Part 28
Along with these traditions and traditional interpretations, the Pharisees were close students of the
sacred text. On the turn of a sentence 6. Close they suspended many decisions. So Students of much so, that it is said of them later the Text of that they suspended mountains from Scripture hairs. This is esp. the case with regard to the Sabbath law with its burdensome minutiae. At the same time there was care as to the actual wording of the text of the Law; this has a bearing on textual criticism, even to the present day, A specimen of Pharisaic exegesis which Paul turns against their followers as an argumentuin ad hominem may be seen in Gal 3 16: "He saith not, And to seeds, as of many; but as of one, And to thy seed, which is Christ."
(1) Messianic hopes.—It is also to be said for them, that they maintained the Messianic hopes of the nation when their rivals were ready to sacrifice everything to the Romans, in order to gain greater political influence for themselves. Their imagination ran riot in the pictures they drew of these future times, but still they aided the faith of the people who were thus in a position to hsten to the claims of Christ. They were led by Rabbi Alpba in the reign of Hadrian to accept Bar-Cochba about a century after they had rejected Jesus. They were fanatical in their obedience to the Law as they understood it, and died under untold tortures rather than transgress.
Nothing in the Gospels or the Acts at all militates against any part of this representation, but there is
much to fill it out. They believed in
3. NT Presangels and spirits (Acts 23 8). From entation of the connection it is probable that the Pharisaic present activity of such beings was the Doctrines question in the mind of the writer. In that same sentence belief in the resurrection is ascribed to the Pharisees.
Another point is that to the bare letter of the Law they added traditions. While the existence of these traditions is referred to in the
4. TradlGospels, too little is said to enable us tions Added to grasp their nature and extent (Mt
(2) Almsgiving.—They elevated almsgiving into an equivalent for righteousness. This gave poverty a very different place from what it had in Greece or among the Romans. Learning was honored, although its possessors might be very poor. The story of the early life of Hillel brings this out. He is represented as being so poor as to be unable sometimes to pay the small daily fee which admitted pupils to the rabbinic school, and when this happened, in his eagerness for the Law, he is reported to have listened on the roof to the words of the teachers. This is probably not historically true, but it exhibits the Pharisaic ideal.
to the Law 15 2 ff; 16 5 ff; Mk 7 1-23). The evangelists only recorded these traditional glosses when they conflicted with the teaching
of Christ and were therefore denounced by Him. We find them exemplified in the Mish. The Phari-
saic theory of tradition was that these additions to the written law and interpretations of it had been given by Moses to the elders and by them had been transmitted orally down through the ages. The
classical passage in the Mish is to be found in Pirke 'Abhoth: "Moses received the [oral] Law from Sinai and delivered it to Joshua and Joshua to the
///. Organization of the Pharisaic Party.—We have no distinct account of this organization, either in the Gospels, in Jos, or in the Talm. But the close relationship which the members of the sect sustained to each other, their habit of united action as exhibited in the narratives of the NT and of Jos are thus most naturally explained. The Talmudic account of the hdbherim affords confirmation of this. These were persons who primarily associated for the study of the Law and for the better observance of
elders, and the elders to the prophets and the prophets to the men of the great synagogue." Additions to these traditions were made by prophets by direct inspiration, or by interpretation of the words of the written Law. All this mass, as related above, was reduced to writing by Jehuda haKadhosh in Tiberias, probably about the end of the 2d cent. AD. Jehuda was born, it is said, 13.5 AD, and died somewhere about 220 AD.
The related doctrines of the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of the body, and the final judgment
its precepts. No one was admitted to these hd-
Pharisees Phassurus THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2364
place was unclean. We must, however, bear in mind that the evidence for this is Talmudic, and
bhuroth without taking an oath of fidelity to the society and a promise of strict observance of Levitical precepts.
therefore of but limited historical value.
(1) Their scrupulosity.—We find traces of this scrupulosity in the Gospels. The special way in which the ceremonial sanctity of the
One of the elements of their promise has to be noted. The hdbher promised not to pay ma'dsrOth, "tithe," or terumah, "heave offering," to a priest who Pharisaic was not a hdbher. They were only per-
4. The NT Pharisees exhibited itself was in tithAccount ing, hence the reference to their tithing "mint and anise and cummin" (Mt 23
"RrntVipr mitted to take this oath when their asso-
f^ , ciates In the brotherhood certifled to their nooas character. Even then the candidate had to pass through a period of probation of 30 days, according to the "house of Hillel," of a year, according to the " house of Shammai." This latter element, beingquite more ra^mudico.may be regarded asdoubtful. Association with any not belonging to the Pharisaic society was put under numerous restrictions. It is at least not improbable that when the lawyer in Lk 10 29 demanded "Who is my neighbor?" he was minded to restrict the instances of the command in Lev 19 18 to those who were, like himself, Pharisees. A society which thus had brotherhoods all over Pal and was separated from the rest of the community would naturally wield formidable power when their claims were supported by the esteem of the people at large. It is to be observed that to be a hdbher was a purely personal thing, not heritable like 'priesthood, and women as well as men might be members. In this the Pharisees were like the Christians. In another matter also there was a resemblance between them and the followers of Jesus; they, unlike the Sadducees, were eager to make proselytes. "Ye compass sea and land to make one proselyte" (Mt 23 15). Many members of Rom society, esp. women, were proselytes, as, for instance, Poppaea Sabina.
23). In the parable of the Pharisee and the Publi-
can, one of the things that the Pharisee plumes him-
self on is that he gives tithes of all he possesses (Lk 18 12). He is an example of the Pharisaic arrogance of those "who trusted in themselves tha^t they were righteous and set all others at nought.
Their claiming the first seats in feasts and synagogues (Mt 23 6) was an evidence of the same spirit.
(2) Their hypocrisy.—Closely akin to this is the hypocrisy of which the Pharisees were accused by Our Lord. When we call them "hypocrites," we must go back to the primary meaning of the word. They were essentially "actors," poseurs. Good men, whose character and spiritual force have impressed themselves on their generation, have often
peculiarities of manner and tone which are easily imitated. The very respect in which they are held by their disciples leads those who respect them to adopt unconsciously their mannerisms of voice and deportment. A later generation unconsciously imitates, "acts the part." In a time when religion
IV. Character of the Pharisees.—Because the ideal of the Pharisees was high, and because they reverenced learning and character
1. Phariabove wealth and civil rank, they had a sees and tendency to despise those who did not People of agree with them. We see traces of the Land this in the Go.spels; thus Jn 7 49: "This multitude that imowrth ncrbthe law are accursed." The distinction between the Pharisees, the Puritans and the "am ha-'are^, "the people of the land," began with the distinction that had to be kept between the Jews and the Gentiles who had entered the land as colonists or intruders. These would, during the Bab captivity, almost certainly speak Western Aram., and would certainly be heathen and indulge in heathen prac-
is persecuted, as in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, or despised as it was in the Hellenizing times which preceded and succeeded, it would be the duty of religious men not to hide their convictions. The tendency to carry on this public manifestation of religious acts after it had ceased to be protest would be necessarily great. The fact that theygained credit by praying at street corners when the hour of prayer came, and would have lost credit with the people had they not done so, was not recognized by them as lessening the moral worth of the action. Those who, having lived in the period of persecution and contempt, survived in that when religion was held in respect would maintain their earlier practice without any arriere-pensee. The succeeding generation, in continuing the practice, consciously "acted." They were poseurs. Their hypocrisy was none the less real that it was reached by unconscious stages. Hypocrisy was a new sin, a sin only possible in a spiritual religion, a religion in which morality and worship were closely related. Heathenism, which lay in sacrifices and ceremonies by which the gods could be bribed, or cajoled into favors, had a purely casual connection with morality;
tices. They were "the people of the land" whom the returning exiles found in possession of Judaea.
