Part 29
Hausrath declares that the Macedonians represented the "noblest and soundest part of the ancient world. .... Here was none of the shuffling and the indecision of the Asiatics, none of the irritable vanity and the uncertain levity of the Gr communities They were men of sterner mold than could be found in Asia Minor or languorous Syria. The material was harder to work in, and offered more stubborn resistance; but the work, once done, endured. A new Macedonian phalanx was formed here, a phalanx of Pauline Christians Manliness, loyalty, firmness, their characteristics in general history, are -equally their characteristics in the history of the Christian church They were always true to Paul, always obedient, always helpful" (Time of the Apostles, III, 203^).
(see Philippi). That was worth all the persecution and the pain. The Christians at Philippi seem to have been Paul's favorites among all his converts. He never lost any opportunity of visiting them and refreshing his spirit with their presence in the afteryears. Slx years later he was resident in Ephesus, and having sent Titus to Corinth with a letter to the Corinthians and being in doubt as to the spirit in which it would be received, he appointed a meeting with Titus in Macedonia, and probably spent the anxious daj's of his waiting at Philippi. If he met Titus there, he may have written 2 Cor in that city (2 Cor 2 13; 7 6). Paul returned to Ephesus, and after the riot in that city he went over again into Macedonia and made his third visit to Philippi. He probably promised the Philippians at this time that he would return to Philippi to celebrate the Easter week with his beloved converts there. He went on into Greece, but in 3 months he was back again, at the festival of the resurrection in the year 58 AD (Acts 20 2.6). We read in 1 Tim 1 3 that Paul visited Macedonia after the Rom imprisonment. He enjoyed himself among the Philippians. They were Christians after his own heart. He thanlca God for their fellowship from the first day until now (Phil 15). He declares that they are his beloved who have always obeyed, not in his presence only, but much more in his absence (2 12). With fond repetition he addresses them as his brethren, beloved and longed for, his joy and crown, his beloved (4 1). This was Paul's favorite church,
Paul rejoiced in them. They were spirits congenial with his own. The Rom veterans had been trained in the Rom wars to hardness and discipline and loyalty. They were Rom citizens and proud of the fact. In the ep. Paul exhorts them to behave as citizens worthy of the gospel of Christ (1 27), and he reminds them that though they were proud of their Rom citizenship, as was he, they all had become members of a heavenly commonwealth, citizenship in which was a much greater boon than even the jus Ilalicum had been. In 3 20 Paul states the fact again, "Our citizenship is in heaven"; and he goes on to remind them that their King is seated there upon the throne and that He is coming again to establish a glorious empire, for He has power to subject all things unto Himself.
It is to these old soldiers and athletes that Paul addresses his military and gymnastic figures of speech. He informs them that the whole praetorian guard had heard of the gospel through his imprisonment at Rome
(1 13). Ho sends them greeting from the saints that are in Caesar's household (4 22). He prays that he may hear of them that they stand fast like an immovable phalanx, with one soul striving athletically for the faith of the gospel (1 27) . He knows that they will be fearless and brave, in nothing afTrightod by the adversaries (1 28). He speaks of his own experience as a wrestlingmatch, a conflict or contest (1 30). He joys in the
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sacrifice and service of tlieir faitli (2 17). He calls Enaphroditus not only his fellow-worker but his fellowsoldier (2 25). He likens the Ctiristian life to a race in wiilch he presses on toward the goal unto the prize (3 14) He asks the Philippians to keep even, soldierly step with him in the Christian walk (3 16). These metaphors have their appeal to an athletic and military race, and they bear their testimony to the high regard which Paul had for this type of Christianity and for those in whose lives it was displayed. We do not know the names of many of these men, for only Clement and Epaphroditus are mentioned here; but we gather much concerning their spirit from this ep., and we are as sure as Paul himself that their names are all written in the book of life (4 3).
wonder that Paul loved them and was proud of them and made their earnestness and sincerity and affection the standard of comparison with the love of others (2 Cor 8 S).
///. Characteristics of the Epistle.—It is a letter. It is not a treatise, as Rom, He, and 1 Jn are. It is not an encyclical full of general ob-
1. A Letter servations and exhortations capable of application at any time and anywhere, as the Ep. to the Eph and the Ep. of James and the Epp. of Peter are. It is a simple letter to personal friends. It has no theological discussions and no rigid outline and no formal development. It rambles along just as any real letter would with personal news and personal feelings and outbursts of personal affection between tried friends. It is the most spontaneous and unaffected of the Pauline Epp. It is more epistolary than any of the others addressed to the churches.
(4) If the constituent elements of the church at Philippi fairly represented the various elements of the population of the city, they must have been cosmopolitan in character. Philippi was an old Macedonian city which had been turned into a Rom colony. It was both Gr and Rom in its character-
istics. Christianity had been introduced here by two Jews, who were Rom citizens, and a Jewish son of a gentile father. In the account given of the founding of the church in Acts 16 three converts are mentioned, and one is a Jewish proselyte from Asia, one a native Greek, and one a Rom official. The later converts doubtless represented the same diversity of nationality and the same differences in social position. Yet, apart from those two good women, Euodia and Syrityche, they were all of one mind in the Lord. It is a remarkable proof of the fact that in Christ all racial and social conditions may be brought into harmony and made to live together in peace. (5) They were a very liberal people. They gave themselves to the Lord and to Paul (2 Cor 8 5), and whenever they could help Paul or further the work of the gospel they gave gladly and willingly and up to the limit of their resources; and then they hypothecated their credit and gave beyond their power (2 Cor 8 3). Even Paul was astonished at their giving. He declares that they gave out of much affliction and deep poverty, that they abounded in their bounty, and that they were rich only in their liberality (2 Cor 8 2).
It is a letter of love. All of the other epp. have mixed feelings manifest in them. Sometimes a feeling of grief and of indignation is domi-
2. A Letter nant, as in 2 Cor. Sometimes the of Love uppermost desire of Paul in his writing seems to be the establishment of the truth against the assault of its foes, as in Gal and Rom. Always more or less fault is suggested in the recipients of the warnings and the exhortations Paul
feels compelled to write'to them. In Philippi alone there is no fault to be found. The only suggestion of such a thing is in the reference to the difference of opinion between Euodia and Syntyche, and while Paul thinks this ought to be harmonized, he does not seem to consider it any very serious menace to the peace of the church. Aside from this Paul has nothing but praise for his beloved brethren and prayer that their love may abound yet more and more in knowledge and all discernment (1 9). He
is full of thankfulness upon all his remembrance of them (1 3). He rejoices in the privilege of being offered upon the sacrifice and service of their faith
(2 17). The church at Philippi may not have been conspicuous in charisms as the church at Corinth was, but it had the fruits of the Spirit in rich measure. Paul seems to think that it needed only to rejoice in its spiritual possessions and to grow in grace and in the mind of Christ. His heart is full of gratitude and love as he writes. He rejoices as he thinks of them. His peace and his hope are triumphant over present affliction and the prospect of persecution and death. If this is his last will and testament to his beloved church, as Holtzmann
Surely these are unusual encomiums. The Philippians must have been a very unusual people. If the depth of one's consecration and the reality of one's religion are to be measured by the extent to which they affect the disposition of one's material possessions, if one measure of Christian love is to be found in Christian giving, then the Philippians may well stand supreme among the saints in the PauUne churches. Paul seems to have loved them most. He loved them enough to allow them to contribute toward his support. Elsewhere he refused any help of this sort, and stedfastly adhered to his plan of self-support while he was preaching the gospel. He made the single exception in the case of the Philippians. He must have been sure of their afection and of their confidence. Four times they gave Paul pecuniary aid. Twice they sent him their contributions just after he had left them and gone on to Thes.salonica (4 15.16). When J^aul had proceeded to Corinth and was in want during his ministry there his heart was gladdened by the visitation of brethren from Philippi, who supplied the measure of his want (2 Cor 11 8.9). It was not a first enthusiasm, forgotten as soon as the engaging personality of the apostle was removed from their sight. It was" not merely a personal attachment that prompted their gifts. They gave to their own dear apostle, but only that he might minister to others as he had ministered to them. He was their living lirik with the work in the mission field.
