Part 60
it is difficult to harmonize their reverence for the Law with this denial. They may have regarded these angelophanies as theophanies. Jos distinctly asserts [Ant, XVIII, i, 4) that the Sadducees believe that the soul dies with the body. They deny, he says. Divine providence (BJ, II, viii, 14). Their theology might be called "religion within iihe limits of mere sensation."
The Sadducean high priests made Hophni and Phinehas too much their models. Annas and his sons had booths in the courts of
3. Relation the temple for the sale of sacrificial to Temple requisites, tables for money-changers, and Its as ordinary coins had to be changed Worship into the shekels of the sanctuary. From all these the priests of the highpriestly caste derived profit at the expense of desecrating the temple (Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, I, 371 ff). They did not, as did the Pharisees, pay spiritual religion the homage of hypocrisy; they were frankly irreligious. While officials of rehgion, they were devoid of its spirit. This, however, represents their last stage.
The Fathers, Hippolytus, Origen and Jerome, credit the Sadducees with regarding the Pent as alone canonical (Hipp., Haer., ix.24;
3. Alleged Orig., Contra Celsum, i.49; on Mt BeUef in 22 24-31; Jer on Mt 22 31.32). This Canonicity idea may be due to a false identification of Pentaof the views of the Sadducees with those teuch Alone of the Samaritans. Had they rejected
all the rest of Scripture, it is hardly possible that Jos would have failed to notice this. The Talm does not mention this among their
The favor for the memory of John Hyrcanus shown by the writer of 1 Mace (16 23.24) renders probable Geiger's opinion that the author was a Sad4. Sadduducee. He shows the party in its best form: »_„_ his outlook on life is eminently sane, and
errors. It is certain that they gave more importance to the Pent than to any other of the books of Scripture. Hence Our Lord, in the passage commented on by Origen and Jerome, appeals to the Law rather than to the Prophets or the Pss. It
T + 4. ^'^ history is trustworthy. He has sympaLlterature thy with the patriotism of the Hasidaeans, but none with the religious scruples which led them to desert Judas Maccabaeus. That the writer
2661 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Sadducees Saints
of Ecclus from his silence as to the national expectation of a Messiah and the hope of a future life was afeo a Sadducee. is almost certain.
dish); (2) T'Pn, haftdh, and (3) dyi-oi, hdgioi. Of
these words (2) has in general the meaning of righteousness or goodness, while (1) and (3) have the meaning of consecration and Divine claim and ownership. They are not primarily words of character, like hdijidh, but express a relation to God as being set apart for His own. Wherever kddhosh refers to angels, the rendering "holy one" or "holy ones" has been substituted in RV for AV "saint" or "saints," which is the case also in Ps 106 16 m
V. The Relation of the Sadducees to Jesus,—As the doctrines and practices of the Sadducees were
quite aUen from the teaching of Our 1. Less DeLord and the conduct He enjoined, nounced it is a problem why He did not deby Jesus nounce them more frequently than He Than the did. Indeed He never denounces the Pharisees Sadducees save along with their opponents the Pharisees; whereas He frequently denounces the Pharisees alone. As His position, both doctrinal and practical, was much nearer that of the Pharisees, it was necessary that He should clearly mark Himself off from them. There was not the same danger of His position being confused with that of the Sadducees. Jos informs us that the Sadducees had influence with the rich; Jesus drew His adherents chiefly from the poor, from whom also the Pharisees drew. The latter opposed Him all the more that He was sapping their source of strength; hence He had to defend Himself against them. Further, the Gospels mainly recount Our Lord's ministry in Galilee, whereas the Sadducees were chiefly to be found in Jerus and
(cf 34 9), and in 1 S 2 9, as the tr of ha^idh. While hagioi occurs more frequently in the NT than does kddhosh in the OT, yet both are applied with practical uniformity to the company of God's
its neighborhood; hence there may have been severe denunciations of the Sadducees that have not come down to us.
The Sadducees probably regarded Jesus as a harmless fanatic who by His denunciations was weakening the influence of the Phari-
2. Attitude sees. Only when His claim to be the toward Messiah brought Him within the sphere Jesus of practical politics did they desire to intervene. When they did determine to come into conflict with Jesus, they promptly decreed His arrest and death; only the arrest was to be secret, "lest a tumult arise among the people" (Mt 26 5). In their direct encounter with Our Lord in regard to the resurrection (Mt 22 25 ff; Mk 12 20ff; Lk 20 29 ff), there is an element of contempt implied in the illustration which they bring, as it till almost the end they failed to take Him seriously. For Literature see Pharisees.
J. E. H. Thomson SADDXJK, sad'uk (A [Fritzsche], 2d88ov)Kos, Sdddoukos, B, SaSSovXovKos, Saddouloukos; AV Saddue): The high priest, an ancestor of Ezra (1 Esd 8 2) = "Zadok"inEzr 7 2 = "Sadoc" in 2 Esd 1 1.
Saffron {Crocus sativus),
people rather than to any individual. Perhaps the rendering "saints" cannot be improved, but it
SADOC, sa'dok:
is necessary for the ordinary reader constantly to guard against the idea that NT saintship was in any way a result of personal character, and consequently that it implied approval of moral attainment already made. Such a rendering as "con-
(1) (Lat Sadoch) : An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esd
1 l) = "Zadok" inEzr 7 2 = "Sadduk"in 1 Esd 8 2.
(2) (SaSii/c, Sadok) : A descendant of Zerubbabel and ancestor of Jesus (Mt 1 14).
secrate ones," for example, would bring out more
SAFFRON, saf'run (D3"}?, karkom; kp6kos,
clearly the relation to God which is involved, but, besides the fact that it is not a happy tr, it might
krdkos): Identical with the Arab, kurkum, the same as zafaran, "saffron." The source of the
lead to other errors, for it is not easy to remember that consecration—the setting apart of the individual as one of the company whom God has in a peculiar way as His own—springs not from man, but from God Himself, and that consequently it
true saffron is Crocus sativus (N.O. Indaceae), a plant cultivated in Pal; there are 8 wild varieties
in all of which, as in the cultivated species, the
orange-colored styles and stigmas yield the yellow
dye, saffron. Cant 4 14 probably refers to the
is in no way something optional, and admits of no degrees of progress, but, on the contrary, is from the beginning absolute duty. It should also be noted that while, as has been said, to be a saint is not
C. sativus. There is a kind of bastard saffron plant,
the Carthamus linctorius (N.O. Composilae) , of which the orange-colored flowers yield a dye like
saffron. E. W. G. Masterman
directly and primarily to be good but to be set
apart by God as His own, yet the godly and holy
SAIL, sal, SAILOR, sal'er. See Ships and Boats, II, 2, (3); 111,2.
character ought inevitably and immediately to
result. When God consecrates and claims moral
beings for Himself and His service. He demands
SAINTS, sants: In AV 3 words are thus ren-
that they should go on to be fit for and worthy of
the relation in which He has placed them, and so we read of certain actions as performed "worthily
dered: (1) ®ilp3, kadhosh (in Dnl the same root
occurs several times in its Aram, form, TC'^'li? , i:ad-
Sala, Salah Salmons THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2662
of the saints" (Rom 16 2) and as such "as beoometh
Nero's reign, on the site marked by the monastery named after him,
saints" (Eph 5 3). The thought of the holy character of the "saints," which is now so common as almost completely to obscure the real thought of the NT writers, already lay in their thinking very
In 116 AD the Jews in Cyprus rose in revolt and massacred 240,000 Greeks and Romans. The rising was crushed with the utmost
4. Later severity by Hadrian. Salamis was History almost depopulated, and its destruction was afterward consummated by earthquakes in 332 and 342 AD. It was rebuilt, though on a much smaller scale, by the emperor Constantius II (337-61 AD) under the name Constantia, and became the metropolitan see of the island. The most famous of its bishops was Epiphanius, the staunch opponent of heresy, who held the see from 367 to 403. In 647 the city was finally destroyed by the Saracens. Considerable remains of ancient buildings still remain on the site; an account of the excavations carried on there in 1890 by Messrs.
close to their conception of saintship as consecration by God to be His own. David Foster Estes
SALA, SALAH, sa'la (Hbt), s/ie?a/j, "a missile,"
"petition"; 2a\d, Said): A son of Arpachshad (AV Gen 10 24; 11 13 ff; 1 Ch 1 18.24). Lk 3 35.36 follows LXX of Gen 10 24; 11 12=Shelah
(q.v.).