Mingled wdth them were the few Jews that had neither been killed nor deported by the Babylonians, nor carried down into Egypt
2. Arroby Johanan, the son of Kareah. As gance they had conformed in a large measure toward to the habits of their heathen neighOther Jews bors and intermarried with them, the stricter Jews, as Ezra and Nehemiah, regarded them as under the same condemnation as the heathen, and shrank from association with them. During the time of Our Lord's life on earth the name was practically restricted to the ignorant Jews whose conformity to the law was on a broader scale than that of the Pharisees. Some have, however, dated the invention of the name later in the days of the Maccabean struggle, when the ceremonial precepts of the Law could with difficulty be observed. Those who were less careful of these were regarded as 'am hd-'are/;.
its worship was entirely a thing of externals, of acting, "posing." Consequently, a man did not by the most careful attention to the ceremonies of religion produce any presumption in favor of his trustworthiness. ^ There was thus no sinister motive to prompt to religion. The prophets had denounced the insincerity of worship, but even they did not denounce hypocrisy, i.e. religion used as a cloak to hide treachery or dishonesty. Religion had become more spiritual, the connection between morality and worship more intimate by reason of the persecution of the Seleucids.
The distinction as exhibited in the Talm shows an arrogance on the part of the Pharisaic hdbher
that must have been galling to those
3. Regulawho, though Jews as much as the tions for the Pharisees, were not Puritans like them. habher A hdbher, that is a Pharisee, might not eat at the table of a man whose wife was of the 'a7n hd-'are^, even though her husband might bo a Pharisee. If he would be a full hdbher, a Pharisee must not sell to any of the 'am hd-'areQ anything that might readily be made unclean. If a woman of the 'am hd-'dref was left alone in a room,
The Talm to some extent confirms the representation of the Gospels. There were said to be seven classes of Pharisees: (1) the "shoulder" Pharisee, R TnlmiifliV '^^'^° wears his good deeds on his shoulders ni '^"tr and obeys the precept of the Law, not from t^iassincaprinciple, but from expediency; (2) the tion of the " wait-a-little " Pharisee, who begs for Phqri<!f>po time in order to perform a meritorious i-uoiiscct. action; (3) the "bleeding" Pharisee, who in his eagerness to avoid looking on a woman shuts his eyes and so bruises himself to bleeding by stumblmg against a wall: (4) the "painted" Pharisje, who advertises his holiness lest any one should touch
all that she could touch without moving from her
2365 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Pharisees Phassurus
him so that he should be defiled; (5) the "reckoning" Pharisee, who is always saying "What duty must I do to balance any unpalatable duty which I have neglected?"; (6) the "fearing" Pharisee, whose relation to God IS one merely of trembling awe; (7) tile Pharisee from "love." In all but the last there was an element of actmg," of hypocrisy. It Is to be noted that the lalm denounces ostentation; but unconsciously that root of the error lies in the externality of their righteousness ; it commands an avoidance of ostentation which involves equal "posing."
Life and Times of Christ: Hausrath, I, 135 ff, ET; Edershelm, I, 310 fl; Lange, I, 302 ff, ET; Farrar, II, 494 fl; Geikie, II. 223 fl; Keim, I, 250 fl; Thomson, Books Which Influenced Our Lord, 50 fl; Weiss, I, 285 fl, ET; de Prossensfi, 116 fl.
Arts. In Encs, Bible Diets., Lexicons, etc: Ersch and Gruber, Allg. Enc (Daniel); Winer, RealwSrterbuch; Herzog, RE. ed 1 (Reuss), edd 2, 3 (Sieffert) ; Hamburger, Realenc; Smith's DB (Twisleton) ; Kitto's Cyclopaedia of Bib. Lit. (Ginsburg); HDB (Baton); EB (Cowley, Prince); Schenkel, Bibel-Lezicon (Hau.srath) ; Jew Enc (Kohler); Temple Did. of the Bible (Christie); Hastings, DCQ (Hugh Scott, Mitchell),
V. Oar Lord's Relationship to the Pharisees.-r The attitude of the Pharisees to Jesus, to begin with, was, as had been their attitude to 1. PhariJohn, critical. They sent representasees' tives to watch Hia doings and His Efforts to sayings and report. They seem to Gain Christ have regarded it as possible that He to Their might unite Himself with them, alSide though, as we think. His affinities rather lay with the Essenes. Gradually their criticism became opposition. This opposition grew in intensity as He disregarded their interpretations of the Sabbatic law, ridiculed their refinements of the law of tithes and the distinctions they introduced into the validity of oaths, and denounced their insincere posing. At first there seems to have been an effort to cajole Him into compliance with their plans. If some of the Pharisees tempted Him to use language which would compromise Him with the people or with the Rom authorities, others invited Him to their tables, which was going far upon the part of a Pharisee toward one not a hdbh ej:,- Even when He hung on the cross, the taunrwith which they greeted Him may have had something of longing, lingering hope in it: "If he be the King of Israel, let him now come down from the cross, and we will believe him" (Mt 27 42 AV). If He would only give them that sign, then they would acknowledge Him to be the Messiah.
Monographs: Wellhausen, Montet, Geiger, Baneth, Miiller, Hanne, Davaine. Herford; Weber, System der att.^ynagogen Palestinischen Theolofjie, lOff, 44fl; Keil, Bib. Archaeology. II, 1680; Ryle and James, P-ss of Solomon, xlivff; Nicolas, Doctrines rcligieuses des juifs. 48 fl.
.J. E. H, Thomson PHAROSH, fa'rosh (©I^IS, par'osh). See Parosh.
PHARPAR, far'par (nS";?. parjxir; LXX B,
'A(j)ap(t>a, Apharphd, A, 'l>ap<t>apd, Pharphard) : A river of Damascus, mentioned in 2 K 5 12, along with the Abana or Amana. See Abana.
PHARZITES, far'zits C^aiSn, ha-parQl). Perez.
See
PHASEAH, fa-se'a, PASEAH, pa-se'a (DPS, pa^e'h, "lame"):
(1) A descendant of Judah, son of Eshton (1 Ch 4 12).
, (2) Name of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2 49; Neh 7 51 [AV "Phaseah"]; "Phinoe" of 1 Esd 5 31 RV).
(3) Father of Joiada (AV "Jehoiada"), the repairer of the "old gate" in Jerus (Neh 3 6).
PHASELIS, fa-se'lis (*iio-Ti\is, Phdselis) : A city of Lycia in Southern Asia Minor, on the seacoast, near the boundary of Pamphylia, to which country some ancient writers have assigned it. Situated on the extreme end of a promontory which projected into the sea, and with high mountains in the rear, it was separated both politically and geographically from the rest of Lycia. Hence it may be understood how it early became the favorite haunt of pirates. Already in the 6th cent. BC, when trade was carried on with Egypt, the city struck coins of its own; upon them the prow and the stern of a war galley were commonly represented. The coinage ceased in 466 BC, but it was resumed about 400 BC, when the city again became practically independent. For a time Phaselis was under the control of the Seleucid kings of Syria, but in 190 BC it again regained its independence or continued as a member of the league of Lycian cities
The opposition of the Pharisees to Jesus was intensified by another reason. They were the democratic party; their whole power lay in
2. Reasons the reputation they had with the peofor Pharipie for piety. Our Lord denounced sale Hatred them as hypocrites; moreover He had of Christ secured a deeper popularity than theirs. At length when cajolery failed to win Him and astute questioning failed to destroy His pop-
ularity, they combined with their opponents, the Sadducees, against Him as against a common enemy.