calls it, he has nothing to bequeath them but his unqualified benediction. Having loved them from the first, he loves them to the end.
It is a letter of joy. It was Bengel who said, Summa epistolae: gaudeo, gaudete, "The sum of the ep. is, I rejoice; rejoice ye." Paul 3. A Letter was a man whose spirits were unci Joy daunted in any circumstances. He might be scourged in one city and stoned in another and imprisoned in a third and
left for dead in a fourth, but as long as he retained consciousness and as soon as he regained consciousness he rejoiced. Nothing could dampen his ardor. Nothing could disturb his peace. In Philippi he had been scourged and cast into the inner prison and his feet had been made fast in the stocks, but at midnight he and Silas were singing hymns of praise to God. He is in prison now in Rome, but he is still rejoicing. Some men would have been discouraged
Eleven years passed by, and the Philippians heard that Paul was in prison at Rome and again in need
of their help. Eleven years are enough to make quite radical changes in a church membership, but there seems to have been no change in the loyalty or the liberality of the Philippian church in that time. The Philippians hastened to send Epaphroditus to Rome with their contributions and their
in such circumstances. Wherever Paul had gone his preaching had been despised, and he had been persecuted. The Jews had slandered him and harassed him, and so many of his converts had proved to be
greetings. It was like a bouquet of fresh flowers in the prison cell. Paul writes this ep. to thank them that their thought for him had blossomed afresh at the first opportunity they had had (4 10). No
fickle and false. The years had gone by and the breach between him and his brethren had widened
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attached any importance to them himself. It is not surprising that few critics have been found willing to follow Baur's leadership at this point. Biederman, Kneucker, Hinsch, Hitzig, Hoekstra, and Holsten may be mentioned among them. The genuineness of the ep. has been defended by Weizsacker. Weiss, Pfleiderer, Julicher, Klopper, Schenkel, Reuss, Hilgenfold, Harnack. Holtzmann, Mangold, Lipsius, Renan, Godet, Zahn, Davidson, Lightfoot, Farrar, McGiftert, and practically
rather than lessened, and at last they had succeeded
in getting him into prison and keeping him there for years. Prison life is never pleasant, and it was far
less so in that ancient day than it is now.
Paul was such an ardent spirit. It was more difficult for him to be confined tliau it would be lor a more indolent man. He was a world-missionary, a restless cosmopolite ranging up and down through the continents with the message of the Christ. It was like putting an eagle into a cage to put him into prison. Many eagles mope and die in imprisonment. Paul was not moping. He was \vriting this £p. to the Phil and saying to them, "Tlie things which happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the progress of the gospel .... therein I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice" (1 12.18). His enemies were free to do and to say what they pleased, and they were making the most of the opportunity. He could no longer thwart or hinder them. Some men would have broken out into loud lamentations and complaints. Some men would have worried about the conditions and would have become nervous about the outcome of the cause. The faith of even John the Baptist failed in prison. He could not believe that things were going right if he were not there to attend to them. Paul's faith never wavered. His hope never waned. His joy was inexhaustible and perennial. He was never anxious. Did he hear the sentry's step pacing up and down the corridor before his prison door? It reminded him of the peace of God which passeth all understanding, guarding his tieart and liis thoughts in Christ Jesus (4 7), standing sentry there night and day. The keynote of this ep. is " Rejoice in the Lord always: again I will say, Rejoice" (4 4j.
all of the Eng. writers on the subject. Weizsacker says that the reasons for attributing the ep. to the apostle Paul are "overwhelming." McGiflert declares: "It
is simply inconceivable that anyone else would or could have produced in his name a letter in which no doctrinal or ecclesiastical motive can be discovered, and in which the personal element so largely predominates and the character of the man and the apostle is revealed with so great vividness and fidelity. The ep. deserves to rank alongside of Gal, Cor, and Itom as an undoubted product of Paul's pen, and as a coordinate standard by which to test the genuineness of other and less certain writings
(The Apostolic Age, .393), This is the practically unanimous conclusion of modem scholarship.
V. Place, Date and Occasion of Writing.—This
is one of the prison epp. (see Philemon). Paul makes frequent reference to his bonds (1 7.13.14.17). He was for 2 years a prisoner in Caesarea (Acts 24
27). Paulus and others have thought that the ep. was written during this imprisonment; but the references to the praetorian guard and the members of Caesar's household have led most critics to conclude that the Rom imprisonment was the one to which the
ep. refers. Philem, Col and Eph were also written during the Rom imprisonment, and these three form a group by themselves. Phil ia evidently^ separated from them by some interval. Was it written
Paul is old and worn and in prison, but some 20 t
in the course of this short letter to the Philippians he uses the words, joy, rejoice, peace, content, and thanksgiving. It is a letter full of love and full of
earlier or later than they? Bleek, Lightfoot, Sanday, Hort, Beet and others think that the Ep. to the Phil was written first. We prefer, however, to agree with Zahn, Ramsay, Findlay, Shaw, Vincent,
joy.
It is of great importance theologically. It is one of the paradoxes to which we become almost accustomed in
Paul's writings that this simplest of his 4. Imporletters, most epistolary and most personal
Jtllicher, Holtzmann, Weiss, Godet, and others, who argue for the writing of Phil toward the close of the Rom imprisonment.