SALAMIEL, sa-la'mi-el (B A, SaXaiJii'iiX, Salamiel, N , 2a(ia|ii^\, Samamitl) : An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1)=AV "Samael" = "ShelumieL"
SALAMIS, sal'a-mis (2aX.a|ji£s, Salamis) : A town on the east coast of Cyprus, situated some 3
J. A. R. Munro and H. A. Tubbs under the auspices of the Cyprus Exploration Fund will be found in the Journal oj Hellenic Studies, XII, 59-198.
miles to the N. of the mediaeval and
1. Site modem Famagusta. It lay near the river Pediaeus, at the eastern extremity of the great plain of the Mesor^a, which runs far into the interior of the island toward Nicosia (Lefkosia), the present capital. It possessed a good harbor and was the most populous and flourishing town of Cyprus in the Hellenic and Rom periods, carrying on a vigorous trade with the ports of Cilicia and Syria. Its population was mixed, consisting of Gr and Phoen elements. The former, however, gave its tone and color to the city, and the chief cult and temple were those of Salaminian Zeus.
M. N. ToD SALASADAI, sal-a-sad'a-i (A, SaXao-aSaC, Salasadai, B, 2apa<ra8a£, Sarasadai, H, Sapio-aSat, Sansadai): An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8 1).
SALATHIEL, sa-la'thi-el:
(1) {^a\aeLi,\,SalathiU): AV; Gr form of "Shealtiel" (thus RV). The father of Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 5.48.56; 6 2; Mt 1 12; Lk 3 27).
(2) RV: Another name of Esdras (2 Esd 3 1, "Salathiel").
SALE, sal (^319'a, mimhar): The word is used:
Tradition represented Salamis as founded soon after the fall of Troy by Teucer. the prince of Gr archers ac-
(1) in the sense of the transaction (Lev 26 50); (2) in the sense of the limit of time involved in the transaction (Lev 25 27); (3) in the sense of the price paid in the transaction (Dt 18 8), though it may be the same as (1) above.
cording to the narrative of the Iliad, who 2 Earlv named it after his home, the island of 7i. , ^ Salamis oft the Attic coast. In the 6th xlistory cent. BC it figures as an important Hellenic city, ruled by a hne of limgs reputed to be descended from Teucer and strengthened hy an alliance with Cyrene (Herod. iv.l62). Gorgus, who was on the throne in 498 BC, refused to join the Ionic revolt against Persia, but the townsmen, led by his brother Onesilus, took up arms in the struggle for freedom. A crushing defeat, however, inflicted under the walls of Salamis, restored the island to its Pers overlords, who reinstated Gorgus as a vassal prince (Herod, v. 10,3 fl). In 449 a CJr fleet under Athenian leadership defeated the Phoen navy, which was in the service of Persia, off Salamis: but the Athenian withdrawal which followed the battle led to a decided anti-Hellenic reaction, tmtil the able and vigorous role of the Salaminian prince Euagoras, who was a warm friend of the Athenians (Isocrates, Euau.) and a successful champion of Hellenism. In 306 a second great naval J)attle was fought off Salamis, in which Demetrius Poliorcetes defeated the forces of Ptolemy I (Soter), king of Egypt. But 11 years later the town came into Ptolemy's hands and, with the rest of the island, remained an appanage of the Egyp kingdom until the incorporation of Cyprus in the Rom Emph-e (58 BC).
SALECAH, sal'g-ka, SALCAH, SALCHAH, sal'- ka (npbo , .^al'khah; B,'ZiKxaL.Sekchal,'A\6.,Achd,
J.i\6., "held, A, "EXxa, Elchd, 'Ao-eXx". Aselchd, SeXxa, Selchd) : This place first appears in Dt 3 10 as marking the eastern boundary of Bashan. It is named as one of the cities in which Og, king of Bashan, ruled (Josh 12 5). It must certainly have been included in the portion given to the halftribe of Manasseh, "all the kingdom of Og king of Bashan," although it is not named among the cities that fell to him (Josh 13 29 ff). At a later time we are told that Gad dwelt over against the Reubenitesin the land of Bashan unto Salecah (1 Ch 5 11). The boundaries of the tribes probably changed from time to time.
When Barnabas and Paul, accompanied by John Mark, set out on their 1st missionary journey, they
The ancient city is represented by the modern Salkhad, a city in a high and strong position at the southern end of Jebel ed-Druze (the Mountain of Bashan). On a volcanic hill rising some 300 ft, above the town, in what must have been the crater, stands the castle. The view from the battlements, as the present writer can testify, is one of the finest E. of the Jordan, including the rich hollow of the Hauran, Mt. Hermon, and all the intervening country to the mountains of Samaria, with vast reaches of the desert to the S. and to the E. The old Rom roads are still clearly seen running without curve or deviation across the country to Bozrah and Der'ah, away to the S.E. over the desert to KaVat el-^Azrak, and eastward to the Pers Gulf. The castle was probably built by the Romans, Restored by the Arabs, it was a place of strength in Crusading times. It has now fallen on evil days. The modern town, containing many ancient houses, lies mainly on the slopes S.E. of the castle. The inhabitants are Druzes, somewhat noted for turbu-
sailed from Seleucia, the seaport of
3. Visit of Antioch, and landed at Salamis, about the Apostles 130 miles distant, as the harbor nearest
to the Syrian coast. There they preached the gospel in the "synagogues of the Jews"
(Acts 13 5) ; the phrase is worth noting as pointing to the existence of several synagogues and thus of a large Jewish community in Salamis. Of work among the Gentiles we hear nothing, nor is any indication given either of the duration of the apostles' visit or of the success of their mission; but it would seem that after a short stay they proceeded "through the whole island" (Acts 13 6 RV) to Paphos. The words seem to imply that they visited allj or at least most, of the towns in which there were Jewish communities. Paul did not return to Salamis, but Barnabas doubtless went there on his 2d missionary journey (Acts 15 39), and tradition states that he was martyred there in
2663 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Sala, Salah Salmone
Onom places Aenon 8 Rom miles S. of Scythopolis (Beisdn), near Salumias (Salim) and the Jordan. This points to Tell Ridhghah, on the northern side of which is a shrine known locally as Sheikh Sellm. Not far off, by the ruins of Umm el-'Amdan, there aie seven copious fountains which might well be called Aenon, "place of springs."
lence. In the recent rising of the Druzes (1911) the place suffered heavily from bombardment by the Turks. For water-supply it is entirely dependent on cisterns filled during the rainy season.
, . W. EWING SALEM, sa'lem (Q^ffl , shalem; 2tt\^(i, Saltm) The name of the city of which Melchizedek was king (Gen 14 18; He 7 1.2; cf Ps
There is reason to believe that this district did not belong to Samaria, but was included in the lands of Scythopolis, which was an important member of the league of ten cities. W. Ewinq
1. Identifi76 2). To aU appearance it lay near cation and "the Vale of Shaveh," described as Meaning "the King's Vale." The general opinion among the Jews was that Salem was the same as Jerus, as stated by Jos (Ant, I, x,
SALIMOTH, sal'i-moth (B, 2o\€i|ji<S9, Saleimoth, A, 'Ao-(ra\i|iM9, 'Assalimuth; the latter is due to a wrong division of syllables; AV Assalimoth) The same as "Shelomith" (Ezr 8 10). S., the son of Josaphias, of the family of Banias, and with him 130 men went up to Jerus with Ezra (1 Esd 8 36).