On the other hand, Jesus denounced the Pharisees more than He denounced any other class of the people. This seems strange when we
3. Our remember that the main body of the Lord's Dereligious people, those who looked for nunciation the Messiah, belonged to the Pharisees,
(1 Mace 15 23). Before the beginning of the Christian era it had lost considerable of its earlier importance, yet it was still famed for its temple of Athene in which it was said that the sword of Achilles was preserved, and also for the attar of roses which was produced there. It figures little in early Christian history, yet in Byzantine times
of the and His teaching and theirs had a Pharisees strong external resemblance. It was
this external resemblance, united as
it was with a profound spiritual difference, which made it incumbent on Jesus to mark Himself off from them. All righteousness with them was ex-
ternal, it lay in meats and drinks and divers wash-
it was the residence of a bishop. Its site, now marked by the ruins of the stadium, temples and theater, bears the Turkish name of Tekir Ova. See also Lycia. E. J. Banks
ings, in tithing of mint, anise and cummin. He placed religion on a different footing, removed it
into another region. With Him it was the heart that must be right with God, not merely the ex-
ternal actions; not only the outside of the cup and platter was to be cleansed, but the inside first of all.
PHASIRON, fas'i-ron (A, *ao-i,pMv, PhasirSn, B, "l>ao-eipMv, Phaseiron, V, 4>api,<r(iv, Pharison)
It is to be noted that, as observed above, the Phari-
The name of an unknown Arab tribe whom Jonathan overcame in the wilderness near Bethbasi; or possibly the name of an Arab chief (1 Mace 9 66). PHASSARON, fas'a-ron: AV = RV Phassurus
sees were less antagonistic to the apostles when their Lord had left them. The after-history of Pharisaism has justified Our Lord's condemnation.
LiTEHATURE.—Hlstories of Israel: Ewald, V, 36.5 fT, ET; Herzfeld, III, 354 ft; Jost, I, 197 £t; Griitz, V. 91 IT; Derenbourg, 75-78, 117-44, 452-54; Holtzmann, II, 124 fl; Renan, V, 42 fl; Stanley, III, 376 it; Oornill, 145 fl, ET; Schurer, II, ii, 4 fl, ET (.GJV, II, 447 fl)
(q.v.),
PHASSURUS, fas-su'rus, fas'il-rus (^ao-o-oupos, Phdssouros, B, 'i'ao-o-opos, Phdssoros; AVPhassaron,
Kuenen, III, 233 ff, ET.
Phebe PhUip THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2366
of the castle and the walls may still be seen, and among them is pointed out the foundation of the early church. The place may now best be reached by rail from Smyrna. E. J. Banks
after Aldine) : The name of one of the families which went up from exile with Zerubbabel (1 Esd 5 25) = "Pashhur" of Ezr 2 38; Neh 7 41; according to Ezr and Neh and RV numbering, 1,247; according to AV following A, 1,047.
PHILARCHES, fi-lar'kez. See Phtlabches. PHILEMON, fi-le'mon, fl-le'mun (<i>i\^(iwv, Philtmon): Among the converts of St. Paul, perhaps while at Ephesus, was one whom he calls a "fellow-worker," Philemon (Philem ver 1>. He was probably a man of some means, was celebrated for his hospitality (vs 5-7) and of considerable importance in the ecclesia at Colossae. It was at his house (ver 2) that the Colossian Christians met as a center. It is more than probable that this was a group of the Colossian church rather than the en-
PHEBE, fe'bs (*oCpri, Phoibe). See Phoebe.
PHENICE, fg-ni'sg. See Phoenicia; Phoenix.
PHENICIA, fg-nish'i-a (^oivUi], Phoinike). See Phoenicia.
PHERESITES, fer'g-sits: AV =RV "Pherezites"
(1 Esd 8 69; 2 Esd 1 21) = "Perizzite."
PHEREZITE, fer'g-zlt: AV form in Jth 6 16 for RV "Perizzite" and both AV and RV in 2 Esd 1 21 for "Perizzite"; one of the Canaanitish tribes.
tire ecclesia. His wife was named Apphia (ver 2)
and Archippus (ver 2) was no doubt his son. From Col 4 17 we learn that Archippus held an office of some importance in Colossae, whether he was a presbyter (Abbott, ICC), or an evangelist, or perhaps the reader (Zahn), we cannot tell. He is called here (ver 2) St. Paul's "fellow-soldier."
PHI-BESETH, ft'bg-seth, fib'g-seth (noa-iS,
pi-bhe^eth). See Pi-beseth.
PHICOL, fl'kol (bbiS, pikhol; ^ik6\, Phikol; AV Phichol) : The captain of the host of the Phili king Abimelech of Gerar (Gen 21 22; 26 26).
The relation between the apostle and Philemon was so close and intimate that St. Paul does not hesitate to press him, on the basis of it, to forgive his slave, Onesimus, for stealing and for running away. See Philemon, Epistle to. Tradition makes Philemon the bishop of Colossae (Apos Const, vii, 46), and the Gr Martyrology (Menae) for November 22 tells us that he together with his wife and son and Onesimus were martyred by stoning before Androcles, the governor, in the days of Nero. With this the Lat Martyi'ology agrees (cf Lightfoot, St. Ignatius, II, 535). This evidence, however, is unsatisfactory and cannot be trusted as giving unquestionable facts as to Philemon. The only sure information is that in the ep. bearing his name. Charles Smith Lewis
PHILADELPHLA., fil-a-del'fi-a (*i\o8£\<t>£a, Philadelphia): A city of ancient Lydia in Asia Minor on the Cogamus River, 105 miles from Smyrna. It stood upon a terrace 650 ft. above the sea. Behind it are the volcanic cliffs to which the Turks have given the name of Devitt, or "inkwells"; on the other side of the city the land is exceedingly fertile, and there was produced a wine of whose excellence the celebrated Rom poet Virgil wrote. Philadelphia is not so ancient as many of the other cities of Asia Minor, for it was founded after 189 EC on one of the highways which led to the interior. Its name was given to it in honor of Attains II, because of his loyalty to his elder brother, Eumenes II, king of Lydia. Still another name of the city was Decapolis, because it was considered as one of the ten cities of the plain. A third name which it bore during the 1st cent. AD was Neo-kaisaria; it appears upon the coins struck during that period. During the reign of Vespasian,
PHILEMON, EPISTLE TO: This most beautiful of all St. Paul's Epp., and the most intensely human,
is one of the so-called Captivity Epp. of which Eph, Col, and Phil are the others. Of these four PhilippiANS (q.v.) stands apart, and was written more probably after the other three. These are mutually interdependent, sent by the same bearer to churches of the same district, and under similar conditions.
it was called Flavia. Its modern name, Ala-shehir,
is considered by some to be a corruption of the Turkish words Allah-shehir, "the city of God," but more likely it is a name given it from the reddish color of the soil. In addition to all of these names it sometimes bore the title of "Little Athens" because of the magnificence of the temples and other public buildings which adorned it. Philadelphia quickly became an important and wealthy trade center, for as the coast cities declined, it grew in power, and retained its importance even until late Byzantine times. One of the Seven Churches of the Book of Rev (Rev 3 7 ff) was there, and it was the scat of a bishop. As in most Asia Minor cities, many Jews lived there, and they possessed a sjTiagogue. During the reign of Tiberius the city was destroyed by an earthquake, yet it was quickly rebuilt. Frederick Barbarossa entered it while on his crusade in 1190. Twice, in 1306 and 1324, it was besieged by the Seljuk Turks, but it retained its independence until after 1390, when it was captured by the combined forces of the Turks and Byzantines. In 1403 Tamerlane captured it, and, it is said, built about
There is some diversity of opinion as to the place from which the apostle wrote these letters. Certain scholars (Reuss, Schenkel, Weiss, 1. Place of Holtzmann, Hilgenfeld, Hausrath and Writing Meyer) have urged Caesarea in opposition to the traditional place, Rome. The arguments advanced are first that Onesimus would have been more likely to have escaped to Caesarea than to Rome, as it is nearer Colossae than Rome is, to which we may reply that, though Caesarea is nearer, his chance of escape would have been far greater in the capital than in the provincial city. Again it is said that as Onesimus is not commended in Eph, he had already been left behind at Colossae; against which there are advanced the precarious value of an argument from silence, and the fact that this argument assumes a particular course which the bearers of the letters would follow, viz. through Colossae to Ephesus. A more forcible argument is that which is based on the apostle's expected visit. In Phil 2 24 we read that he expected to go to Macedonia on his release; in Philem ver 22 we find that he expected to go to Colossae. On the basis of this latter reference it is assumed that he was to the south of Colossae when wi'iting and so at Caesarea. But it is quite as probable that he would go to Colossae through Philippi as the reverse
it a wall of the corpses of his victims.