. * q^i throughout, should yet contain the fullest tance ineo- ^^j j^qs^ important putting of the theology logically of the incarnation and exaltation that came from his pen. He has only a practical end in view. He is exhorting the Philippians to humility, and he says to them, 'Have the mind which was in Christ who emptied liimself and then was exalted" (2 5-11). It is the most theological passage in the ep. It is one of the most doctrinaUy important in the NT. It is Paul's final contribution to the solution of the great mystery of the coming of the Savioiu" and the economy of salvation. It is Ins last word, at any length, on this subject. He states plainly the fact of the kenosis, the morale of the redemption, the certainty of the exaltation, and the sure hope of the universal adoration in the end. The most vital truths of Christology are here clearly stated and definitely formulated for all time. Jesus was a real man, not grasping at any of the attributes of Deity which would be inconsistent with real and true humanity, but in whole-hearted surrender of sacrifice submitting to all the disabilities and limitations necessary to the incarnate conditions. He was equal with God, but He emptied Himself of the omnipotence and the omniscience and the omnipresence of His pre-incarnate state, and was found in form as a man, a genuine man obedient to God in all His life. He always maintained that attitude toward God which we ouglit to maintain and which we can maintain in our humanity, in which He was on an equality with us. We ought to have the mind which was in Christ. He humbled Himself and became obedient. He was obedient through life and obedient unto death, yea, even unto the deatli of the cross. It is a great passage, setting forth profoundest truths in the tersest manner. It is the crowning revelation concerning Jesus in the Pauhne Epp. It represents Paul's most mature thought upon this theme. See Kenosis. IV, Genuineness of the Epistle.—The genuineness of the ep. is very generally admitted today. It was in the Canon of Marcion. Its name occurs in the hst on the Muratorian Fragment. It is found in both the Pesh and the Old Lat VSS. It is mentioned by Polycarp and quoted in the letter of the churches of Lyons arid "Vienne, in the Ep. of Diognetus, and in the writings of Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria. Baur made a determined attack upon its authenticity. He declared that it was not doctrinal and polemical like the other Pauline Epp., but that it was full of shallow imitations of these. He said
Their reasons are as follows: (1) "We know that some considerable time must have elapsed after Paul's arrival
at Rome before he could have written this ep.; for the news of his arrival had been carried to Philippi and a contribution to his needs had been raised among his friends there, and Epaphroditus had carried it to Rome. In Rome, Epaphroditus had become seriously sick and the news of this sickness had been carried back to Philippi and the Philippians had sent back a message of sympathy to him. At least four trips between Rome and Philippi are thus indicated, and there are intervals of greater or less length between them. The distance between the two cities was some 700 miles. Communication was easy by the Appian Way and Trajan's Way to Brundusium and across the narrow straits there to the Egnatian Way, which led directly to Philippi. There were many making the trip at all times, but tlie journey would occupy a month at least, and the four journeys suggested in the ep. were not in direct succession. (2) Paul saj's that through him Christ had become known throughout the whole praetorian guard (1 13). It must have taken some time for this to become possible. (3) The conditions outside the prison, where Christ was being preached, by some in a spirit of love, and by others in a spirit of faction, cannot be located in the earliest months of Paul's sojourn in Rome (1 15-17). They must belong to a time when Christianity had developed in the city and parties had been formed in the church.
(4) Luke was well known at Philippi. Yet he sends no salutation to the Philippians in this ep. He would surely have done so if he had been with Paul at the time of its writing. He was with the apostle when he wrote to the Colossians, and so was Demas (Col 4 14). In this ep. Paul promises to send Timothy to Philippi, and says, "I have no man likeminded, who will care truly for your state" (2 20). This must mean that Aristarchus, Demas and Luke were all gone. They had all been with him when he wrote the other epp. (5) His condition as a prisoner seems to have changed for the worse. He had enjoyed comparative liberty for the first 2 years of his imprisonment at Rome, living in his own hired house and accessible to all his friends. He had now been removed, possibly to the guardroom of the praetorian cohort. Here he was in more rigorous confinement, in want and alone. (6) Paul writes as if he thought that his case would be decided soon (2 23.24). He seems to be facing his final trial. He is not sure of its outcome. He may die a martyr's death, but he expects to be acquitted and then to be at liberty to do further missionary work. This was not his immediate expectation when he wrote the other epp. , and therefore they would seem to be earlier
it had no apparent motive and no connected argument and no depth of thought. He questioned some of the historical data and suspected gnostic influence in certain passages. Bleek said of Baur's arguments that they were partly derived from a perverted interpretation of certain passages in the ep.; they partly rested upon arbitrary historical presuppositions ; and some of them were really so weak that it was hard to believe that he could have
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than this. (7) The ep. is addressed to all the saints in ™MPpi.. with the bishops and deacons (1 1). These otticiai titles do not occur in any earlier epp., but they are found in the Pastoral Epp., which were written slill later. Therefore they link the Ep. to the Phil with the later rather than the earlier epp.
Christ, and chooses the lesser blessings in pure unselfishness in the end. They both choose life, but the motives of their choice are radically dillerent; and Paul lives with rejoicing while Hamlet lives in despair and in shame. The aged apostle would rather die than live, but he would rather Jive than die before his work was done.
From these indications we conclude that this is the last of Paul's Epp. to the churches. Hilgenfeld calls this the swan song of the great apostle. In it Paul has written his last exhortations and warnings, his last hopes and prayers for his converts to the Christian faith. Its date must be somewhere toward the close of the Rom imprisonment, in the year 63 or 64 AD. Epaphroditua had brought the contribution of the Philippians to Paul in Rome. He had plunged into the work there in rather reckless fashion, risking his life and contracting a malarial fever or some other serious sickness; but his life had been spared in answer to the prayers of Paul and his friends. Now Paul sends him back to Philippi,
(d) His example (vs 27-30): Paul was a Rom citizen and so were they. Lie tried to live worthy of his citizenship and so must they. He had a still higher ambition, that he and they might live as citizens worthy of the gospel of Christ. He fought as a good soldier. He stood fast in the faith. He was in nothing affrighted by the adversaries. Let them follow his example. They were engaged in the same conflict. To them it had been granted to believe and to suffer in the behalf of Christ. Their faith was not of themselves; it was the gift of God. Their suffering was not self-chosen; it too was a gift of God. (4) Exhortation to follow the example of Christ (2 1-18): Let the Philippians have the mind and spirit of Jesus, and Paul will rejoice to pour out his life as a libation upon the sacrifice and service of their faith. (5) Reasons for sending Timothy and Epaphroditus to them (2 19-30). (6) Paul's example (3 1-21):
_ though he knows that he will be very lonely without him; and he sends with him this letter of acknowledgment of their gift, filled with commendation and encouragement, gratitude and love.