2), who adds (VII, iii, 2) that it was known as Solyma (S6Xu/ia, Sdluma, variants, according to Whiston, Salem and Hierosolyma) m the time of Abraham. It was also reported that the city and
its temple were called Solyma by Homer, and he adds that the name in Heb means "security." This identification with Jerus was accepted by Onkelos and all the Tgs, as well as by the early Christians. The Samaritans have always identified Salem with Salim, E. of Nablus, but Jewish and Christian tradition is more likely to be correct, supported, as it is, by Ps 76 2. The testimony of the Am Tab is apparently nega-
SALLAI, sal'a-i, sal'i ClD , ^allay; SaXiGn, Sal&m, A, 2o\.u, Said, with variants)
(1) Eponym of a Benjamite family which settled at Jerus after the return, descendants of "Sallu"
(1 Ch 9 7; Neh 11 7.8); the pedigrees of Sallu differ decidedly in the two passages. Curtis (ICC) suggests that "son of Hodaviah, the son of Hassenuah" (Ch) is a corruption or derivation of "Judah the son of Hassenuah" (Neh).
tive. Knudtzon's no. 287 mentions "the land" and "the lands of Urusalim," twice
2. Testiwith the prefix for "city"; no. 289 mony of likewise has this prefix twice; and no. Tell el290 refers to "the city" or "a city of Amama the land Urusalim caDed Btt-Ninip" Tablets {Beth-Anusat ["!]). As there is no prefix of any kind before the element salim,
(2) Name of a priestly family (Neh 12 20), called "SaUu" in ver 7.
SALLU, sal'ti. See Sallai.
it is not probable that this is the name of either a man (the city's founder) or a god (like the Assyr Sulmanu). The form in Sennacherib's inscriptions
SALLUMUS, sa-lu'mus, sal'Q-mus (2dXX.ou(ios, Sdlloumos) : One of the porters who had taken "strange wives" (1 Esd 9 2.5) = "Shallum" in Ezr 10 24; called also "Salum" in 1 Esd 5 28.
(cf Taylor Cylinder, III, 50), Ursalimmu, gives the whole as a single word in the nominative, the double m implying that the i was long. As the Assyrians pronounced s as sh, it is hkely that the Urusahmites did the same, hence the Heb y'rlXshalaim, with sh. See Jeru-salem. T. G. Pinches
SALMA, sal'ma. See Salmon.
SALMAI, sal'ml, sal'mS-i C^O?^ , salmay; AV Shalmai [AVin Neh 7 48 is "Shalmai" = Ezr 2 46]; RV "Salmai"): The eponym of a family of Nethi-
SALEM (SAXtipLos, Sdlemos; AV Saltun): An ancestor of Ezra (1 Esd 8 l) = "ShaIlum" in Ezr 7 2="Salemas" in 2 Esd 1 1.
nim, caUed "Shamlai" in Ezr 2 46 (K«re, '':l21p
shamlay, K'thibh, "^^bll) , shalmay, followed by AV
text, "Shalmai"; B, Xaixadu, Samadn, A, ^eXafil, Selami; Neh 7 48, B, SaXe^ef, Salemei, A, ZeX^el, Selmei, N, Sa/md, Samael). The name suggests a foreign reign. In 1 Esd 5 30 the corresponding name is "Subai."
SALEMAS, sal'S-mas, sa-le'mas (Lat Salame; AV Sadamias): An ancestor of Ezra (2 Esd 11) = "Shallum" in Ezr 7 2; called also "Salem" in
1 Esd 8 1.
SALIM, sa'lim (2aXc£|i, Saleim): A place evidently well known, since the position of Aenon, the
SALMANASAR, sal-ma-na'sar (2 Esd 13 40) = Shalmaneser (q.v.).
springs where John was baptizing, was defined by reference to it: they were "near to Salim" (Jn 3
SALMON, sal'mon, SALMA^ (^''2^1?', salmon,
23). It must be sought on the W. of the Jordan,
as will be seen from comparison of Jn 1 28; 3 26; 10 40. Many identifications have been proposed:
"investiture" [Ruth 4 21], H'abip, sa'lmah, "cloth-
ing" [Ruth 4 20], iSpbiB, salma' [I Ch 2 11.51.54];
e.g. that of Alford with Shilhim and Ain in the S.
2a\|j.<iv, Salm,dn) :
of judah; that of Btisching with 'Ain Karim, and
(1) The father of Boaz the husband of Ruth, and thus the grandfather of Jesse, David's father (Ruth 4 20.21). He is mentioned in both the genealogies of Jesus (Mt 1 4.5;_ Lk 3 32). From IMt 1 5 we learn that he married Rahab, by whom he begat Boaz.
that of Barclay, who would place Salim in Wddy Suleim near 'Anata, making Aenon the springs in Wddy Far'ah. These are all ruled out by their dis-
tance from the district where John is known to have been at work. If there were no other objec-
tion to that suggested by Conder (Tent Work, 49 f)
following Robinson (BR, III, 333) with Salim m the
(2) In 1 Ch 2 51 if, we read of a Salma, "the father of Beth-lehem," a son of Caleb the son of Hur. He is also said to be the father of "the Netophathites, Atroth-beth-joab, and half of the Manahathites, the Zorites," and several "families of scribes." See also Zalmon. S. F. Hunter
plain E. of Nahlus, Aenon being 'Ainun in WAdy
Far'ah, it would be sufficient to say that this is in
the very heart of Samaria, and therefore impossible.
In any case the position of Aenon, 6 miles distant, with a high ridge intervening, would hardly be
defined by the village of Salim, with the important
SALMONE, sal-mo'ne (2a\(iuvT), Salmone): Acts 27 7. See Phoenix.
city of Shechem quite as near, and more easily
accessible.
Saloas Salvation THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2664
SALOAS, sal'6-as (2aX.6as, Salons; AV Talsus after Lat Thalsas): In 1 Esd 9 22, for "Elasah" of Ezr 10 22.
that in the absence of salt they bathe their infanta
in camels' urine. Elisha is said to have healed the waters of Jericho by casting a cruse of salt into the spring (2 K 2 20 f). Abimelech sowed the ruins
SALOM, sa'Iom (Sa\»(i,, Saldm):
of Shechem with salt to prevent a new city from
(1) The father of Helkias (Bar 17). Gr form of "Shallum."
arising in its place (Jgs 9 45). Lot's wife turned
to a pillar of salt (Gen 19 26).
(2) AV = RV "Salu" (1 Maec 2 26).
Figurative: Salt is emblematic of loyalty and friendship (see above). A person who has onoe joined in a "salt covenant" with God and then breaks it is fit only to be cast out (cf Mt 5 13; Mk 9 50). Saltness typified barrenness (Dt 29 23; Jer 17 6). James compares the absurdity of the same mouth giving forth blessings and cursings to the impossibility of a fountain yielding both sweet and salt water (Jas 3 11 f). James A. Patch
SALOME, sa-lo'me (Sa\w(iT], Salome):
(1) One of the holy women who companied with Jesus in Galilee, and ministered to Him (Mk 15 40.41). She was present at the crucifixion (15 40), and was among those who came to the tomb of Jesus on the resurrection morning (16 1 .2) . Comparison with Mt 27 56 clearly identifies her with the wife of Zebedee. It is she, therefore, whose ambitious request for her sons James and John is recorded in Mt 20 20-24; Mk 10 35-40. From Jn 19 25 many infer that she was a sister of Mary, the mother of Jesus (thus Meyer, Luthardt, Alford)
SALT, CITY OF (nb^n T^y, %r ha-melah;
A, at iroXfe]!.! aXwv, hai p6l{e\is halon) : One of the six
cities in the wilderness of Judah mentioned between Nibshan and Engedi (Josh 15 62). The site is very uncertain. The large and important Tell elMilh (i.e. "the salt hill"), on the route from Hebron to Akaba, is possible.
others (as Godet) dispute the inference.