Ala-shehir is still a Christian town; one-fourth of its modern population is Greek, and a Gr bishop
still makes his home there. One of the chief modern industries is a liquorice factory; in the fields about the city the natives dig for the roots. On the terrace upon which the ancient city stood, the ruins
and it is quite possible that even if he had intended
2367 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Phebe Philip
The charm and beauty of this ep. have been universally recognized. Its value to us as giving a glimpse of St. Paul's attitude
to go direct to Colossae when he wrote to Philemon, events may have come about to cause him to change his plans. The last argument, based on the omission of any reference to the earthquake of which Tacitus (A?m. xiv.27) and Eusebius {Chron., 01, 207) write, is of force as opposed to the Rom origin of the letters only on the assumption that these writers both refer to the same event (by no means sure) and that the epp. were written after that event, and that it was necessary that St. Paul should have mentioned it. If the early chronology be accepted it falls entirely, as Tacitus' earlier date would be after the epp. were written. In addition we have the further facts, favorable to Rome, that St. Paul had no such freedom in Caesarea as he is represented in these epp. as enjoying; that no mention is made of Philip who was in Caesarea and a most important member of that community (Acts 21 8), and finally that there is no probability that so large a body of disciples and companions could have gathered about the apostle in his earlier and more strict imprisonment, at Caesarea. We may therefore conclude that the Captivity Epp. were written from Rome, and not from Caesarea.
6. Value toward slavery and his intimacy with a man like Philemon cannot be overestimated. One of the chief elements of value in
it is the picture it gives us of a Chri.stian home in the apostolic days; the father and mother well known for their hospitality, the son a man of po.sition and importance in the church, the coming and going of the Christian brethren, and the life of the brotherhood centering about this household.
LiTEBATUHE.—Lightfoot, Col and Philem; Vincent, "Phil" and "Philem" (ICC); von Soden, Hand Commenlar; Ale.xander, in Speaker's Comm.
Charles Smith Lewis PHILETUS, fi-le'tus, fi-le'tus (*aT]Tos, Phlletos
[2 Tim 2 17]) ; This person is mentioned by Paul, who warns Timothy against him as
1. The well as against his associate in error. Nature of Hymenaeus. The apostle speaks of His Error Hymenaeus and Philetus as instances of men who were doing most serious injury to the church by their teaching, and by what that teaching resulted in, both in faith and morals. The specific error of these men was that they denied that there would be any bodily resurrection. They treated all Scriptural references to such a state, as figurative or metaphorical. They spiritualized it absolutely, and held that the resurrection was a thing of the past. No resurrection was possible, so they taught, except from ignorance to knowledge, from sin to righteousness. There would be no day when the dead would hear the voice of Christ and come forth out of the grave. The Christian, knowing that Christ was raised from the dead, looked forward to the day when his body should be raised in the likeness of Christ's resurrection. But this faith was utterly denied by the teach-
The external evidence for the ep. is less extensive than that of some of the other epp., but it is abun-
dantly strong. The play on the word
2. AuthenOnesimus which St. Paul himself uses
ticity (Philem ver 11) is found in Ignat., Eph, ii. This may not mean necessarily a literary connection, but it suggests this. The ep. is known to TertuUian, and through him we know that Marcion accepted it {Adv. Marc, v.21). It is in the list in the Muratorian Fragment (p. 106, 1. 27), and is quoted by Origen as Pauline {Horn, in Jer., 19) and placed by Eusebius {HE, III, xxv) among the acknowledged books.
2. How It ing of Hymenaeus and Philetus. Overthrew This teaching of theirs, Paul tells us, Faith had overthrown the faith of some. It would also overthrow Christian faith altogether, for if the dead are not raised, neither is Christ risen from the dead, and "ye are yet in your sins" (1 Cor 15 17). The denial of the resurrection of the body, whether of mankind generally or of Christ, is the overthrow of the faith. It leaves nothing to cling
It has twice been the object of attack. In the 4th and 5th cents, it was opposed as unworthy of St. Paul's mind and as of no value for edification. This attacli was met successfully by Jerome {Comm.in Philem, praef.), Chrysostom (Argum. in Philem) and Theodore of Mopsuestia (Spicil. in Solesm. I. 149), and the ep. was finally established in its earher firm position. The later attack by Baur was inspired by his desire to break down the corroborative value of Philem to the other Captivity Epp., and has been characterized by Weiss as one of Baur's worst bltmders. The suggestions that it is interpolated (Holtzmann), or allegorical (Weizsacker and Pfleiderer), or based on the letter of Pliny (Ep. IX. 21) to Sabinianus (Steck), are interesting examples of the vagaries of their authors, but "deserve only to be mentioned" (Zahn). In its language, style and argument the letter is clearly Pauline.
to, no living Christ, who saves and leads and comforts His people. The apostle proceeds to say that teaching of this kind "eats as doth a gangrene," and that it increases unto more ungodliness. As a canker or gangrene eats away the flesh, so does such teaching eat away Christian faith. Paul is careful to say, more than once, that the teaching which denies that there will be a resurrection of the dead leads inevitably to "ungodliness" and to "iniquity." See Hymenaeus. John Rutherfurd
The date will, as is the case with the other Cap-
tivity Epp., depend on the chronology. If the
earlier scheme be followed it may be
3. Date dated about 58, if the later about 63, or 64. The apostle writes in his own and Timothy's name to his friend Philemon (q.v.) in behalf of Onesimus, a runaway slave of the
PHILIP, fil'ip ("i>(\i,in7os, Philippos, "lover of horses"):
4. Argulatter. Beginning with his usual ment thanksgiving, here awakened by the report of Philemon's hospitality, he intercedes for his 'son begotten in his bonds' (ver
(1) The father of Alexander the Great (1 Mace 1 1; 6 2), king of IMacedonia in 3.59-3.36 BC. His influence for Greece and for mankind in general lay
10), Onesimus, who though he is Philemon's runaway slave is now "a brother." It is on this ground that the apostle pleads, urging his own age, and
in hastening the decadence of the Gr city-state and
in the preparations he left to Alexander for the
diffusion throughout the world of the varied phases
friendship for Philemon, and his present bonds. He pleads, however, without belittling Onesimus' wrongdoing, but assuming himself the financial
of Gr intellectual life.
(2) A Phrygian left by Antiochus Epiphanes as governor at Jerus (c 170 BC) and described in 2 Mace 5 22 as "more barbarous" than Antiochus
responsibility for the amount of his theft. At the same time the apostle quietly refers to what Philemon really owes him as his father in Christ, and begs that he will not disappoint him in his expectation. He closes with the suggestion that he hopes soon to
himself, burning fugitive Jews who had assembled
in caves near by "to keep the sabbath day secretly"
(2 Mace 6 11) and taking special measures to check
the opposition of Judas Maccabaeus (2 Mace 8 8). There is some ground for identifying him with
visit him, and with greetings from his companions
in Rome.
PhUip Philippi THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 236S
(Budge, II, 156) tells of his preaching, miracles and
(3) A friend or foster-brother of Antiochus (2 Mace 9 29), appointed by Antiochus on his deathbed as regent. Lysias already held the ofBce of
crucifixion there.
Philip was regarded in early times as the author of "The Gospel of Philip," a gnostic work of the 2d cent,, part of which was preserved by Epiphanius (cf Hennecke,
regent, having brought up the son of Antiochus from his youth, and on the death of his father set him up as king under the name of Eupator. The accounts of the rivalries of the regents and of the
Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, 4:0,41). See Apochtphal Gospels.