VI. Contents of the Epistle.—The ep. is not capable of any logical analysis. Its succession of thought may be represented as follows: (1) Address (1 1.2). (2) Thanksgiving and prayer ^1 3-11): Paul is thankful for their fellowship and confident of their perfection. He longs for them and prays that their love may be wise to discriminate among the most excellent things and that they may be able to choose the very best, until they are filled with the fruits of righteousness, which are through Jesus Christ, unto the glory and the praise of God. (3) Information concerning his own experience (1 1230): (a) His evangelism (vs 12-14): Everything had turned out well. Paul is in prison, but he has been indefatigable in his evangelism. He has been chained to a soldier, but that has given him many an opportunity for personal and private and prolonged conversation. When the people have gathered to hear, the guard has listened perforce; and when the crowd was gone, more than once the soldier has seemed curious and interested and they have talked on about the Christ. Paul has told his experience over and over to these men, and his story has been carried through the whole camp. (6) His tolerance (vs 15-18) : Not only has the gospel found unexpected furtherance inside the prison walls, but through the whole city the brethren have been emboldened by Paul's success to preach Christ, some through faction and envy and strife, and some through love. Paul rejoices that Christ is preached, whether by his enemies or by his friends. He would much prefer to have the gospel presented as he him-
(a) In the repudiation of all confidence in the flesh (vs 1—7): There are certain dogs and evil workers who belong to the old Jewisli persuasion who glory in the flesh. Paul does not. He glories in Christ Jesus and has no confidence in the flesh. He has much reason to be proud of his past, for he would rank high on his record among them. He was of the stock of Israel, the prince with God. He belonged to the race of those who wrestled with God and got the victory. Ho was of the tribe of Benjamin, the only one of the patriarchs born in the Chosen Land. The first king of Israel had been chosen from this tribe. It alone had been faithful to the house of David at the time of the Great Schism. It held the place of honor in the militant host of the Israelites (Jgs 6 14; Hos 5 8). It was a matter of pride to belong to this singly faithful and signally honored tribe. He was a Hebrew of Hebrews, and he belonged to that sect among the Hebrews that was notorious for its scrupulous observance of all the religious ritual, for its patriotism and zeal, for its piety and devotion. Among these Pharisees he was conspicuous for his enthusiasm. He was the chosen instrument of the Sanhedrin to persecute and annihilate the Christian church. No one could flnd fault with his legal righteousness. He claimed to be blameless as judged by their standard. That was his record. "Who has any better one, in pedigree or in piety ? All of these things Paul counts but loss for Christ. (6) In the maintenance and pursuit of spiritual perfection
(vs 8-16) : The word " perfect
' is used twice in this paragraph. We read : " Not that I have already obtained, or am already made perfect: but I press on." Many of the authorities quote these words as indicative of Paul's humility in disclaiming any present perfection of character while he avows his purpo.se to strive on toward perfection as long as he lives. Such an interpretation is wholly aside from Paul's thought. He is not talking about perfection in patience and peace and devotion and character. That perfection he claims for himself and for the Philippians in this paragraph toward the close: " Let us therefore, as many as are perfect, be thus minded." The perfection of which he speaks earlier is the perfection possible in the resurrection life of the saints in bliss. He has not attained unto the resurrection from the dead and is not perfect with the perfection of heaven. That is the goal of his endeavor. He presses on to that mark. In the meantime lie maintains that perfection of consecration and of faith that results in present Christian perfection of character and which is the only guaranty of that perfection to be revealed to those who attain unto the resurrection from the dead,
self preached it, but he was great-souled and broadminded enough to tolerate differences of opinion and method among brethren in Christ. "In every way, whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is proclaimed
and therein I rejoice, yea, and will rejoice" (1 18). This is one of the noblest utterances of one of the greatest of men. Paul is sorry that everybody docs not see things just exactly as he does, but he re-
(c) In heavenly citizenship (vs 17-21): Paul walks with his mind on heavenly things. There are those who mind earthly things. They are enemies of the cross, but he has sworn eternal allegiance to the cross. Their end is perdition, while his end is sure salvation. Their god is the belly, while his goal is the perfection of the spirit. Their glory is in their shame, while his glory is in Christ alone. "Brethren, be ye imitators together of me, and mark them that so walk even as ye have us for an ensample." Then "The Lord .... shall fashion anew the body of our humiliation," the body of our earthly pilgrimage, the body that so often fails the racer to the goal and cannot keep up with the desire of his spirit, and will conform it "to the body of his glory," the perfect body of those who have attained to the resurrection of the dead. It is not "our vile body" that is to be changed. That gives a false sense in modern Eng. The body is not vile, and the Bible nowhere says that it is. It was
joices if they glorify Christ and would not put the
least hindrance in their way. (c) His readiness for
life or death (vs 19-26) : Paul says. Give me liberty or give me death; it will be Christ either way. To
live is to work for Christ; to die is to be with Christ. "To me to live is Christ, and to die is gain." Here is Paul's soliloquy in the face of possible martyrdom or further missionary labors.
We are reminded of Hamlet's soliloquy in Shakespeare. "To be or not to be"—that is the question with both Hamlet and Paul. Hamlet weighs evils against evils and chooses the lesser evils in sheer cowardice in the end. Paul weighs blessings against blessings, the blessings of life for Christ and the blessings of death with
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Manichean or neo-Platonic heresy that matter was evil and the body vile. Plotinus blushed that he had a body; Jesus never did. The Christian will honor the body as the temple of the Holy Spirit. It was the vehicle of the incarnation, and he honors it for that. Yet the body prepared for Jesus was the body of His humiliation. It bound Him to the earth. It wearied when He was most anxious to work. It failed Him when He most needed strength. Paul says that our bodies are like the body of Jesus of Nazareth now. and they shall be like the body of our risen Lord in due time.
different voweling of the radicals; the Assyr form
is Palaslu or Pilistu, which corresponds very closely to the Egyp and the Heb. The extent of "the land
is indicated in Josh 13 2 as being from the Shihor, or Brook of Egypt (RV), to the border of Ekron, northward. The eastern border was along the Judaean foothills on the line of Beth-shemesh (1 S 6 9) with the sea on the W. It was a very small country, from 25 to 30 miles in length and with an average width of about half the length, but it was
(7) A series of short exhortations (4 1-9) : This series ends with the command, "The things which ye both learned and received and heard and saw in me, these things do : and the God of peace shall be with you." All these exhortations, then, are based upon his own conduct and experience and example. They had seen the embodiment of these things in him. They were to be imitators of him in their obedience to them. Therefore as we read them we have sidelights thrown upon the character of the apostle who had taught and preached and practised these things.
fertile, being an extension of the plain of Sharon, except that along the coast high sand dunes encroached upon the cultivated tract. It contained many towns and villages, the most important being the five so often mentioned in Scripture: Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath and Ekron. The population must have been large for the territory, which enabled them to contend successfully with the Israelites, notwithstanding the superiority of position in the
hills to the advantage of the latter, H. Porter
What do they teU us concerning the apostle Paul? (a) His stedfastness and his love for his friends (ver 1): He had a genius for friendship. He bound his friends to him with cords of steel. They were ready to sacrifice anything for him. The reason for that was that he sacrificed everything for them, and that he had such an overflowing love for them that his love begot love in them. They could depend upon him. (b) His sympathy with all good men and all good women and his desire that they live in peace (vs 2.3): The true yokefellow mentioned here cannot be identified now. He has been variously named by the critics, as Epaphroditus, Barnabas, Luke, Silas, Timothy, Peter, and Christ. There may be a proper name in the phrase, either Genisius or Syzygus. We are whoUy ignorant as to whom Paul meant, (c) His constant rejoicing in the Lord (ver 4). (d) His sweet reasonableness ("moderation," AV, RV "forbearance," ver 5): So Matthew Arnold translates the Gr noun here. Tindale called it courtesy. It is a combination of forbearance and graciousness, of modesty and courtesy, of consideration and esteem such as was characteristic of Christ. Paul had it. There was a sweet reasonableness about him that made his personahty a most winning and attractive one. (e) His freedom from anxiety (vs 6.7): Paul's fearless confidence was born on the one hand from his assurance that the Lord was near, and on the other from his faith in prayer. It passed all understanding how Paul was kept from all anxiety. It was the power of prayer that did it. It was the peace of God that did it. It was the Lord at hand who did it. (/) His habitual high thinking (ver .8) All that was worthy in the ideals of the Gr philosophers Paul made the staple of his thought. He delighted in things true and honorable and just and pure and lovely and of good report. He knew that virtue was in these things and that all praise belonged to them. He had learned that while his mind was filled with these things he lived in serenity and peace.