(2) Salome was the name of the daughter of Herodias who danced before Herod, and obtained as reward the head of John the Baptist (Mt 14 3-
11; Mk 6 17-28; cf Jos, Ant, XVIII, v, 4). She
SALT, COVENANT OF. See Covenant of Salt.
is not named in the Gospels. James Orb
SALT, solt (nbp , melah; aXas, hdlas, a\s, hdls)
SALT, PILLAR OF. See Lot; Salt; Siddim; Slime.
Common salt is considered by most authorities as an essential ingredient of our food. Most people intentionally season their cooking with more or less salt for the sake of palatabihty. Others depend upon the small quantities which naturally exist in water and many foods to furnish the necessary amount of salt for the body. Either too much salt or the lack of it creates undesirable disturbance in the animal system. Men and animals alike instinctively seek for this substance to supplement or improve their regular diet. The ancients appreciated the value of salt for seasoning food (Job 6 6) So necessary was it that they dignified it by making
SALT SEA. See Dead Sea.
SALT, VALLEY OF (nb'sn X^J
, ge' ha-melah) : The scene of battles, firstly, between David or his lieutenant Abishai and the Edomites (2 S 8 13; 1 Ch 18 12; Ps 60, title), and later between Amaziah and these same foes (2 K 14 7; 2 Ch 25 11). It is tempting to connect this "Valley of Salt" with es Sebkhah, the marshy, salt-impregnated plain which extends from the southern end of the Dead Sea to the foot of the clifTs, but in its present condition it is an almost impossible place for a battle of any sort. The ground is so soft and spongy that a wide detour around the edges has to be made by those wishing to get from one side to the other. It is, too, highly probable that in earher times the whole of this low-lying area was covered by the waters of the Dead Sea. It is far more natural to identify ge' ha-melah with the Wddy elMilh ("Valley of Salt"), one of the three valleys which unite at Beersheba to form the Wddy ejSeba\ These valleys, el-Milh and e^-Seba', together make a natural frontier to Canaan.
it a requisite part of sacrifices (Lev 2 13; Ezr 6 9; 7 22; Ezk 43 24; Mk 9 49). In Nu 18 19; 2 Ch 13 5, a "covenant of salt" is mentioned (cf Mk 9 49). This custom of pledging friendship or confirming a compact by eating food containing salt is still retained among Arab .-speaking people. The Arab, word for "salt" and for a "compact" or
"treaty" is the same. Doughty in his travels in Arabia appealed more than once to the superstitious behef of the Arabs in the "salt covenant," to save his Ufe. Once an Arab has received in his tent even his worst enemy and hag eaten salt (food) with him, he is bound to protect his guest as long as he remains. See Covenant of Salt. The chief source of salt in Pal is from the extensive deposits near the "sea of salt" (see Dead Sea), where there are literally mountains and valleys of salt (2 S 8 13; 2 K 14 7; 1 Ch 18 12; 2 Ch 25 11). On the seacoast the inhabitants frequently gather the sea salt. They fill the rock crevices with sea water and leave it for the hot summer sun to evaporate. After evaporation the salt crystals can be collected. As salt-gathering is a government monopoly in Turkey, the government sends men to pollute the salt which is being surreptitiously cry.stallized, so as to make it unfit for eating. Another extensive supply comes from the salt lakes in the Syrian desert E. of Damascus and toward Palmyra. All native salt is more or less bitter, due to the presence of other salts such as magnesium sulphate.
E. W. G. Mastebman SALT-WORT, sdlt'wArt {TPlyQ , inallwh, a word connected with melah, "salt," tr'' in LXX fiXijios, hdlimos; AV mallows) : The halimos of the Greeks
is the sea orache, Atriplex halimus, a silvery whitish shrub which flourishes upon the shores of the Dead Sea alongside the rutm (see Junipeb). Its leaves are oval and somewhat like those of an olive. They have a sour flavor and would never be eaten when better food was obtainable (Job 30 4). The tr "mallows" is due to the apparent similarity of the Heb mallu'h to the Gr fj.a\dxv, maldche, which is the Lat 7iialDa and Eng. "mallow." Certain species of
malva known in Arab., as S\UL~«. , khubbdzeh, are
very commonly eaten by the poor of Pal.
. E. W. G. Mastebman SALU, sa'lu .(S^bO, ^dlu' ; LXX B, SaX^K^v, SaZjnon, A, SaXw, 5aZo; AV has "Salom" in 1 Mace 2 26): A prince and the head of a house of the tribe of Simeon and the father of Zimri who was slain by Phinehas along with the Midianitish woman
Salt was used not only as a food, but as an antiseptic in medicine. Newborn babes were bathed and salted (Ezk 16 4), a custom still prevailing. The Arabs of the desert consider it so necessary,
2665 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Saloas Salvation
whom he had brought to the camp of Israel (Nu 25 14; 1 Maco 2 26).
access to God (Ex 33 1-4), to know whom gives happiness (Isa 11 9; Hab 2 14; Jer 31 34). Such a concept is normal for most of the OT, but there are several significant enlargements of it. That Israel should receive God's characteristic of righteousness is a part of the ideal (Isa 1 26; 4
SALUM, sa'lum (2a\oii|x, Saloum) (1) The head of one of the families of porters (1 Esd 5 28; om. in B) = "Shallum" in Ezr 2 42; 10 24; Neh 7 45 = "Sallumus" in 1 Esd 9 25.
3.4; 32 1-8; 33 24; Jer 31 33.34; Ezk 36 2.5. 26; Zee 8; Dnl 9 24; Ps 51 10-12). Good was found in the extension of Israel's good to the surrounding nations (Mic 4 1-4; Isa 2 2-4; 45 5.6; Zee 2 11; 8 22.23; Isa 60; 66 19-21; Zee 14
(2) 1 Esd 8 1 AV = RV "Salem."
SALUTATION, sal-Q-ta'shun (tt(ni-a(r(i.6s, aspasmds): A greeting which might be given in person, orally (Lk 1 29.41.44), or in writing, usually at the close of a letter (1 Cor 16 21; Col 4 18; 2 Thesa 3 17; of use of xafpe"', chairein, "greeting," "joy" in Jas 1 1). The Pharisaic Jews loved salutations in pubhc places (Mt 23 7; Mk 12 38, AV "greeting," RV "salutation" ; Lk 11 43; 20 46). Often these salutations were very elaborate, involving much time in prostrations, embracings, etc. When Jesus therefore sent out the Seventy, He forbade salutation by the way (Lk 10 4), though He ordinarily encouraged proper civilities of this sort (Mt 5 47; 10 12). Edward Bagby Pollard
16.17, etc), even to the extension of the legitimate
sacrificial worship to the soil of Egypt (Isa 19 19-
22). Pal was insufficient for the enjoyment of God's gifts, and a new heaven and a new earth were to be received (Lsa 65 17; 66 22), and a share in the glories was not to be denied even to the dead
(Isa 26 19; Dnl 12 2). And, among the people so glorified, God would dwell in person (Isa 60 19. 20; Zee 2 10-12). (2) Salvation, then, means deliverance from all that interferes with the enjoyment of these blessings. So it takes countless forms—deliverance from natural plagues, from internal dissensions, from external enemies, or from the subjugation of conquerors (the exile, particii-
SALVATION, sal-va'shun:
I. In the OT 1. General 2. Individualism 3. Faith 4. Moral Law 5. Sacrifices 6. Ritiial Law II. iNTERMEDI.iTE LITERATURE 1. General 2. The Law III. The Te.aching of Christ 1. The Baptist 2. Kingdom of God 3. Present and Future 4. Individuahsm 5. jNIoral Progress 6. Forgiveness 7. Person of Christ 8. Notes IV. St. Paul 1. General
larly). As far as enemies constitute the threatening danger, the prayer for deliverance is often based on their evil character (Ps 101, etc). But for the individual all these evils are summed up in the word "death," which was thought to terminate all relation to God and all possibility of enjoying His blessings (Ps 115 17; Isa 38 18, etc). And so "death" became established as the antinomy to "salvation," and in this sense the word has persisted, although the equation "loss of salvation = physical death" has long been transcended. But death and its attendant evils are worked by God's wrath, and so it is from this wrath that salvation is sought (Josh 7 26,
etc). And thus, naturally, salvation is from everything that raises that wrath, above aU from sin (Ezk 36 25.26, etc).