As with Andrew, Philip's Gr name implies he had Gr connections, and this is strengthened by the fact
fate of Philip as recorded in 1 Mace 6 56; 2 Mace 9 29; Jos, Ant, XII, ix, 7, are not easily recon-
that he acted as the spokesman of the
ciled.
3. CharGreeks at the Passover. Of a weaker acter mold than Andrew, he was yet the one to whom the Greeks would first appeal; he himself possessed an inquirer's spirit and could therefore sympathize with their doubts and difficulties. The practical, strong-rninded Andrew was naturally the man to win the impetuous, swift-thinking Peter; but the slower Philip, versed
(4) Philip V, king of Macedonia in 220-179 BC. He is mentioned in 1 Mace 8 5 as an example of the great power of the Romans with whom Judas Maccabaeus made a league on conditions described
(op. cit.). The conflict of Philip with the Romans coincided in time with that of Hannibal, after whose defeat at Zama the Romans were able to give undivided attention to the affairs of Macedonia. Philip was defeated by the Romans under Flaminius, at Cynoscephalae (197 BC), and compelled to accept the terms of the conquerors. He died in 179, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, last king of Macedonia, who lost his crown in his contest with the Romans. See Perseus. J. Hutchison
in the Scriptures (cf Jn 1 45), appealed more to the
critical Nathanael and the cultured Greeks. Cau-
tious and deliberate himself, and desirous of submitting all truth to the test of sensuous experience
(cf Jn 14 8), he concluded the same criterion would be acceptable to Nathanael also (cf Jn 1 46). It was the presence of this materialistic trend of mind
in Philip that induced Jesus, in order to awaken in His disciple a larger and more spiritual faith, to put the question in Jn 6 6, seeking "to prove him." This innate diffidence which affected Philip's religious beliefs found expression in his outer life and conduct also. It was not merely modesty, but also a certain lack of self-reliance, that made him turn to Andrew for advice when the Greeks wished to see Jesus. The story of his later life is, however, sufficient to show that he overcame those initial defects in his character, and fulfilled nobly the charge that his risen Lord laid upon him (cf Mt 28 16-20). C IVI Iverr PHILIP ("tetrarch," Lk 3 1). See Herod.
PHILIP (*ai.Tnros, Philippos) : One of the Twelve Apostles. Philip belonged to Bethsaida of Galilee
(Jn 1 44; 12-21). Along with An-
1. NT drew and other fellow-townsmen, he References had journeyed to Bethany to hear the teaching of John the Baptist, and there he received his first call from Christ, "Follow me" (Jn 1 43). Like Andrew, Philip immediately won a fresh follower, Nathanael, for Jesus (Jn 1 45). It is probable that he was present at most of the events recorded of Jesus' return journey from Bethany to Galilee, and that the information relating to these was supplied to St. John by him and
St. Andrew (cf Andbew). His final ordination to the Twelve is recorded in Mt 10 3; Mk 3 18; Lk 6 14; Acts 1 13. At the feeding of the 5,000, Philip was asked the question by Jesus, "Whence arewetobuy bread, that these may eat?" (Jn 6 5-7). He was appealed to by the Greeks when they desired to interview Jesus at the Passover (Jn 12 20-33). During the address of Jesus to His disciples after the Last Supper, Philip made the request, "Lord, show us the Father, and it sufficeth us" (Jn 14 8). According to the "Genealogies of the Twelve Apostles," Philip was of the house of Zebulun (cf Budge, Contendings of the Apostles, II,
PHILIP, THE EVANGELIST: One of "the seven" chosen to have the oversight of "the daily ministration" of the poor of the Christian community in Jerus (Acts 6 5). Whether Philip, bearing a Gr name, was a Hellenist, is not known, but his missionary work reveals to us one free from the religious prejudices of the strict Hebrew.
The martyrdom of Stephen was the beginning of a systematic persecution of the church in Jerus, and
all except the apostles were scattered over Judaea and Samaria (Acts 8 1), and even as far as Phoeni-
cia, Cyprus and Antioch (11 19). Thus the influence of the new teaching was extended, and a beginning made to the missionary movement. The story of Philip's missionary labors is told in Acts 8 5 ff . He went to the chief city of Samaria, called Sebaste in honor of Augustus (Gr Sebastds). The Samaritans, of mixed Israelitish and gentile blood, had, in consequence of their being rigidly excluded from the Jewish church since the return from exile, built on Mt. Gerizim a rival sanctuary to the temple. To them Philip proclaimed the Christ and wrought signs, with the result that multitudes gave heed, and "were baptized, both men and women." They had been under the influence of a certain sorcerer, Simon, who himself also believed and was baptized, moved, as the sequel proved, by the desire to learn the secret of Philip's ability to perform miracles (see Simon Magus). The apostles (Acts 8 14) at Jerus sanctioned the admission of Samaritans into the church by sending Peter and John, who not only confirmed the work of Philip, but also themselves preached in many Samaritan villages.
2. Apocry50). Clement of Alexandria (Strom., phal Refiii.4, 25, and iv.9, 73) gives the tradierences tion identifying him with the unknown disciple who asked permission to go and bury his father ere he followed Jesus (cf Mt 8 21; Lk 9 59), and says that he died a natural death. Owing to confusion with Philip the evangelist, there
is much obscurity in the accounts of Apoc lit. concerning the earlier missionary activities of Philip the apostle. The "Acts of Philip" tell of a religious controversy between the apostle and a Judaean high priest before the philosophers of Athens. Later Lat documents mention Gaul (Galatia) as his field. As to his sending Joseph of Arimathaea thence to Britain, see Joseph of Arimathaea. The evidence seems conclusive that the latter part of his life was spent in Phrygia. This is supported by Polycrates (bishop of Ephesus in the 2d cent.), who states that he died at Hierapolis, by Theodoret, and by the parts of the Contendings of the Apostles dealing with Philip. Thus according to "The Preaching
of St. Philip and St. Peter" (cf Budge, Contendings
of the Apostles, II, 146), Phrygia was assigned to Philip as a mission field by the risen Christ when He appeared to the disciples on the Mount of Olives, and "The Martyrdom of St. Philip in Phrygia"
The next incident recorded is the conversion of a Gentile, who was, however, a worshipper of the God of Israel, a eunuch under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians. As he was returning from wor-
2369 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Philip Philippi
360 BC founded their colony of Daton with the aid of the exiled Athenian statesman Callistratus, in order to exploit the wealth, both agricultural and mineral, of the neighborhood. To Philip, who ascended the Macedonian throne in 359 BC, the possession of this spot seemed of the utmost importance. Not only is the plain itself well watered and of extraordinary fer-
shipping in the temple at Jerus, he was met by Philip on the road to Gaza. Philip expounded to him that portion of Isa 53 which he had been reading aloud as he sat in his chariot, and preached unto him Jesus. It is another sign of Philip's insight into the universality of Christianity that he baptized this eunuch who could not have been admitted into full membership in the Jewish church (Dt 23 1). See Ethiopian Eunuch.
tility, but a strongly forti-
After this incident Philip went to Azotus (Ashdod), and then traveled north to Caesarea, preaching in the cities on his way. There he settled, for Luke records that Paul and his company abode in the house of Philip, "the evangelist," "one of the seven," for some days (Acts 21 8ff). This occurred more than 20 years after the incidents recorded in Acts 8. Both at this time and during Paul's imprisonment at Caesarea, Luke had the opportunity of hearing about Philip's work from his own lips. Luke records that Philip had 4 daughters who were preachers (Acts 21 9). The Jewish rebellion , which finally resulted in the
fied post planted here would secure the natural land-route from Europe to Asia and protect the eastern frontier of Macedonia against Thracian inroads. Above all, the mines of the district might meet his most pressing need, that of an abundant supply of gold. The site was therefore seized in 358, the city was enlarged, strongly fortified, and renamed, the Thasian settlers either driven out or reinforced, and the mines, worked with character-
Coin ol Philippi.
fall of Jerus, drove many Christians out of Pal, and among them Philip and his daughters. One tradition connects Philip and his daughters with Hierap-
istic energy, produced over 1,000 talents a year (Diodorus xvi.8) and enabled Philip to issue a gold currency which in the West soon superseded the Pers darics (G. F. Hill, Historical Greek Coins, 80 ff). The revenue thus obtained was of inestimable value to Philip, who not only used it for the development of the Macedonian army, but also proved himself a master of the art of bribery. His remark is well known that no fortress was impregnable to whose walls an ass laden with gold could be driven. Of the history of Philippi during the next 3 centuries we know practically nothing. Together with the rest of Macedonia, it passed into the Rom hands after the battle of Pydna (168 BC), and fell in the
olis in Asia, but in all probability the evangelist
is confounded with the apostle. Another tradition represents them as dwelling at Tralles, Philip being the first bishop of the Christian community.