PHILISTIM,fi-lis'tim,fil'is-tim (DTlffibs, p'lish-
ilni [Gen 10 14 AV]). See Philistines.
PHILISTINES, fi-lis'tinz, fil'is-tlnz, fil'is-tinz
(DT^iPpS, p'lishtlm; •i'DXuo-Ti.eiii, Phulistieim, a.\\6-
<|>v\oi, allophuloi)
I. OT Notices
1. Race and Origin 2. Rehgion 3. Individual Philistines Mentioned 4. Title of Ruler and Circumcision 5. History in the OT to Death of Saul 6. History Continued to Time of Ahaz 7. Later Notices II. Monumental Notices
1. Palestinian Excavations 2. Egyptian Monuments 3. AssjTian Texts III. The Cretan Theory
1. Cherethim and Kretes 2. Caphtor and Keft IV. David's Guards 1. The "Cherethi" and the "Pelethi" Not Mercenaries 2. Meaning of These Terms 3. Native Hebrews 4. Review Liter.\turb
/. OT Notices.—The Philis were an uncircumcised people inhabiting the shore plain between Gezer and Gaza in Southwestern Pal
1. Race (see Philistia). The name Pal itself and Origin (Heb p'lesheth) refers to their country. The word means "migrants," and they came from another country. They are noticed 286 t in the OT, and their country 8 t. The question of their race and origin is of great importance as affecting the genuine character and reliability of the Bible notices. In Gen 10 14 (1 Ch 1 12) they are, reckoned with other tribes in Mizraim (Egypt) as descendants of Ham, and as cousins of the old inhabitants of Babylonia (ver 6). They are said to be a branch of the Casluhim—an unknown people —or, according to LXX, of the Casmanim, which would mean "shavers of the head"—a custom of the Phoenicians (forbidden to Hebrews as a rule), as known from a picture of the time of Thotlmies III in the 16th cent. BC. They are also connected with the Caphtorim or people of Caphtor, whence indeed they are said to have come (Jer 47 4; Am 9 7). Caphtor was a "shoreland," but its position is doubtful (see Dt 2 23) ; the Caphtorim found an earlier race of Avim living in "enclosures" near Gaza, and destroyed them. In the LXX of this passage (and in Am 9 7) Cappadocia stands for Caphtor {Kaphtor), and other VSS have the same reading. Cappadocia was known to the Assyrians as kat-pat-uka (probably an Akkadian term—"land of the Kati"), and the Kati were a people living in Cilicia and Cappadocia, which region had a Sem population
(8) Thanks for their gift (4 10-20). (9) Salutations (4 21.22). (10) Benediction (4 2.3). This is not a theological ep. and therefore it is not an esp. Christological one. Yet we count the name of Christ 42 t in this short letter, and the pronouns referring to Him are many more. Paul cannot write anything without writing about Christ. He ends: "The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit." The spirit of Christ and the grace of Christ are in the entire ep.
Literature:—Works on Introduction: Zahn, Weiss Julicher, Sahnon, Dods, Bacon, Bennett and Adeney' McClymont, The NT and Its Writers: Parrar, The Messages of the Books: Praser, Synoptical Lectures on Books of the Holy Scripture; Godet. Studies on the Epp Works on the PauUne Epp. : Findlav, Shaw Comms
• Lightfoot. Vincent, Weiss, Beet, Ellicott, Haupt, Moule Devotional studies: Moule, Meyer, Jowett, Noble. DoREMDS Almy Hayes PHILISTIA, fi-lis'ti-a : The country is referred to under various designations in the OT: viz. miJbB p'lesheth (Philistia) (Ps 60 8 [Heb 10]; 874)^ Dinip!:S ynX, 'ereg p'lishltm, "land of the Philistines" (Gen 21 32.34), DiriTjJbgn nib?, g'lmh hap'lishtim; LXX ge tdn Phulistieim, "the regions of the Philistines" (Josh 13 2). The Egyp monuments have Puirsalha, Pulsath (Budge), Peleset (Breasted) and Purasali (HGHL), according to the
2377 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA
Philistia Philistines
side by side with Mongols (see Hittites) at least as early as the time of Moses. It is very likely therefore that this reading is correct.
15 20), having encroached from their plains into the Sh'phelah (or low hills) of Judah, at the foot of the mountains. Delilah was a Phili
6. History woman, living in the valley of Sorek, in the OT close to Samson's home. In the last to Death of year of Eli (1 S 4 1) we find the Philis Saul attacking the mountains near Mizpch, where they captured the ark. Samuel drove them back and placed his monument of victory between Mizpeh and Jeshanah (Shen; see LXX; 1 S 7 12) on the mountain ridge of Benjamin. He even regained towns in the Sh'phelah as far as Ekron and Gath (ver 14) ; but at the opening of Saul's reign (10 5) the Philis had a "garrison" at Gibeah—or a chief named Hasib according to LXX. They raided from this center (13 17-23) in all directions, and prevented the Hebrews from arming themselves, till Jonathan drove them from Michmash (14 1-47). David's victory (17 2) was won in the Valley of Elah E. of Gath, and the pur-
According to the OT and monuments alike, the Philis were a Sem people, and they worshipped two Bab gods,
Dagon (1 S 5 2) and Ashtaroth (31 10), 2 Rplimnn ''oth of whom wore adored very early in ^ ° Babylonia, both, however, having nam&s of Akkadian and not of Sem origin. In Sem speech Dagon meant "corn," and was so understood in the time of Pliilo of Gebal, a Gr-Phoen writer who attributes the art of corn-growing to this deity. But tho original name was Da-gan, and in Akkadian da is "the upper part of a man," and gan (Turkish fcoan) probably means "a large fish." The new man deity was well known to the Assyrians, and is represented in connection with Sennacherib's worship of Ea, the sea^god, when he embarked on tho Pors Gulf. Thus Dagon was probably a title of Ea ("the water spirit"), called by Berosus Cannes {u-ha-na, "lord of the fish ), and said to have issued froni this same gulf. We consequently read that when the statue of Dagon at Ashdod fell (1 S 5 4), its head and hands were broken off, and only "the great fish" was left. In 1874 the present writer found a seal near Ashdod representing a bearded god (as in Babylonia) mth a fish tail (see Dagon). As to Ashtoreth, who was adored in Philistia itself, her name is derived from the Akkadian Istar ("light maker"), a name for the moon-goddess and—later—for the planet Venus (see Ashtoreth).