2. Moral Progress 3. The Spirit 4. Mystical Union 5. Forgiveness 6. Atonement 7. Summary 8. Notes V. Rest of NT: Summary
(1) At first the "unit of salvation" was the nation
(less prominently the family), i.e. a man though righteous could lose salvation through
2. Individthe faults of others. A father could ualism bring a curse on his children (2 S 21 1-14), a king on his subjects (2 S 24), or an unknown sinner could bring guilt on an entire community (Dt 21 1-9). (On the other hand, ten righteous would have saved Sodom [Gen 18 32].) And the principle of personal responsibihty was grasped but slowly. It is enunciated partly in Dt 24 16 (of Jer 31 29.30), definitely in Ezk 14 12-20; 18; 33 1-20, and fairly consistently in the Pss. But even Ezekiel still held that five-and-twenty could defile the whole nation (8 16), and he had not the premises for resolving the problem—that temporal disasters need not mean the loss of salvation.
1. St. John 2. Hebrews 3. St. Peter 4. Simimary Literature
In EV the words "salvation," "save," are not technical theological terms, but denote simply "deliverance," in almost any sense the latter word can have. In systematic theology, however, "salvation" denotes the whole process by which man
is delivered from all that would prevent his attain-
ing to the highest good that God has prepared for him. Or, loy a transferred sense, "salvation" denotes the actual enjoyment of that good. So, while
(2) But even when it was realized that a man lost salvation through his own fault, the converse did not foUow. Salvation came, not by the man's mere merit, but because the man belonged to a nation peculiarly chosen by God. God had made a covenant with Israel and His fidelity insured salvation: the salvation comes from God because of His promise or (in other words) because of His name. Indeed, the great failing of the people was to trust too blindly to this promise, an attitude denounced continually by the prophets throughout (from, say. Am 3 2 to Mt 3 9). And yet even the prophets admit a real truth in the attitude, for, despite Israel's sins, eventual salvation is certain. Ezk 20 states this baldly: there has been nothing good in Israel and there is nothing good in her at the prophet's own day, but, notwithstanding, God will give her restoration (cf Isa 8 17.18; Jer 32 6-15,
these technical senses are often associated with the Gr or Heb words tr"* "save," etc, yet they are still more often used in connection with other words or represented only by the general sense of a passage. And so a collection of the original terms for "save,"
etc, is of value only for the student doing minute
detailed work, while it is the purpose of the present
article to present a general view of the Bib. doctrine
/. In the OT.— (1) As long as revelation had
of salvation.
not raised the veil that separates this life from the
next, the Israelite thought of his high-
1. General est good as long life in a prosperous
Pal, as described most typically in Dt
28 1-14. But a definite reUgious idea was pres-
ent also, for the "land of milk and honey," even under angeho protection, was worthless without
etc).
Salvation THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2666
(Jer 7 22 is the nadir). Indeed, in preexihc times
Hence, of the human conditions, whole-hearted
trust in God is the most important. {Belief in God
the danger was the exaltation of sacrifice at the expense of morahty, esp. with the peace offering, which could be turned into a drunken revel (Am 5 21-24; Isa 22 13; cf Prov 7 14). Attempts were made to "strengthen" the sacrifices to Jeh by the use of ethnic rites (Hos 4 14; Isa, 65 1-5), even with the extreme of human sacrifice (Jer 7 31; Ezk 20 26). But insistence on the strict centrali-
is, of course, never argued in the Bible.)
3. Faith Inconsistent with such trust are, for
instance, seeking aid from other na-
tions (Isa 30 1-5), putting rehance in human skill
(2 Ch 16 12), or forsaking Pal through fear (Jer
42). In Isa 26 20 entire passivity is demanded, and in 2 K 13 19 lukewarmness in executing an apparently meaningless command is rebuked.
zation of worship and increasing emphasis laid on the sin and trespass offerings did away with the worst of the abuses. And many of the Pss, esp.
(1) Next in importance is the attainment of a moral standard, expressed normally in the various
66, 118, give beautiful evidence of the devotion
codes of the Law. But fulfilment of
that could be nourished by the sacrificial rites.
4. Moral the letter of the commandment was by Law no means all that was required. For instance, the Law permitted the selling
Of the other means of salvation the ritual law
(not always sharply distinguishable from the moral
law) bulks rather large in the legisla-
of a debtor into slavery (Dt 15 12), but the reckless use of the creditor's right is sharply condemned (Neh 5 1-13). The prophets are never weary of giving short formulae that will exclude such supralegalism and reduce conduct to a pure motive : "Hate the evil, and love the good, and establish justice in the gate" (Am 5 15); "To do justly, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with thy God" (Mic 6 8). And the chief emphasis on the Law as written
6. Ritual tion, but is not prominent in the Law prophets. Requisite to salvation was the abstention from certain acts, arti-
cles of food, etc, such abstinence seeming to lie at the background of the term "holiness." But a
ritual breach was often a matter of moral duty (burying the dead, etc), and, for such breaches,
ritual means of purification are provided and the matter dropped. Evidently such things lay rather on the circumference of the religion, even to Eze-
is found in the later books, esp. Ps 119 (cf Ps 147
20) . (2) Certain breaches of the Law had no pardon
kiel, with his anxious zeal against the least defilement. The highest ritual point is touched by Zee 14 20.21, where all of Jerus is so holy that not a pot would be unfit to use in the temple (cf Jer 31 38-40). Yet, even with this perfect holiness, sacrifices would
but were visited with death at once, even despite repentance and confession (Josh 7). But for the most part it is promised that repentance will remove the
guilt of the sin if the sin be forsaken (Ezk 18) or,
in the case of a sin that would not be repeated, if contrition be felt (2 S 12). Suffering played a part in salvation by bringing knowledge of sin to the conscience, the exile being the most important example (Ezk 36 31). But almost always it is assumed that the possibiUty of keeping the Law is
still have a place as a means by which the holiness could be increased. Indeed, this more "positive" view of sacrifices was doubtless present from the first.
//. Intermediate Literature.— (1) The great change, compared with the earlier period, is that the idea of God had become more
in man's o-nrn power, Dt 30 11-14 stating this ex-
plicitly, while the Wisdom Books equate virtue with learning. Consequently, an immense advance was made when man felt the need of God's help to keep the Law, the need of the inscription of the Laws on the heart (Jer 31 31-34). So an outlook was opened to a future in which God would make the nation righteous (see references in 1, above).