S. F. Hunter PHILIP, THE GOSPEL OF. See Apocbyphal Gospels; Philip the Evangelist.
PHILIPPI, fi-lip'i {^CKiviroi, Philippoi, ethnic
<i>iXi.ini"fj(rios, Philippesios, Phil 4 15) : A city of Macedonia, situated in 41° 5' N.
first of the four regions into which the country was then divided (Livy xlv.29). In 146 the whole of Macedonia was formed into a single Rom province. But the mines seem to have been almost, if not quite, exhausted by this time, and Strabo (vii.331 fr. 41) speaks of Philippi as having sunk by the time of Caesar to a "small settlement" {KaToula luKpd, katoikia mikrd). In the autumn of 42 BC it witnessed the death-struggle of the Rom republic. Brutus and Cassius, the leaders of the band of conspirators who had assassinated Julius Caesar, were faced by Octavian, who 15 years later became the Emperor Augustus, and Antony. In the first engagement the army of Brutus defeated that of Octavian, while Antony's forces were victorious over those of Cassius, who in despair put an end to his life. Three weeks later the second and decisive conflict took place. Brutus was compelled by his impatient soldiery to give battle, his troops were routed and he himself fell on his own sword. Soon afterward Philippi was made a Rom colony with the
1. Position lat. and 24° 16' E. long. It lay on the and Name Egnatian Road, 33 Rom miles from Amphipolis and 21 from Acontisma,
in a plain bounded on the E. and N. by the moun-
tains which lie between the rivers Zygactes and Nestus, on the W. by Mt. Pangaeus, on the S. by the ridge called in antiquity Symbolum, over which ran the road connecting the city with its seaport, Neapolis (q.v.), 9 miles distant. This plain, a considerable part of which is marshy in modern, as
in ancient, times, is connected with the basin of the Strymon by the valley of the Angites (Herodotus
vii.113), which also bore the names Gangas or Gangites (Appian, Bell. Civ. iv.106), the modern Anghista. The ancient nam'- of Philippi was Crenides (Strabo vii.331; Diodorusxvi.3, 8; Appian,
Bell. Civ. iv.l05; Stephanus Byz. s.v.), so called
after the springs which feed the river and the marsh
but it was refounded by Philip II of Macedon, the
father of Alexander the Great, and received his name.
Appian {Bell. Civ. iv.l05) and Harpocration say
title Colonia lulia Philippensis. After the battle of Aotium (31 BC) the colony was reinforced, largely by Ital. partisans of Antony who were dispossessed in order to afford allotments for Octavian's veterans (Dio Cassius li.4), and its name was changed to Colonia Augusta lulia (Victrix) Philippensium. It received the much-coveted iMs/taZicMTO {Digest L. 15,8,
that Crenides was afterward called Daton, and that
this name was changed to Philippi,
2. History but this statement is open to question, since Daton, which became proverbial among the Greeks for good fortune, possessed, as Strabo tells us (vii.331 fr. 36), "admirably fertile
8), which involved numerous privileges, the chief of which was the immunity of its territory from taxation.
territory, a lake, rivers, dockyards and productive
gold mines," whereas Philippi lies, as we have seen, some 9 miles inland. Many modern authorities,
In the course of his second missionary journey Paul set sail from Troas^ accompanied by Silas (who bears his full name Silvanus in
therefore, have placed Daton on the coast at or near
the site of Neapolis. On the whole, it seems best
3. Paul's 2 Cor 1 19; 1 Thess 1 1; 2 Thess First Visit 1 1), Timothy and Luke, and on the following day reached Neapolis (Acts 16 11). Thence he journeyed by road to Philippi,
to adopt the view of Heuzey (Mission archeologique,
35, 62 ff) that Daton was not originally a city, but
the whole district which lay immediately to the E. of Mt. Pangaeus, including the Philippian plain and the seacoast about Neapolis. On the site of
first crossing the pass some 1,600 ft. high which leads over the mountain ridge called Symbolum and afterward traversing the Philippian plain. Of
the old foundation of Crenides, from which the Gr
settlers had perhaps been driven out by the Thra-
his experiences there we have in Acts 16 12-40 a
cians about a century previously, the Thasians in
Philippi THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2370
singularly full and graphic account. On the Sabbath, presumably the first Sabbath after their ar-
flicted, but in the confusion and excitement of the moment his protest had been unheard or unheeded. Now, however, it produced a deep impression on the magistrates, who came in person to ask Paul and
rival, the apostle and his companions went out to the bank of the Angites, and there spoke to the women, some of them Jews, others proselytes, who had come together for purposes of worship.
Silas to leave the city. They, after visiting their hostess and encouraging the converts to remain firm in their new faith, set out by the Egnatian Road for Thessalonica (vs 38-40). How long they had stayed in Philippi we are not told, but the fact that the foundations of a strong and flourishing church had been laid and the phrase "for many days" (ver 18) lead us to believe that the time must have been a longer one than appears at first sight. Ramsay (St. Paul the Traveller, 226) thinks that Paul left Troas in October, 50 AD, and stayed at Philippi until nearly the end of the year; but this chronology cannot be regarded as certain.
One of these "was named Lydia, a Gr proselyte from Thyatira, a city of Lydia in Asia Minor, to the church of wliicli was addressed the message recorded in Rev 2 18-29. She is described as a " seller of purple " (Acts 16 14), that is, of woolen fabrics dyed purple, for the manufacture of which her native town was famous. Whether she was the agent in Philippi of some firm in Thyatira or whether she was carrying on her trade independently, we cannot say; her name suggests the possibility that she was a freedwoman, while from the fact that we hear of her household and her house (ver 15; cf ver 40), though no mention is made of her husband, it has been conjectured that she was a widow of some property. She accepted the apostolic message and was baptized with her liousehold (ver 1.5), and insisted that Paul and his companions should accept her hospitality during the rest of their stay in the city (see further Lydia).
Several points in the narrative of these incidents
call for fuller consideration. (1) We may notice,
first, the very small part played by Jews and Judaism at Philippi.