suit (ver .52) was as far as Ekron. "We here read that the Phili champion wore armor of bronze (vs 4-7), his spear head being of iron. They still invaded the Sh'phelah after this defeat, robbing the threshing-
floors of Keilah (23 1) near AduUam at the foot of the Hebron Mountains (see 23 27; 24 1). David's band of outlaws gradually increasing from 400 to 600 men (22 2; 27 2), being driven from the Heb lands, accompanied him to Gath, which is usually placed at Tell es-Sdfi, at the point where the Valley of Elah enters the Phili plain. It appears that Achish, king of Gath, then ruled as far S. as Ziklag
The Philis had reached Gerar by the time of Abraham, and it was only in the age of the Hykso.s
rulers of the Delta that Can. tribes
3. Indicould be described as akin, not only to vidua] Babylonians, but also to certain tribes Philistines in Egypt, a circumstance which favors Mentioned the antiquity of the ethnic chapter, Gen 10. We have 9 Phili names in the OT, all of which seem to be Sem, including Abimelech—"Moloch is my father"—(Gen 20 2-18; 21 22-32; 26 8-11) at Gerar, S.E. of Gaza, Ahuzzath ("possession," Gen 26 26), and Phicol (of doubtful meaning), with Delilah ("delicate," Jgs 16 4), Goliath (probably the Bab galu, "great"), and Saph (2 S 21 18), perhaps meaning "increase." These two brothers were sons of Raphah ("the tall"); but Ishbi-benob (ver 16), another of the family, perhaps only means "the dweller in Nob" [Beit Nitba, N. of Gezer), The king of Gath in David's time was Achish ("the gift" in Bab), who (1 S 27 2) was the son of Maoch, "the oppressor." According to LXX, Jonathan killed a Phili named Nasib (1 S 13 3.4, where AV reads "a garrison"). If this is correct the name (meaning "a pillar") would also be Sem.
(Josh 15 31; 1 S 27 6) in the Beersheba plains; but he was not aware of the direction of David's raids at this distance. Achish supposed David to be committed to his cause (27 12), but the Pliili lords suspected him and his Heb followers (29 3) when going up to Jezreel.
After they had killed Saul, we hear no more of them till the 8th year of David, when, after taking
Jerus, he apparently went down to
6. History Adullam (2 S 5 17) and fell upon Continued them in their rear as they advanced
to Time on his capital. He then destroyed of Ahaz their supremacy (8 1) as far as Gezer
(1 Ch 20 4), and the whole of PhiUstia was subject to Solomon (1 K 4 21), though not long after his death they seem to have held the town of Gibbethon (15 27; 16 15) in the hills of Dan. Hezekiah smote the Philis as far as Gaza
(2 K 18 8) before 702 BC, in which year (according to the Taylor cylinder) Sennacherib made Hezekiah dehver up Padii, king of Ekron, who had been carried prisoner to Jerus. The accounts in Ch refer to David's taking Gath (1 Ch 18 1), which was recovered later, and again taken by TJzziah (2 Ch 26 6). The Philis sent gifts to Jehoshaphat (17 11), but invaded the Sh'phelah (28 18) in the time of Ahaz.
Besides these personal names, and those of the
cities of Philistia which are all Sem, we have the
title given to Phili lords, i}eren, which
4. Title of LXX renders "satrap" and "ruler," Ruler and and which probably comes from a Sem Circumroot meaning "to command'" It concision stantly applies to the rulers of Gaza, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Gath and Ekron, the 5 chief cities of Philistia. The fact that the
Philis were uncircumcised does not prove that they were not a Sem people. Herodotus (ii.l04) says that the Phoenicians acknowledged that they took
In this age the "lords" of the 5 cities of Phihstia are called "kings," both in the Bible and on Assyr
monuments. Isaiah (2 6) speaks of
this custom from the Egyptians, and the Arabs according to this passage were still uncircumcised, nor is it known that this was a custom of the Babylonians and Assyrians. The LXX translators of the Pent always render the name Phulistidm,' and
7. Later Phili superstitions, Ezekiel (25 15.16) Notices connects them with the Cherethira on the seacoast. They still held Gath in the time of Amos (6 2), and Gaza, Ashdod and Ekron in that of Zephaniah (2 5), who again mentions the Cherethim with Philis, as inhabitants of Canaan or the "lowlands." The last notice (Zee 9 6) still speaks of kings in Ashkelon, Gaza, Eki'on and Ashdod at a time when the lonians had become known in Judah (ver 13); but the Philis are unnoticed by Ezra or Nehemiah, unless we suppose that the "speech of Ashdod" (Neh 13 24) was their
this also is found in 8 passages of Josh and Jgs, but
in the later books the name is tr"* as meaning "strangers" throughout, because they were not the
first inhabitants of Philistia.
The Philis conquered the "downs" (g'Moth, Joel 3 4) near the seacoaBt, and were so powerful at
the time of the Heb conquest that none of their
old dialect, which appears—like the language of the Canaanites in general in earlier times—to have resembled that of the Babylonians and Assyrians,
great towns were taken (Josh 13 3; Jgs 3 3). By the time of Samson (about 1158 BC) they appear
as oppressors of Israel for 40 years (Jgs 13 1;
Philistines THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2378
and to have thus differed—though Sem—from the Hebrews.
dict the monumental evidence of the earlier existence of Sem Dagon-worshippers at Ashkelon. In
this later age Rameses III was at-
Their further history is embraced in that of the various cities to which reference can be made under the articles pertaining to them.
2. Egyptian tacked, in Egypt, by certain northern Monuments tribes who came by sea, and also by
//. Monumental Notices.—These are of great importance, because they confirm the OT statements from a time at least as early as
land, wasting first the country of the
Hittites and Amorites. Among them were the Danau, who were probably Gr Danai. They were exterminated in the Delta, and in the subsequent advance of Rameses III to the Euphrates. On a colored picture they are represented as fair people; and two of the tribes were called Pilrslau and Takarri, whom Chabas supposed to be Pelasgi (since
1. Palesthat of Moses, and down to 670 BC. tinian ExRecent excavations at Gezcr show the cavations early presence of two races at this Phili cit.y, one being Sem, the other probably Egyp. Scarabs as old as the Xllth Dynasty were found, and in the 15th cent. BC Gezer was
I and r are not distinguished in Egyp) and Teucrians. These two tribes wear the same peculiar headdress. Brugsch supposed the former to be Philis {Geog.,
I, 10), but afterward called them Purosata (Hist Egypt, II, 148). The inscriptions accompanying the picture on the temple walls say that they came from the north, and "their home was in the land
of the Purstau, the Takarri," etc. There is thus no reason at all to suppose that they were Philis, nor did they ever settle in Philistia.
The Assyr texts agree with those already mentioned in making the inhabitants of Philistia Semitic.