1. General transcendent. But this did not necessarily mean an increase in religious value, for there was a corresponding tendency to take God out of relation to the world by an intellectualizing process. This, when combined with the persistence of the older concept of salvation in this life only, resulted in an emptying of the religious instinct and in indifferentism. This tendency
(1) The acceptance of repentance as expiating past sins was an act of God's mercy. And so His mercy instituted other and additional
is well represented in Eccl, more acutely in Sir, and in NT times it dominated the thought of the Sadducees. On the other hand the expansion of the idea of salvation to correspond with the higher conception of God broke through the hmitations of this hfe and created the new literary form of apocalyp-
5. Sacrifices means of expiation, most notably that of the sacrifices. But a theology of
sacrifice is conspicuously absent from the whole OT, for Lev 17 11 is too incidental and too obscure to be any exception. The Christian (or very late Jew-
tics, represented in the OT esp. by Zee 9-14 j Isa 24-27, and above all by Dnl. And in the intermediate literature all shades of thought between the two extremes are represented. But too much emphasis can hardly be laid on the fact that this intermediate teaching is in many regards simply faithful to the OT. Almost anything that can be found in the OT—with the important exception of the note of joyousness of Dt, etc—can be found again here. (2) Of the conceptions of the highest good the lowest is the Epicureanism of Sir. The highest
ish) interpretations of the ritual laws lack all solidity of exegetical foundation, despite their one-time prevalence. Nor is the study of origins of much help for the meaning attached to the rites by the Jews in historic times. General ideas of offering, of self-denial, of propitiation of wrath, and of entering into communion with God assuredly existed. But in the advanced stages of the religion there is no evidence that sacrifices were thought to produce their effect because of any of these things, but solely because God had commanded the sacrifices. (2) Most sins required a sacrifice as part of the act of repentance, although in case of injury done the neighbor, only after reparation had been made. It
is probably that of 2 Esd 7 91-98 RV: "To behold the face of him whom in their hfetime they served," the last touch of materiahsm being eliminated. Indeed, real materialism is notably absent in the period, even En 10 17-19 being less exuberant than the fancies of such early Christian writers as Papias. Individualism is generally taken for granted, but that the opposite opinion was by no means dormant, even at a late period, is shown by Mt 3 9. The idea of a special privilege of Israel, however, of course pervades all the literature, Sib Or 5 and Jub being the most exclusive books and the XII Tests, the most broad-hearted. In place of national privilege, though, is sometimes found the
Is not (}uite true that for conscious sins no sacrifices were appointed, for in Lev 5 1; 6 1-3, sins are included that could not be committed through mere negligence. And so such rules as Nu 15 30.31 must not be construed too rigorously. (3) Sacri-
fices as means of salvation are taught chiefly by Ezk, while at the rebuilding of the temple (Hag, Zee) and the depression that followed (Mai), they were much in the foreground, but the preexilic prophets have little to say about their positive value
2667 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Salvation
still less edifying feature of party privilege (Ps Sol; En 94-105), the most offensive case being the assertion of En 90 6-9 that the (inactive) Israel will be saved by the exertions of the "little lamb" Pharisees, before whom every knee shall bow in the Messianic kingdom.
It was in the full heat of this eschatological revival that the Baptist had fanned, that Christ began to teach, and He also began
2. Kingdom with the eschatological phrase, "The
of God kingdom of God is at hand." Consequently His teaching must have been taken at once in an eschatological sense, and it is rather futile to attempt to limit such implications to passages where modern eschatological phrases are used unambiguously. "The kingdom of God
(1) The conceptions of the moral demands for salvation at times reach a very high level, esp. in the XII Tests, (making every allowance 2. The Law for Christian interpolations). "The spirit of love worketh together with the law of God in long-suffering unto the salvation of men" (Test. Gad 4 7) is hardly unworthy of St. Paul, and even Jub can say, "Let each love his brother in mercy and justice, and let none wish the other evil"
is at hand" had the inseparable connotation "Judgment is at hand," and in this context, "Repent ye"
(Mk 1 15) must mean "lest ye be judged." Hence, Our Lord's teaching about salvation had primarily a future content: positively, admission into the kingdom of God, and negatively, deliverance from the preceding judgment. So the kingdom of God
(36 8). But the great tendency is to view God's law merely as a series of written statutes, making no demands except those gained from a rigid construing of the letter. In Lk 10 29, "Who is my neighbor?" is a real question—if he is not my neighbor I need not love him! So duties not literally commanded were settled by utihtarian motives, as outside the domain of religion, and the unhealthy phenomenon of works of supererogation made its appearance (Lk 17 10). The writer of Wisd can feel smugly assured of salvation, because idolatry had been abstained from (15 4; contrast St. Paul's polemic in Rom 2). And discussions about "greatest commandments" caused character in its relation to religion to be forgotten. (2) As God's commands were viewed as statutes the distinction between the moral and the ritual was lost, and the ritual law attained enormous and familiar proportions. The beautiful story of Judith is designed chiefly to teach abstinence from ritually unclean food. And the most extreme case is in Jub 6 3438—all of Israel's woes come from keeping the feasts by the actual moon instead of by a correct
is the "highest good" of Christ's teaching but, with His usual reserve. He has httle to say about its externals. Man's nature is to be perfectly adapted to his spiritual environment (see Resurrection), and man is to be with Christ (Lk 22 30) and the patriarchs (Mt 8 11). But otherwise—and again as usual—the current descriptions are used without comment, even when they rest on rather material-
istic imagery (Lk 22 16.30). Whatever the kingdom is, however, its meaning is most certainly not exhausted by a mere reformation of the present order of material things.
But the fate of man at judgment depends on what man is before judgment, so that the practical prob-
lem is salvation from the conditions
3. Present that will bring judgment; i.e. present and Future and future salvation are inseparably connected, and any attempt to make rigid distinctions between the two results in logoma-
chies. Occasionally even Christ speaks of the kingdom of God as present, in the sense that citizens of the future kingdom are living already on this earth (Mt 11 11; Lk 17 21[?]; the meaning of the latter verse is very dubious) . Such men are ' 'saved" already (Lk 19 9; 7 50[?]), i.e. such men were delivered from the bad moral condition that was so extended that Satan could be said to hold sway over the world (Lk 10 18; 11 21). That the individual was the unit in this deliverance needs no emphasis. Still, the Divine privilege of the Jews was a reality and Christ's
(theoretical) moon (!). (3) Where self-complacency ceased and a strong moral sense was present, despair makes its appearance with extraordinary frequency. The period is the period of penitential prayers, with an undercurrent of doubt as to how
far mercy can be expected (Three vs 3-22; Pr Man; Bar 3 1-8, etc). "What profit is it unto us, if there be promised us an immortal time, whereas we have done the works that bring death?" (2 Esd 7 119 RV). The vast majority of men are lost (9 16) and must be forgotten (8 55), and Ezra can trust
4. Individnormal work was limited to them (Mt ualism 10 5; 15 26, etc). He admitted even that the position of the Jewish rehgious leaders rested on a real basis (Mt 23 3). But the "good tidings" were so framed that their extension
for his own salvation only by a special revelation (7 77 RV). So, evidently, St. Paul's pre-Christian experience was no unique occurrence. (4) Important
for the NT background is the extreme lack of prominence of the sacrifices. They are never given a the-
to all men would have been inevitable, even had there not been an explicit command of Christ in this regard. On the other hand, while the message involved in every case strict individual choice, yet the individual who accepted it entered into social relations with the others who had so chosen. So salvation involved admission to a community of service (Mk 9 35, etc). And in the latter part of Christ's ministry, He withdrew from the bulk of His disciples to devote Himself to the training of an inner circle of Twelve, an act expUcable only on the assumption that these were to be the leaders of the others after He was taken away. Such passages as Mt 16 18; 18 17 merely corroborate this. Of the conditions for the individual, the primary
ological interpretation (except in Philo, where they cease to be sacrifices). Indeed, in Sir 35 they are
explicitly said to be devotions for the righteous only, apparently prized only as an inheritance from the past and "because of the commandment" (Sir 35 5; yet cf 38 11). When the temple was destroyed and
the sacrifices ceased, Judaism went on its way almost
unaffected, showing that the sacrifices meant nothing
essential to the people. And, even in earlier times,
the Essenes rejected sacrifices altogether, without
losing thereby their recognition as Jews.
///. The Teaching of Christ.—The Baptist proclaimed authoritatively the near advent of the kingdom of God, preceded by a Mes-
(belief in God being taken for granted) was a correct
1. The sianic judgment that would bring fire for
moral ideal. Exclusion from salvation
Baptist the wicked and the Holy Spirit for the
5. Moral came from the Pharisaic casuistry Progress which had invented limits to righteousness. Ex 20 13 had never contemplated permitting angry thoughts if actual murder was avoided, and so on. In contrast is set the idea of character, of the single eye (Mt 6 22), of the pure heart (5 8). Only so can the spiritual
righteous. Simple but incisive moral
teaching and warning against trusting in national
privileges, with baptism as an outward token of
repentance, were to prepare men to face this judgment securely. But we have no data to determine how much farther (if any) the Baptist conceived
his teaching to lead.
