Annotations for Zephaniah
Annotations for Zephaniah
Zephaniah son of. The long genealogy in the superscription is unusual in the Prophets. Only in is there a text contemporary to Zephaniah containing a genealogy similar in length and scope. The introduction of the prophet by name establishes both authority and accountability. In Mesopotamia, it also appears that prophets were legally bound to their oracles. In fact, one prophet from Mari enclosed a clipping of his hair and the fringe of his garment (for purposes of identification) along with the message. In addition, the name of a particular prophet is attached to each of the oracles about the Assyrian king Esarhaddon. It therefore appears that there was a practice of the royal court keeping record of prophetic oracles. Hezekiah. Probably not the king of Judah, since the writer would most likely have made that clear to the reader. during the reign of Josiah. Though there are some who want to date the book as late as 200 BC, in all likelihood Zephaniah was born during the reign of Manasseh (687–642 BC). The superscription of the book gives evidence that Zephaniah prophesied in Judah during the reign of Manasseh’s grandson Josiah (640–609 BC), roughly contemporary with Nahum and Jeremiah. Most scholars have argued that Zephaniah prophesied before Josiah’s reform in the 18th year of his reign (c. 621 BC), as the oracles make no mention of the king himself, let alone anything about the reforms during Josiah’s reign. Furthermore, the description of Nineveh’s doom in would probably not have been relevant after 625 BC, when Assyrian power was clearly on the wane, and certainly not after its demise in 612 BC. See 
priests. The Hebrew term (komer) denotes priests of other gods in ; . The term is found in cognate languages of Akkadian, Aramaic, Syriac and Ugaritic—all as general terms for priest. Josiah removed these clergy during his reforms (). Kumru priests are known from Akkadian texts (in the Assyrian dialect) in the early second millennium BC from Cappadocia in Anatolia and from Mari in Syria. The feminine form of the term (kumirtu = priestess) occurs in a seventh-century BC inscription from the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal concerning an Arabian queen. A variant of the term is also found in Aramaic for priests in the first century BC. Thus, these “idolatrous” priests could have been either priests who were servicing the shrines of Baal or apostate priests of Yahweh.
starry host. See note on . Molek. See notes on ; .
day of the LORD. There have been numerous attempts to equate this with ancient Near Eastern sources such as the annual Akitu festival in Assyria and Babylonia. It is certainly possible that the Israelites took the mythical festival, historicized it and applied it to Yahweh. There is no evidence that the Day of Yahweh was celebrated annually. Furthermore, the Biblical concept of the Day of Yahweh was very diverse, representing historical (i.e., military) and apocalyptic episodes. See notes on ; .
the king’s sons. Several seals from Judah during the period of the monarchy have been found; the owner of each seal is identified as the “son of the king,” a title found in variant forms in Egypt (Amarna) and Syria (Mari and Ugarit) in the second millennium BC. In these cases, the term probably refers to administrative officials, not necessarily royal descendants. clad in foreign clothes. Although it has been suggested that this refers to those who were willing to wear the styles of foreign peoples, it is more likely that this refers to those who dressed like priests of foreign deities. The most distinctive component of priestly attire evident from Neo-Assyrian iconography is the high-flared headdress. Based upon historical context, it makes sense to see this as an attack against Assyrian influence at the Judahite royal court. Since there are few iconographic depictions of clothing in this period, it is not certain what other clothing styles are intimated here.
stepping on the threshold. This judgment appears to be related to the Philistine custom in concerning priests of Dagon who did not “step on the threshold,” probably representing a belief (unacceptable in Israel) that evil spirits congregated near the doorway and stepping on the doorsill allowed them access. Many religious structures in Syria added a raised platform that elevated (and thus protected) the object of worship from its surroundings. However, the Assyrians and others in this period more commonly buried holy objects such as apotropaic figurines under the threshold of houses, hopefully to prevent the entry of evil spirits. Moreover, one was not allowed to step on the threshold, as it was considered sacrilegious and dangerous. Either of these possibilities is plausible.