Rimmon-nirari, about 800 BC, was the
3. Assyrian first Assjt conqueror in Palastau ("by Texts the great sea"). In 734 and 727 BC, Tiglath-pileser attacked the Pilisti, and mentions a king of Ashkelon named Mitinti ("my gift"), and his son Bukufti whose name resembles that of the Kenite called Rechab in the OT. The name of the king of Gaza was Hanun, or "merciful." In 711 BC Sargon took Ashdod, and speaks of its king Azuri, whose name recalls the Amorite Aziru, and of Ahimiti ("a brother is sent"), and the usurper Yamanu ("stedfast"), who fled before him. Sennacherib, in 702 BC, gives the names of cities in Philistia (including Eltekeh and Beneberak near Joppa) which are Sem. He notices Sidka (Zadok) of Ashkelon, and also Sarludari ("the Lord be praised"), son of Rukubti in the same city, with Mitinti of Ashdod, and Padii ("redeeming") of Ekron, while Sil-b'el ("Baal is a protection") was king of Gaza. In 679 BC Esarhaddon speaks of Silli-b'el ("Baal is my protection") of Gaza, with Mitinti of Ashkelon, Ilia-samsu ("the sun-god is manifest") of Ekron, and Ahi-milki of Ashdod, who bore the ancient Phili name Abime-
Heads of Philistines.
held by Amenophis III. At Lachish also seals of this king and his queen have been found, with a cuneiform letter to Zimridi, who was ruler of the city under the same Pharaoh. At Gaza a temple was built by Amenophis II. The names of places in Philistia noticed yet earlier by Thothmes III are
all Sem, including Joppa, Saphir, Gerar, Gezer,
etc. In the Am Tab we have also (about 1480 BC) letters from chiefs subject to Amenophis III at Joppa, Ashkelon, Gezer, Lachish and Keilah which show us a Sem population, not only by the language of these letters, but also by the names of the writers. In the case of Ashkelon esp. the Sem rulers are found to have worshipped Dagon; and, though the name
lech. In 670 BC, when Assur-bani-pal set up many tributary kings in Egypt, we find again the name Sarludari applied to a ruler of Pelusium, who may have been a PhiUstine. It is thus abundantly clear that the monumental notices all agree with the OT as to the names and nationality of the Philis, and as to their worship of Baal and Dagon; the conjecture that they were Aryan foreigners, arriving in 1200 BC, is not based on any statement of the monuments, but merely rests on a guess which Brugsch subsequently abandoned. It resembles many other supposed discrepancies between Bib. and contemporary records due to the mistakes of modern commentators.
Philistine Wagons.
"Philistine" does not occur, the race was clearly the same found by the Assyrians in SOO BC in the land of Palaslan beside the Great Sea. These names include Yamir-Dagan ("Dagon sees"), Dagantakala ("Dagon is a protection") and Yadaya (the "grateful") at Ashkelon; Biia ("asked for"), son of the woman Gutata, at Joppa; Yabnilu ("God made"), at Lachish, with Zimridi—a name found also in Sabaean Arab.; while, at Gezer, Yapa'a represents the Bib. Japhia (Josh 10 3), and Milkilu ("Moloch is king") the Heb Malchiel. Others might be atided of the same character, but these examples are enough to show that, in the time of Moses and Joshua, the population of Philistia was the same that is noticed in the OT as early as Abraham's age.
///. The Cretan Theory.—This strange theory, which is apparently of Byzantine origin, would make the Philis come from Crete. It
1. Cherestill finds supporters, though it does thim and not rest on any Bib-, or monumental Kretes evidence. The Cherethim (Ezk 25 16; Zeph 2 5) were a Sem people named with the Philis in Canaan. The LXX renders the word Kretes or Kreloi; and, about 1770 AD, Michaelis {Spicil, I, 292-308) argued that this meant "Cretans," and that the Philis therefore came from Caphtor, which must be Crete. The passages, however, refer to Philistia and not to any island^ and the LXX translators, as
When therefore scholars speak of the Philis as being non-Sem—and probably Aryan—invaders of the country, arriving about 1200 BC, they appear not only to contradict the Bible, but also to contra-
2379 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Philistines
we have seen, placed Caphtor in Cappadocia. The Cherethi—in the singular—is mentioned (1 S 30 14) as a people of Philistia (ver 16), near Ziklag, and their name probably survives at the present town called Keraliyeh in the Phili plain.
to have been Philis, but "the Cherethi" is supposed to mean one of the Cherethim tribe, and "the Pelethi" to be another name for the Philistine. As regards the Gittites, the fact that they came from Gath does not prove that they were Philis, any more than was David himself because he came back from this city. David calls Ittai an "enemy" and an "exile," but it is probable that he was the same hero, so named (2 S 23 29), who was the son of Ilibai from Gibeah of Benjamin. He had himself not long joined David, being no doubt in exile at Gath, and his tribe at first opposed David, taking the side of their tribesman Saul. Even when Ittai'.s men joined the Cherethi and Pelethi against Absalom, they were naturally suspected; for David still had enemies (2 S 15 5-13) among Benjamites of Saul's house. It is also surely impossible to suppose that David would have left the ark in charge of a Phili; and Obed-edom the Gittite (2 S 6 10) was a Levite, according to a later account (1 Ch 15 18), bearing a Heb name, meaning perhaps ".servant of men," or "humble worshipper." It seems equally unlikely
Yet, many theories are founded on this old idea about the Cherethites. Some suppose that Tacitus contused the Jews with the Philis as having come from Crete; but what he actually says (Hist. v. 11) is that "the Jews ran away from Crete," and "the inhabitants are named Idaci (from Mt. Ida], which, with a barbarous augment, becomes the name of the Judaei." This absurd derivation shows at least that Tacitus did not mean the Philis. Stephen of Byzantium said that the god Marna at Gaza was like the Cretan Jove. Probably he had seen the huge statue of a seated Jove found near Gaza, and now at Constantinople, but this is late Gr work, and the name Marna ("our lord") is .Sem. Stephen also thought that Minois—the port of Gaza—was named from the Cretan Minos, but it is an Arab, word Mlneh, for "harbor," still applying to the same place.
No critical student is likely to prefer these later speculations to our present monumental information,
even without reference to the contra-
2. Caphtor diction of the Bible, Yet these and Keft blunders have given rise to the supposition that Caphtor is to be identified with a region known to the Egyptians as KefI, with inhabitants called Kefau. The latter are represented in a tomb of the XVIIIth Dynasty near Thebes, They are youths of brown color, with long black hair, and the same type is found in a Cypriote
that, in later times, a pious priest like Jehoiada
(2 K 11 4) would have admitted foreign mercenaries into the temple. In this passage they are called kdrl, as also in 2 S 20 23, where LXX has Cherethi. The suggestion of Wellhausen that they were Carians does not seem probable, as Carians had not even reached Egypt before about 600 BC.