Salvation THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2668
of Man. But passage from simple humanity to the transcendental glory of the Son-qf-Mau Messiah involved a change hardly expressible except by death and resurrection. And the expectation of death was in Christ's mind from the first, as is seen by Mk 2 18.19 (even without ver 20). That He could have viewed His death as void of significance
house be built on a rock foundation. But the mere
ideal is not enough; persistent effort toward it and a certain amount of progress are demanded impera-
tively. Only those who have learned to forgive can ask for forgiveness (Mt 6 12; 18 35). They who omit natural works of mercy have no share
in the kingdom (25 31-46), for even idle words will be taken into account (12 36), and the most precious possession that interferes with moral progress
for human salvation is simply inconceivable, and the ascription of Mk 10 45 to Pauhne influence is
is to be sacrificed ruthlessly (18 8.9, etc). Men are known by their fruits (7 20) ; it is he that doeth the win of the Father that shall enter into the kingdom
in defiance of the facts. Nor is it credible that Christ conceived that in the interval between His death and His Parousia He would be out of relation to His own. To Him the unseen world was in the
(7 21), and the final ideal—which is likewise the goal—is becoming a son of the Father in moral hkeness (5 4.5). That this progress is due to God's aid is so intimately a part of Christ's teaching on the entire dependence of the soul on God that it receives little explicit mention, but Christ refers even His own miracles to the Father's power (Lk 11 20).
closest relation to the visible world, and His passage into glory would strengthen, not weaken. His power. So there is a complete justification of Mk 14 22-25:
to Christ His death had a significance that could be paralleled only by the death of the Covenant victim
in Ex 24 6-8, for by it an entirely new relation was estabhshed between God and man.
Moral efi'ort, through God's aid, is an indispensable condition for salvation. But complete suc-
(1) Salvation from physical evil was a very real
part, however subordinate, of Christ's teaching (Mk 1 34, etc). (2) Ascetic prac-
cess in the moral struggle is not at all
6. Forgivea condition, in the sense that moral ness perfection is required. For Christ's
8. Notes tices as a necessary element in salvation can hardly claim Christ's author-
disciples, to whom the kingdom is promised (Lk 12 32), the palsied man who receives remission of sins (Mk 2 5), Zacchaeus who is said to have received salvation (Lk 19 9), were far from being models of sinlessness. The element in the character that Christ teaches as making up for the lack of moral perfection is becoming "as a little child" (cf Mk 10 15). Now the point here is not credulousness (for belief is not under discussion), nor is it meekness (for children are notoriously not meek). And it most certainly is not the pure passivity of the newly born infant, for it is gratuitous to assume that only such infants were meant even in Lk 18 15, while in Mt 18 2 (where the child comes in answer to a call) this interpretation is excluded. Now, in the wider teaching of Christ the meaning
ity. It is too often forgotten that the Twelve were not Christ's only disciples. Certainly not all of the hundred and twenty of Acts 1 15 (cf ver 21), nor
of the five hundred of 1 Cor 15 6, were converted after the Passion. And they all certainly could not have left their homes to travel with Christ. So the demands made in the special case of the Twelve (still less in such an extremely special case as Mk 10 21) in no way represent Christ's normal practice, whatever readiness for self-sacrifice may have been asked of all. So the representations of Christ as ruthlessly exacting all from everyone are quite unwarranted by the facts. And it is well to remember that it is Mt 11 19 that contains the term of reproach that His adversaries gave Him.
is made clear enough. Salvation is for the poor in
IV. St. Paul.—Instead of laying primal stress on
spirit, for those who hunger and thirst after righteousness, for the prodigal knowing his wretchedness. It is for the penitent publican, while the selfsatisfied Pharisee is rejected. A sense of need and a desire that God will give are the characteristics. A child does not argue that it has earned its father's benefits but looks to him in a feeling of dependence, with a readiness to do his bidding. So it is the soul that desires all of righteousness, strives toward it, knows that it falls short, and trusts in its Father tor the rest, that is the savable soul.
St. Paul's peculiar contributions to soteriology, it
will be preferable to start from such Pauline passages as simply continue the explicit teaching of Christ. For it is largely due to the common rever-
sal of this method that the present acute "JesusPaulus" controversy exists.
That St. Paul expected the near advent of the kingdom of God with a judgment preceding, and
that salvation meant to him primarily
1. General deliverance from this judgment, need not be argued. And, accordingly, emphasis is throwTi sometimes on the future deliverance and sometimes on the present conditions for the deliverance (contrast Rom 5 9 and 8 24), but the practical problem is the latter. More explicitly than in Christ's recorded teaching the nature and the blessings of the kingdom are described (see Kingdom op God), but the additional matter is without particular religious import. A certain privilege of the Jews appears (Rom 3 1-8; 9-11), but the practical content of the privilege seems to be eschatological only (11 26). Individual conversion is of coui:se taken for granted, but the life after that becomes highly corporate (see Church).
Christ speaks of the pardon of the publican (Lk 18 9 ff) and of the prodigal welcomed by the Father (Lk 15 20), both without 7. Person intermediary. And it is perhaps not of Christ necessary to assume that all of those finding the strait gate (Mt 7 14) were exphcitly among Christ's disciples. But would Christ have admitted that anyone who had come to know Him and refused to obey Him would have been saved? To ask this question is to answer it in the negative (Mk 9 40 is irrelevant). Real knowledge of the Father is possible only through the unique knowledge of the Son (Lk 10 21.22), and lack of faith in the Son forfeits all blessings (Mk 6 5.6; 9 23). Faith in Him brings instant forgiveness of sins (Mk 2 5), and love directed to Him is an indisputable sign that forgiveness has taken place (Lk 7 47). But Christ thought of Himself as Messiah and, if the term "Messiah" is not to be emptied of its meaning, this made Him judge of the world (such verses as Mk 8 38 are hardly needed for direct evidence). And, since for Christ's consciousness an earthly judgeship
(1) The moral ideal is distinctly that of character. St. Paul, indeed, is frequently obliged to give directions as to details, but the
2. Moral detailed directions are referred conProgress stantly to the underlying principle, Rom 14 or 1 Cor 8 being excellent examples of this, while "love is the fulfilment of the law" (Rom 13 10) is the summary. (2) Persistent moral effort is indispensable, and the new life absolutely must bring forth fruit to God (Rom 6 4; 13 12; Gal 5 24; Col 3 5; Eph 2 3; 4 17.22-32;
is unthinkable, a transcendental judgeship is the sole alternative, corroborated by the use of the title Son
2669 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Salvation
union the strength of sin is broken (Rom 6 6) . (2) The condition in man that makes forgiveness pos-
Tit 2 11-14). Only by good conduct can one please God (1 Thess 4 1), and the works of even Christians are to be subjected to a searching test (1 Cor 3 13; 4 5; 2 Cor 5 10) in a judgment not to be faced without the most earnest striving (1 Cor 10 12; Phil 2 12), not even by St. Paul himself (1 Cor 9 27; Phil 3 12-14). And the possibility of condemnation because of a lack of ?noral attainment must not be permitted to leave the mind
' 'faith"—a very complicated term.