Fish Gate. This was a Jerusalem gate on the northern wall of the city circling the temple mount, known as early as the reign of Manasseh and mentioned during the time of Nehemiah. Tyrian merchants entered Jerusalem through that gate, bringing fish and other imported goods (cf. ; ). Archaeological work has confirmed the Fish Gate’s location in the north. New Quarter. Hebrew mishneh; it apparently refers to the new section of Jerusalem built during the reign of Hezekiah (715–686 BC; ) and repaired by Manasseh, Hezekiah’s successor (). It was probably on the Western Hill of Jerusalem, west of the City of David and the temple mount and across the Tyropoeon Valley. It could have been established to shore up defenses in anticipation of Sennacherib’s imminent invasion in 701 BC and the influx of refugees from the north.
market district. The market, or mortar, district (derived from the Hebrew word for “mortar” or “hollow place,” i.e., a bowl-shaped depression) or neighborhood was probably enclosed within the city walls during Zephaniah’s time, possibly located in the Tyropoeon Valley, between the New Quarter in the west and the temple mount in the east, although its precise location is uncertain. Based upon the context in Zephaniah, it was apparently a center of commercial activity.
The curse listed in this verse is similar to an eighth-century BC Aramaic inscription from Sefire and a curse from Ashurbanipal’s annals against his enemies who violated the terms of his treaties. Curses were often added to any type of covenant as a component of the oath to bind the parties. Thus, those who broke the terms of the agreement were subject to the curses that were listed (e.g., ; ). Similarly, treaties between powerful states and subject states had like terminology (i.e., the lesser state that broke the terms of an agreement was subject to the penalties listed therein).
These oracles probably present the theological rationale for the Josianic expansion into the Transjordan (Moab and Ammon) and Philistia, most likely because of the weakness of Assyria. Josiah’s expansion is implicitly evidenced by pottery from Tel Qasile in Philistia from the seventh century BC that may be Judahite. Furthermore, Josiah spread his reforms into the former territories of the northern kingdom (). The four regions may refer to a worldwide theme, at least symbolically, as the four cardinal points of the compass are probably represented by these four nations. ◆
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The oracle against Philistia predicts the quick destruction of Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod and Ekron (v. ). Southern Philistine towns that may have been under Egyptian control, such as Gath, are not mentioned here. It is known that Sargon of Assyria claimed to have taken Gath in 712/711 BC, and there is no evidence of its rebuilding. Egypt had presumably taken this area over around the end of the reign of Ashurbanipal of Assyria, sometime after 640 BC, when the Assyrian empire was in serious decline. Thus, Egypt rushed into southern Palestine to fill a “power vacuum.”
midday. This implies a conquest that would take half a day. This is ironic, as it took the Egyptian monarch Psammetichus I nearly 30 years to take Ashdod (c. 640–611 BC), a siege that was probably in progress while Zephaniah was prophesying. Thus, Yahweh would not make this conquest a long, drawn-out matter, but he would take the area rapidly. Esarhaddon of Assyria (681–669 BC) claims to have taken Egyptian Memphis in “half a day.”
Kerethite people. The Kerethites were probably a subgroup of Philistines, coming from Crete (Caphtor), although this relationship is not entirely clear. They are often associated with the Pelethites, and both were used as mercenaries in David’s army (; ). Apparently Philistia stayed loyal to Assyria during its weakness and attempted to block Egyptian incursions into Palestine. Herodotus notes that Psammetichus I (664–610 BC) campaigned in Philistia against Ashdod and Ashkelon.
remnant of the people of Judah. Josiah expanded Judahite territory into Philistia as far as the Mediterranean Sea north of Joppa according to an ostracon that shows evidence of a Judahite governor during the time of Josiah at a fortress between Ashdod and Joppa. Zephaniah may be alluding to this expansion. Archaeological excavations at Ekron give evidence of concern for exiles, as the Assyrians expanded the size of the site, constructed a new citadel tower, and rebuilt the mud brick city wall. The Assyrians evidently moved large numbers of Israelites to Ekron to work on their olive oil industry.