All seemed to be going well when opposition arose from an unexpected quarter. There was in the town a girl, in all probability a slave, who was reputed to have the jiower of oracular utterance. Herodotus tells us (vii.lll) of an oracle of Dionysus situated among the Thracian tribe of the Satrae, probably not far from Philippi; but there is no reason to connect the soothsaying of this girl with that worship. In any case, her masters reaped a rich harvest from the fee charged for consulting her. Paul, troubled by her repeatedly following him and those with him crying, "These men are bondservants of the Most High God, who proclaim unto you a way of salvation" (Acts 16 17 m), turned and commanded the spirit in Christ's name to come out of her. The immediate restoration of the girl to a sane and normal condition convinced her masters that all prospect of further gain was gone, and they therefore seized Paul and Silas and dragged them into the forum before the magistrates, probably the duum-
There was no synagogue here, as at Salamis in Cyprus (Acts 13 5), Antioch in Pisidia (13 14.43), Iconium (14 1), Ephesus (18 19.26; 19 8), Thessalonica (17 1). Beroea (17 10), Athens (17 17) and Corinth (18 4), The number of resident Jews was small, their meetings for prayer took place on the river's bank, the worshippers were mostly or wholly women (16 13), and among them some, perhaps a majority, were proselytes. Of Jewish converts we hear notiiing, nor is there any word of Jews as either inciting or joining the mob which dragged Paul and Silas before the magistrates. Further, the whole tone of the ep. to this church seems to prove that here at least the apostolic teaching was not in danger of being undermined by Judaizers. True, there is one passage (Phil 3 2-7) in which Paul denounces "the concision," those who had "confidence in the flesh"; but it seems "that in this warning he was thinking of Rome more than of Philippi; and that his indignation was aroused rather by the vexatious antagonism which there thwarted him in his daily work, than by any actual errors already undermining the faith of his distant converts" (Lightfoot).
(2) Even more striking is the prominence of the Rom element in the narrative. We are here not in a Gr or Jewish city, but in one of those Rom colonies which Aulus Gellius describes as "miniatures and pictures of the Rom people" {Noctes Atticae,xvi.l3).
viri who stood at the head of the colony. They accused the apostles of creating disturbance in the city and of advocating customs, the reception and practice of which were illegal for Rom citizens. The rabble of the market-place joined in the attack
In the center of the city is the forum (ajopd, agord, ver 19), and the general term "magistrates" (apxoKTes.urc/iontes, EV "rulers," ver 19) is exchanged for the specific title of praetors {a-TpaT-qyoi, strategoi, EV "magistrates," vs 20. 22.35.36.38) ; these officers are attended by Uctors {pa^SovxoL, rkabdouchoi, EV "sergeants," vg 35.38) who bear the fasces with which they scourged Paul and Silas (pa|3Sis'u), rhabdizo, ver 22). The charge is that of disturbing public order and introducing customs opposed to Rom law (vs 20.21), and Paul's appeal to his Rom civitas (ver 37) at once inspired the magistrates with fear for the consequences of their action and made them conciliatory and apologetic (vs 38.39). The title of praetor borne by these otHcials has caused some difficulty. The supreme magistrates of Rom colonies, two in number, were called duoviri or duumviri (iuri dicundo), and that this title was in use at Philippi is proved by three inscriptions (Orelli, No. 3746; Heuzey, Mission'archiologique, 15, 127). The most probable explanation of the discrepancy is that these magistrates assumed the title of praetor, or that it was commonly applied to them, as was certainly the case in some parts of the Rom world
(ver 22), whereupon the magistrates, accepting without question the accusers' statement that Paul and Silas were Jews (ver 20) and forgetting or ignoring the possibility of their possessing Rom citizenship, ordered them to be scourged by the attendant lictors and afterward to be imprisoned. In the prison they were treated with the utmost rigor; they were confined in the innermost ward, and their feet \mi in the stocks. About midnight, as they were engaged in praying and singing hymns, while the other prisoners were listening to them, the building was shaken by a severe earthquake which threw open the prison doors. The jailer, who was on the point of taking his own life, reassured by Paul regarding the safety of the prisoners, brought Paul and Silas into his house where he tended their wounds, set food before them, and, after hearing the gospel, was baptized together with his whole household (vs 23-34).
(Cicero De lege agrariaW.Zi.; Horace Sat. i.5, 34; Orelli, No. 3785).
(3) Ramsay {St. Paul the Traveller, 200 ff) has brought forward the attractive suggestion that Luke was himself a Philippian, and that he was the "man of Macedonia" who appeared to Paul at Troas with the invitation to enter Macedonia (Acts 16 9). In any case, the change from the 3d to the 1st person in ver 10 marks the point at which Luke joined the apostle, and the same criterion leads to the conclusion that Luke remained at Philippi between Paul's first and his third visit to the city (see below). Ramsay's hypothesis would explain (a) the fulness and vividness of the narrative of Acts 16 11-40; (b) the emphasis laid on the importance of Phihppi (ver 12); and (c) the fact that Paul recognized as a Macedonian the man whom he saw in his vision, although there was nothing either in the language, features or dress of Macedonians to mark them out from other Greeks, Yet Luke was clearly not
On the morrow the magistrates, thinking that by dismissing from the town those who had been the cause of the previous day's disturbance they could best secure themselves against any repetition of the disorder, sent the lictors to the jailer with orders to release them. Paul refused to accept a dismissal
of this kind. As Rom citizens he and Silas were legally exempt from scourging, which was regarded as a degradation (1 Thess 2 2), and the wrong was aggravated by the publicity of the punishment, the absence of a proper trial and the imprisonment which followed (Acts 16 37). Doubtless Paul had declared his citizenship when the scourging was in-
2,371 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Philippi
a householder at Philippi (ver 15), and early tradition refers to him as an Antiochene (see, however, Ramsay, op. cit. 389 f).
Phil 4 1.5). Again, during his fir,st imprisonment at Rome the Philir)pians sent a gift by the hand of one of their number, Epaphroditus (Phil 2 25; 4 10.14-19), who remained for ,some time with the apostle, and finally, after a serious illness which nearly proved fatal (2 27), returned home bearing the letter of thanks which has survived, addressed to the Philippian converts by Paul and Timothy
(4) Much discussion has centered round the description of Philippi given in Acts 16 12. The reading of N A C, etc, followed by WH, RV, etc, is;
rjTL^ emiv TrpioTtj ttjs ^leptSo? MaxeSoi'ta? Tr6\is KO\u}via, hHis estln prdte Us merldos Makedonias pdlis kolDnia. But it is doubtful whether Makedonias is to be taken with the word which precedes or with that which follows, and further the sense derived from the phrase is unsatisfactory. For proie must mean either (1) first in political importance and rank, or (2) the first which the apostle reached. But the capital of the province was Thessalonica, and if tea meridos be taken to refer to the easternmost of the 4 districts into which Macedonia had been divided in 168 BC (though there is no evidence that that division survived at this time), Amphipolis was its capital and was apparently still its most important city, though destined to be outstripped by Philippi somewhat later. Nor is the other rendering of prO(e (adopted, e.g. by Lightfoot) more natural. It supposes that Luke reckoned Neapolis as belonging to Thrace, and the boundary of Macedonia as lying between Philippi and Its seaport; moreover, the remark is singularly pointless; the use of eslin rather than In is against this view, nor is prite found in this sense without any qualifying phrase. Lastly, the lis in its present position is unnatural; in B it is placed after, instead of before, meridos, while D (the Bezan reviser) reads Kt<f>aK^ t^s MaKsSoj-ioi, kephali lis Makedonias. Of the emendations which have been suggested, we may notice three: (a) for meridos Hort has suggested Pierldos. "a chief city of Pierian Macedonia"; (i>) for prole tes we may read prdtes, "which belongs to the first region of Macedonia"; (c) meridos may be regarded as a later insertion and struck out of the te.xt, in which case the whole phrase will mean, "which is a city of Macedonia of first rank" (though not necessarily the first city).