sible St. Paul calls
Its chief use, however, is in opposition to "works" (most clearly in Rom 9 30—10 13). The Jews' "pursuit after righteousness"—the attempt to wring salvation from God as wages earned—was vain (Rom 10 13), and in contrast is the appeal to God, the conscious relinquishment of all claim
(1 Cor 3 17; Gal 5 21; cf Rom 8 12.13; 11 20; 1 Cor 10 12; Gal 6 7-9). Consequently, growth in ac/Mo/ righteousness is as vital in St. Paul's soteriology as it is in that teaching of Christ: Christians have "put oE the old man with his doings"
(4 5). The soul looks trustingly for salvation to
its Father, precisely the attitude of the "children" in the teaching of Christ. But no more than in the teaching of Christ is faith a purely passive virtue, for man must be "obedient" to it (Rom 1 5; 10 16; 1 Thess 2 13). And for the neces.sary presence of love in faith cf 1 Cor 13 2; Gal 5 6; Eph 3 17. Because of faith—specifically, faith in Christ (except Rom 4; Gal 3 6)—God does not visit the penalties of sins on believers, but
(Col 3 9). That this growth is God's work is, however, a point where St. Paul has expanded Christ's quiet assumption rather elaborately. In 3. The particular, what Christ had made the Spirit source of His own supernatural power —the Holy Spirit—is specified as the source of the power of the Christian's ordinary life, as well as of the more special endowments (see Spiritual Gifts). In the Spirit the Christian has received the blessing promised to Abraham (Gal 3 14); by it the deeds of the body can be put to death and all virtues flow into the soul (Gal 5 16-
6. Atonetreats them as if they were righteous ment (Rom 5 1, etc). But this is not because of a quaHty in the believer or in the faith, but because of an act that preceded any act of Christian faith, the death of Christ (not the cross, specifically, for St. Paul does not argue from the cross in all of Rom). Through this death God's mercy could be extended safely, while before this the exercise of that mercy had proved disastrous (Rom 3 2.5.26). And this death was a sacrifice (Rom 3 2.5, etc). And it is certain that St. Paul conceived of this sacrifice as existing quite independently of its effect on any human being. But he has given us no data for a really complete sacri-
26), if a man walks according to it (1 Cor 6 19.20; 1 Thess 4 S). The palmary passage is Rom 7-8. In ch 7 St. Paul looks back with a shudder on his pre-Christian helplessness (it is naturally the extreme of exegetical perversity to argue that he dreaded not the sin itself but only God's penalty on sin). But the Spirit gives strength to put to death the deeds of the body (8 13), to disregard the things of the flesh (8 .5), and to fulfil the ordinance of the Law (8 4). Such moral power is the test of Christianity: as many as are led by the Spirit
ficial doctrine, a statement sufficiently proved by the hopeless variance of the interpretations that have been propounded. And that St. Paul ever constructed a theory of the operation of sacrifices must be doubted. There is none in the contemporary Jewish literature, there is none in the OT, and there is none in the rest of the NT, not even in He. Apparently the rites were so familiar that sac-
of God, these are the sons of God (8 14). This doctrine of the Spirit is simply that what Christ did on earth would be carried on with increased intensity after the Passion.
rificial terminology was ready to hand and was used without particular reflection and without attempting to give it precise theological content. This is borne out by the ease with which in Rom 3 24.25
4. Mystical That this work could be thought of out Union of relation to Christ, or that Christ Himself could have so thought of it
(see above. III, 7) is incredible. So the exalted Christ appears as the source of moral and spiritual power (St. Paul speaks even more of Christ's resurrection than of the Passion), the two sources (Christ and the Spirit) being very closely combined
St. Paul passes from a ransom (redemption) illustration to a (quite discordant) propitiation illustration. For further discussion see Atonement; Justification. Here it is enough to say that to make a juridical theory constructed from Pauline implications and illustrations central in Christianity
in 2 Cor 3 17; Rom 8 9; Gal 4 6. Our old man has been crucified, so putting an end to the bondage of sin, and we can prevent sin from reign-
is to do exactly what St. Paul did not do.
Summing up, there is a double line of thought in
ing in our mortal bodies, for our burial into Christ's death was to enable us to walk in newness of life (Rom 6 2-14). The resurrection is a source of power, and through Christ's strength all things can be done (Phil 4 13.20). Christ is the real center
St. Paul: the remission of penalties through the atoning death of Christ and the de-
7. Summary struction of the power of sin through strength flowing from Christ, the human element in both cases being faith. The question of the order of the steps is futile, for "to have faith," "to be in Christ," and "to have the Spirit" are convertible terms, i.e. in doctrinal phraseology, the beginnings of sanctification are simultaneous with justification. Attempts to unify the two lines of thought into a single theory cannot claim purely Bib. support. The "ethical" theory, which in its best form makes God's pardon depend en the fact that the sinner will be made holy (at least in the next world), introduces the fewest extraneous elements, but it says something that St. Paul does not say. On the other hand one may feel that considering St. Paul as a whole—to say nothing of the rest of the NT—the pure justification doctrine has bulked a httle too large in our dogmatics. God's pardon for sin is an immensely important matter, but still more important is the new power of holi-
of the believer's personahty (Gal 2 20); the man
has become a new creature (2 Cor 5 17; cf Col 2
20; 3 3); we were joined to another that we might
bring forth fruit to God (Rom 7 4). And by
contact with the glory of the Lord we are transformed into the same image (2 Cor 3 18), the end
being conformation to the image of the Son (Rom
8 30). , . , , (1) This growth in actual holiness, then, is funda-
mental with St. Paul: "If any man hath not the
Spirit of Christ, he is none of his
5. Forgive- (Rom 8 9). And the acquisition of
ness strength through union with Christ
is vitally connected with the remission
of sins. In Rom 7 1-6 (cf Col 2 11.12), the
mystical union with Christ makes His death ours
(cf Col 3 3) and so removes us from the Law (cf Rom 10 4; 1 Cor 15 56), which has no relation to
the dead. And by the life-giving power of this
Salvation Samaria THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2670
(1) Baptism presents another obstacle to a strict unifying of Pauline theology. A very much stronger sacramentarianism is admitted in St.
moral effort (7 17). In St. John the contrasts are colored so vividly that it would almost appear as
if perfection were demanded. But he does not present even the apostles as models of sanctity (13 38; 16 32), and seh-righteousness is condemned without compromise; the crowning sin is to say, "We see" (9 41). It is the Son who frees from sin
8. Notes Paul today than would have been accepted a generation ago, and such passages as Rom 6 1-7; Gal 3 27; Col 2 12 make
it certain that he regarded baptism as conferring very real spiritual powers. But that he made a mechanical distinction between the blessings given then and those given at some other time must be doubted. (2) Salvation from the flesh (Rom 7 24) involves no metaphysical duahsm, as "flesh" is the whole of the lower nature from which the power to holiness saves a man (8 13). Indeed, the body it-
(8 36), deUvers from darkness (8 12; 12 46), and gives eternal hfe (11 25.26; cf 3 16; 5 24; 6 47). This emphasis on the Divine side of the process ia probably the reason for the omission of the terms "repent," "repentance," from the Gospel in favor of "faith" (6 29, esp.), but this "faith" mvolves in turn human effort, for, without "abiding," faith
self is an object of salvation (Rom 8 11; and see Resitrrection). (3) Quite in the background lies the idea of salvation from ph>'sical evil (2 Cor 1 10, etc). Such evils are real evils (1 Cor 11 30), but
is useless (8 30.31). (5) An advance on the Synop-
tists is found in the number of times Christ speaks of His death (3 14.15; 10 11.15; 12 24.32; 17
19) and in the greater emphasis laid on it, but no more than in the Synoptists is there any explanation of how the Atonement became effectual. A real advance consists in the prospect of Christ's work after His death, when, through the Paraclete
in God's hands they may become pure blessings (Rom 5 3; 2 Cor 12 7). (4) Salvation from sin
ajler conversion is due to God's judging the man
in terms of the acquked supernatural nature (Rom 8 14, etc). Yet certain sins may destroy the union with Christ altogether (1 Cor 3 17, etc), while others bring God's chastening judgment (1 Cor 11 30-32) . Or proper chastisement may be inflicted by
(7 38.39; 14 16 ff), a hitherto unknown spiritual power would become available for the world. And spiritual power is due not only to a union of will with Christ but to mystical union with Him (15 1-9). See above. III, 7, for the relation of these thoughts to the synoptic teaching.