Moab . . . Ammonites. Little is known about the relationship of Judah to these Jordanian states in the latter half of the seventh century BC. In fact, there are a few pieces of information that may shed light on this period. Both Moab and Ammon were among nations that gave tribute to Assyria during the reigns of Sargon, Sennacherib and Esarhaddon. This verse implies that they had moved in to Judahite territory. Our understanding of the region in this period is mainly linked to Kedar, a nomadic Arabic tribe known in as descendants of a son of Ishmael. Assyrian sources describe Kedarite movements into the Transjordan after 640 BC, causing warfare between the Kedarites and Assyria. Ashurbanipal (668–627 BC) claimed victories over Uate of Sumu-il (presumably Ishmael) and Kedar. Moreover, Kamashalta of Moab defeated the Arab (i.e., Kedarite) forces of Ammuladin at roughly the same time. It is likely that the strife resulting from the movement of the Kedarites into this region, coupled with the Josianic expansion, may have weakened Ammon and Moab, which is reflected in the oracles. It is interesting to note that Edom, the other Transjordanian state in the region with connections to Judah, is not mentioned here. It is probably because Edom was under Egyptian control, as was southern Philistia (see note on ), and Egypt was not in direct conflict with Judah at this point, though that was to change after the fall of Nineveh in 612 BC.
Distant nations . . . in their own lands. A Babylonian map of the world has Babylon and nearby Mesopotamian nations in the center of a landmass, surrounded by a large body of water. Beyond the water are small lands or islands in the midst of the “sea.” Perhaps Israel had a similar conceptual “map,” with Israel in the center of the earth, with other coastland nations surrounding it, along with a large body of water.
Cushites. The historical context for this oracle is not certain, as the Ethiopian (or Cushite) dynasty of Egypt ended in 664 BC with the Assyrian conquest of Thebes. It appears to imply that the Assyrian victory was done under Yahweh’s providence. Psammetichus I, the founder of the Saite (or Twenty-Sixth) Dynasty, was not allied with Judah until 616 BC. There is no evidence of Cushite (as opposed to Egyptian) troops that may have been sent to help Assyria. Zephaniah may merely be noting the passing of the Cushite dynasty of Egypt, when Tirhakah died in 663 BC, fleeing from the Assyrian conquest of Thebes.
Assyria. The main oppressor of Judah for a century, so an oracle against it is not the least bit surprising. The oracle sees the destruction of Nineveh and Assur (which occurred in 614–612 BC) as in the future, and thus the oracle must have been written previous to this. The destruction of Nineveh is portrayed in language similar to ancient Near Eastern treaty curses (see note on ). Xenophon, in his travels in Upper Mesopotamia, noted that by 401 BC Nineveh had become desert sand.
roaring lions . . . evening wolves. Animal names were often used in a positive manner as an indication of high status or nobility in Judah and elsewhere (e.g., Ugarit). Shema, a royal official of Jeroboam II, owned a seal with a representation of a roaring lion on it. In contrast, the lion’s den is symbolic for evil courtiers of the king in Assyrian literature of the seventh century BC.
purify the lips. The ritual purification of the lips was common in Mesopotamian rituals and symbolized the inner purification of the person. Two Mesopotamian ritual prayers (the “Prayer of the Gods of the Night” and the Old Babylonian baru prayer) speak of purifying the mouth or lips, symbolic of total purity. One Mesopotamian priest states, “I am the ashipu of Eridu whose mouth is pure,” allowing him to pronounce the incantations for the deity. In fact, it appears that “purity of mouth” in Mesopotamia was a condition for standing before the divine council, similar to Isaiah’s standing before God in (see note on ). Here in Zephaniah, all of the people will now be prepared to stand before God because of their pure language (or lips).
rivers of Cush. Since Cush here is likely referring to what is now known as the Sudan, the rivers in question are probably the Blue and White Nile Rivers of Upper Egypt, near the second cataract of the Nile. The same phrase is used in concerning the Cushite (or Ethiopian) dynasty of Egypt (see note on ).