(1 1). The latter intended to visit the church shortly afterward in order to bring back to the imprisoned apostle an account of its welfare (2 19.23), but we do not know whether this plan was actually carried out or not. We cannot, however, doubt that other letters passed between Paul and this church besides the one which is e.xtant, though the only reference to them is a disputed passage of Polycarp's Epistle to the Pkilippians (iii.2), where he speaks of "letters" (i-n-i.iTTo'Ka.l, epistolal) as written to them by Paul (but see Lightfoot's note on Phil 3 1). After the death of Paul we hear but little of the church or of the town of Philippi. Early in the 2d cent. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was 5. Later condemned as a Christian and was History of taken to Rome to be thrown to the the Church wild beasts. After passing through Philadelphia, Smyrna and Troas, he reached Philippi. The Christians there showed him every mark of affection and respect, and after his departure wrote a letter of sympathy to the Antiochene church and another to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, requesting him to send them copies of any letters of Ignatius which he possessed. This request Polycarp fulfilled, and at the same time sent a letter to the Philippians full of encouragement, advice and warning. From it we judge that the condition of the church as a whole was satisfactory, though a certain presbyter, Valens, and his wife are severely censured for their avarice which belied their Christian profession. We have a few records of bishops of Philippi, whose names are appended to the decisions of the councils held at Sardica (344 AD), Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451), and the see appears to have outlived the city itself and to have lasted do^m to modern times (Le Quien, Oriens Christ., II, 70; Neale, Holif Eastern Church,
Paul and Silas, then, probably accompanied by Timothy (who, however, is not expressly mentioned
in Acts between 16 1 and 17 14), left 4. Patxl's Philippi for Thessalonica, but Luke Later Visits apparently remained behind, for the "we" of Acts 16 10-17 does not appear again until 20 .5, when Paul is once more leaving Philippi on his last journey to Jerus. The presence of the evangelist during the intervening 5 years may have had much to do with the strength of the Philippian church and its stedfastness in persecution (2 Cor 8 2; Phil 1 29.30). Paul himself did not revisit the city until, in the course of his third missionary journey, he returned to Macedonia, preceded by Timothy and Erastus, after a stay of over 2 years at Ephesus (Acts 19 22; 20 1). We are not definitely told that he visited Philippi on this occasion, but of the fact there can be little doubt, and it was probably there that he awaited the coming of Titus (2 Cor 2 13; 7 5.6) and wrote his 2d Ep. to the Corinthians (8 1 ff; 9 2-4). After spending 3 months in Greece, whence he intended to return by sea to Syria, he was led by a plot against his life to change his plans and return through Macedonia (Acts 20 3). The last place at which he stopped before crossing to Asia was Philippi, where he spent the days of unleavened bread, and from (the seaport of) which he sailed in company with Luke to Troas, where seven of hia companions were awaiting him (20 4-6). It seems likely that Paul paid at least one further visit to Philippi in the interval between his first and second imprisonments. That he hoped to do so, he himself
I, 92). Of the destruction of Philippi no account has come down to us. The name was perpetuated in that of the Turkish hamlet Felibedjik, but the site is now uninhabited, the nearest village being that of Raktcha among the hills immediately to the N. of the ancient acropolis. This latter and the plain around are covered with ruins, but no systematic excavation has yet been undertaken. Of the extant remains the most striking are portions of the Hellenic and Hellenistic fortification, the scanty vest iges of the theater, the ruin known among the Turks as Derekler, "the columns," which perhaps represents the ancient thermae, traces of a temple of Silvanus with numerous rock-cut reliefs and inscriptions, and the remains of a triumphal arch {Kiemer).
Literature.—The fullest account of the site and antiquities is that of Heuzey and Daumet, Mission archeologique de Mac^doine, chs i—v and Plan A; Leake, Travels in Norlhern Greece, III, 214—2.5; Oousinery. Voyage dans la Maeidoine, II, IS; Perrot. " Daton. Neapolis. Les ruines de Philippos," in Revue archeologique, 1860; and Hackett, in Bible Union Quarterly, 1860, may also be consulted. For the Latin inscriptions see OIL. Ill, 1, nos. 633-707; III, Suppl., nos. 7337-7358; for coins, B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, 192; Catalogue of Coins in the British Museum: Macedonia, etc, 96. For the history of the Philippian church and the narrative of Acts 16 12-40 see Lightfoot. St. Paul's Ep. to the Philippians, 47—65; Ramsay, 'St. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen, 202-26; Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epp. of ,St. Paul, ch ix; Farrar, Life and Work of St. Paul, ch XXV ; and the standard comms. on the Acts—esp. Blass,
tells us (Phil 2 24), and the journey to Macedonia mentioned in 1 Tim 1 3 would probably include a
visit to Philippi, while if, as many authorities hold, 2 Tim 4 13 refers to a later stay at Troas, it may well be connected with a further and final tour in Macedonia. But the intercourse between the apostle and this church of his founding was not limited to these rare visits. During Paul's first stay at Thessalonica he had received gifts of money on two occasions from the Philippian Christians (Phil 4 16), and their kindness had been repeated after he left Macedonia for Greece (2 Cor 11 9;
Acta Apostolorum—and on PhlUppians.
M. N. Tod
Philippians.Ep.to THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2372
PHILIPPIANS, fi-lip'i-anz, THE EPISTLE TO:
and we can gather from the ep. good reason for this
//. Characteristics of the Church at Philippi.—
P.\UL AND THE Church at Philippi Characteristics of the Church at Philippi Characteristics of the Epistle 1. A Letter 2. A Letter of Love 3. A Letter of Joy 4. Importance Theologically Genuineness of the Epistle Place, Date and Occasion of Writing Contents of the Epistle Literature
fact.
I. II. III.
(1) It seems to be the least Jewish of all the Pauline churches. There were few Jews in Philippi. No Heb names are found in the list of converts in this church mentioned in the NT. The Jewish opponents of Paul seem never to have established them-
IV.
V. VI.
selves in this community. (2) Women seem to be unusually prominent in the history of this church, and this is consistent with what we know concerning the position accorded to woman in Macedonian
/. Paul and the Church at Philippi.—Paul was on his second missionary journey in the year 52 AD. He felt that he was strangely thwarted in many of his plans. He had had a most distressing illness in Galatia. The Spirit would not permit him to preach in Asia, and when he essayed to enter Bithynia the Spirit again would not suffer it. Baffled and perplexed, the apostle with his two companions, Silas and Timothy, went on to the seacoast and stopped in Troas. Here at last his leading became
society. Lydia brings her whole family with her into the church. She must have been a very influ-
ential woman, and her own fervor and devotion and generosity and hospitality seem to have been contagious and to have become characteristic of the whole Christian community. Euodia and Syntyche are mentioned in the ep., two women who were fellow-laborers with Paul in the gospel, for both of whom he has great respect, of both of whom he is sure that their names are written in the book of life, but who seem to have differed with each other in some matter of opinion. Paul exhorts them to be of the same mincl in the Lord (4 2). The prominence of women in the congregation at Philippi or the dominance of Lydia's influence among them may account for the fact that they seem to have been more mindful of Paul's comfort than any of his other converts were. They raised money for Paul's support and forwarded it to him again and again. They were anxious that he should have all that was needful. They were willing to give of their time and their means to that enci. There seem to have been no theological differences in their company. That may testify to the fact that the most of them were women. (3) There were splendid men in the church membership too. Some of them were Macedonians and some of them were Rom veterans.
clear. A vision of a man from Macedonia convinced him that it was the will of God that he should preach in the western continent of Europe. The way was opened at once. The winds were favorable. In two days he came to Neapolis. At once he took the broad paved way of the Via Egnatia up to the mountain pass and down on the other side to Philippi, a journey of some 8 miles. There was no synagogue at Philippi, but a little company of Jews gathered for Sabbath worship at "a place of prayer" {Trpoa-evx-n, proseuche, Acts 16 1.3), about a mile to the W. of the city gate on the shore of the river Gangites (see Proseucha). Paul and his companions talked to the women gathered there, and Lydia was converted. Later, a maid with the spirit of divination was exorcised. Paul and Silas were scourged and thrown into prison, an earthquake set them free, the jailer became a believer, the magistrates repented their treatment of men who were Rom citizens and besought them to leave the city (Acts 16 6-40). Paul had had his first experience of a Rom scourging and of lying in the stocks of a Rom prison here at Philippi, yet he went on his way rejoicing, for a company of disciples had been formed, and he had won the devotion of loyal and loving hearts for himself and his Master