated.

Syracuse. The voyage from a likely Maltese harbor to Syracuse was nearly 100 miles (160 kilometers). Syracuse was Sicily’s leading city, renowned for its beauty, with two harbors. Some estimate its population at this time as high as 250,000 people, making it one of the largest cities of antiquity.

Rhegium. A city in Italy near the strait that separated Sicily from Italy. It was a common stop between Sicily and Rome. Puteoli. It had been the chief maritime destination of Alexandrian grain ships until Claudius’s recent construction work in Ostia, and it remained a major port.

came to Rome. The inland journey from Puteoli to Rome would cover well over 100 miles (160 kilometers) and could take a week. At Capua, after traveling about 20 miles (32 kilometers), they would walk toward Rome on the famous Appian Way.

traveled . . . to meet us. Delegations from cities would normally come out to meet and welcome an important public figure. the Forum of Appius. Nearly 40 miles (65 kilometers) from Rome on the Appian Way. Three Taverns. A town originally named for its smaller way stations, about 30 miles (48 kilometers) from Rome.

Rome. The largest city of the ancient Mediterranean world, boasting close to one million residents. allowed to live by himself, with a soldier to guard him. For Paul’s accommodations, see note on v. . Although being unguarded completely was the lightest form of custody, Paul’s is still fairly light. Being chained to only one soldier and living on his own shows that Paul was treated as a high-status person who posed no danger. Presumably the supervisor took the verdict of into account. Paul’s guard was likely assigned from the Praetorian Guard, the elite units of the Roman military who served in Italy.

local Jewish leaders. Although the massive Alexandrian Jewish community had a top leader, Rome’s Jewish community consisted of many autonomous synagogues. A number of Jews in Rome were Roman citizens, but most Jews in Rome were poor and spoke Greek (see the

did not intend to bring any charge against my own people. The Jewish community in Rome had suffered from scandals in earlier decades, so Paul’s assurance that he will not bring any charge against his people is important (on returning charges against accusers, see note on ).

have not received any letters. Paul’s ship arrived early in the new sailing season, perhaps before letters could arrive (letters were carried by travelers). If his accusers gave up the case, however, the case would eventually be thrown out.

we want to hear what your views are. Jesus’ movement was large in Rome: within probably five years Nero was martyring hundreds of Christians in Rome. Yet the synagogue leaders had little contact with Jesus’ followers at this point, although Jewish believers expelled in could have returned after Claudius’s death in AD 54 (the present scene is probably somewhere near AD 59–60). They welcome Paul as an educated person of their own class who can explain about the movement.

Lest Paul’s dialogue partners suppose that a belief rejected by so many of their own people cannot be true, Paul reminds them from that God’s people had often rejected his message.

two whole years. Early tradition says that Paul was released but arrested again once Nero began killing Christians in AD 64 (see the

proclaimed . . . and taught about the Lord Jesus Christ—with all boldness. Many ancient works ended abruptly. Acts ends positively, showing how the expansion of the good news repeatedly emphasized earlier in the book continues even in the heart of the empire. In so doing, Acts presumably points to how the good news will continue “to the ends of the earth” ().

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