figure. They are connected with islanders of the "green sea," who may have lived in Arvad or in Cyprus; but there is no evidence in any written statement that they were Cretans, though a figure at Knossos in Crete somewhat resembles them. There are many indications that this figure painted on the wall of the later palace—is not older than about 500 BC, and the Sidonians had colonies in Crete, where also pottery is found just like that marked by a Phoen inscription in Cyprus. The Kefau youths bring vases as presents, and these in all their details—are exactly the same as those represented in another picture of the time of Thothmes III, the bearers in this case being Harri from North Syria, represented with black beards and Sem features. Moreover, on the bilingual inscription called the Decree of Canopus (238 BC), the Keft region is said to be "Phoenicia," and the Gr translator naturally knew what was meant by his Egyp colleague. Keft in fact is a Sem word for "palm," occurring in Heb (Isa 9 14; 19 1.5), and thus applicable to the "palm"-land, Phoenicia. Thus, even if Keft were related to Caphtor, the evidence would place the Phili home on the Phoen
The real explanation of these various words for soldiers seems simple; and David—being a very popular king—is not likely to have
2. Meaning needed foreign mercenaries; while the of These Philis, whom he had so repeatedly Terms smitten, were very unlikely to have formed trusty guards. The word "Cherethi" (k'rethi) means a "smiter" or a "destroyer," and "Pelethi" (p'lethi) means "a swift one" or "pursuer." In the time of Joash the temple-guards are called kari (2 K 11 4.19, Carites), which LXX
treats as either sing, or pi., and ruQim or "runners"
(see 1 S 22 17; 1 K 14 27.28; 2 K 10 25), these two bodies perhaps answering to the Cherethi and Pelethi of David's time; for kari means "stabber." The term rdgim, or "runners," is however of general apphcation, since Jehu also had troops so called
(2 K 10 25). Evidently we have here two classes of troops—as among the Romans—the heavier regiment of "destroyers," or "stabbers," being armed with swords, daggers or spears; while the "swift ones" or "runners" pursued the defeated foe. Thus in Egypt we find, yet earlier, the ax-mau supported by the bow-man in regular regiments; and
shores, and not in Crete. There is indeed no evidence that any European race settled near the coasts
in Assyria the spear-man with heavy shields defending the bow-man. We have also a picture of the time of Tiglath-pileser II representing an Assyr
of Pal before about 680 BC, when Esarhaddon speaks of Gr kings in Cyprus. The Cretan theory
soldier on a camel. The Pelethi or "pursuers" may have been "runners" on foot, but perhaps more probably mounted on camels, or on horses like the
of Michaelis was a hterary conjecture, which has been disproved by the results of exploration in
IV. David's Guards.—Another strange theory, equally old, represents David as being surrounded
Asia.
later Assyrians; for in the time of Solomon (1 K 4
28) horses and riding camels were in use—the former for chariots. It is clear that David's band, leaving the vicinity of Jezreel (1 S 29 1; 30 1), could not have reached Ziklag "on the third day"
with foreign mercenaries—Philis and
1. The Carians—as Rameses II employed "Cherethi" mercenaries called Shairtanau from and the Asia Minor. The suggestion that the "Pelethi" Cherethites were of this race is scarcely Not Merworth notice, since the Heb kaph
(a distance of 120 miles) on foot; so that the camel corps must have existed even before the death of Saul,
These considerations seem to make it evident that David's guards were native Hebrews, who had been
canaries is never represented by sh in Egyp. David's band of Heb exiles, 400 in number, followed him to Gath where 200 Gittitea
with him as exiles and outlaws at
3. Native AduUam and Gath, and that the CheHebrews rethi or "destroyer" only accidentally had a title like that of the Phili tribe
joined him (2 S 15 18). In later times his army
consisted of "the Cherethi" {k'rethi, in sing.) and "the Pelethi" {p'lethl), commanded by the Heb
of "destroyers" or Cherethim, who were not Cre-
leader Benaiah, son of Jehoiada (2 S 8 18; 15
18; 20 7; 1 K 1 38.44), together with the Gittites under Ittai of Gath. These guards are never said
tans, it would seem, any more than the "stabbers" were Carians.
Philistines, Lords Philo Judaeus THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2380
peoples of the Rom empire hitherto—this mani-
The general result of our inquiry is, that all monumental notices of the Philis agree with the OT statements, which make them to
fested itself strongly with Augustus, and entered its
decline perhaps with the death of Plutarch (c 120 AD); the appearance of Christianity; and what is known as Syncretism, or interfusion between the conceptions of different races, esp. in religion, philosophy and morals—a circumstance which affected
4. Review be a Sem people who had already migrated to Philistia by the time of Abraham, while the supposed discrepancies are caused by the mistakes made by a commentator of the 18th cent., and by archaeologists of later times.
the fortunes of Christianity deeply, found its chief exponent in Philo, and maintained itself for several
LlTERATtJRE—Patoil, Early History of Syria and Pal; Smith, HGHL: Budge. History of Egypt: Breasted, History of Egypt: Rawlinson. Ancient Monarchies: Herodotus witii most histories of Egypt. Babylon, and Assyria for the period from the ISth cent. EG to the time of Alexander.
centuries in the theosophical systems of the Gnostics and neo-Platonists. Thus, to understand Philo, and
to realize his importance, it is essential to remember the internal spirit of his age. The "universalism" of the Rom empire has been so named because, within the political framework, various peoples and divergent civilizations commingled and came event-
C. R. CONDER PHaiSTINES, LORDS OF THE. See Phi-
listia.
ually to share something of a common spirit, even
PHILISTINES, SEA OF THE (Ex 23 31). Mediterranean Sea.
of a common language. Philo's prominence as a
See
figure in the world of thought, and as an authority
for the general culture of NT times, is out of all pro-
PHILO, fl'lo, JUD.SUS, joo-de'us:
portion to the fragmentary information available about his external career. Contemporary currents,
1. His Life 2. Importance of the Period
subtle as they were, perplexing as they still remain, met and fused in his person. Hence his value as an index to the temperament of the period cannot well be overrated.
3. The Task of Philo
4. Changes and New Problems
5. Ttiree Subjects of Inquiry
(1) The Conception of God
C2) God's Relation to the World
A Jew by nature and nurture, an oriental mystic by accident of residence, a Gr humanist by higher
(3) Doctrine of Man
6. Philo's Works Literature
education and professional study, an
3. The ally of the Rom governing classes. Task of familiar with their intellectual perPhilo spective, Philo is at once rich in suggestion and blurred in outline. More-
Born probably in the first decade of Augustus Caesar, who became emperor in 27 BC. He died possibly in the last years of Claudius
1. His Life (41-54 AD), more likely in the early years of Nero (54-65 AD). We have no exact information about either date. He was a native of Alexandria, Egypt. His relatives were wealthy and prominent, probably sacerdotal, Jews. He received the best Jewish education, and was
over, he addressed himself to two tasks, difficult to weld into a flawless unity. On the one hand, he wrote for educated men in Gr-Rom society, attempting to explain, often to justify, his racial religion before them. The ancient state religion having
trained also in gentile learning—grammar, rhetoric, philosophy, geometry, poetry, music. Enjoying ample means, he was enabled to devote his career
fallen upon inanition, he enjoyed unusual opportunity to point the merits of the Jewish faith as the "desire of all nations," the panacea of which the need was everywhere felt. On the other "hand, he had to confront his orthodox coreligionists, with their separatist traditions and their contempt for paganism in all its works. He tried to persuade them that, after all, Gr thought was not inimical to their cherished doctrines, but, on the contrary, involved similar, almost identical, principles. He thus represented an eclectic standpoint, one in which Gr philosophy blended with historical and dogmatic deductions from the Jewish Scriptures. The result was Philo's peculiar type of theosophy—we cannot
to scholarship. The Alexandrian Jews wielded
great influence in the contemporary Rom empire, and the prominence of Philo's family is attested by the fact that his brother, Alexander Lysimachus, was Alabarch of Alexandria. The single date in
Philo's life which we know accurately is connected with their leadership. In the winter of 39^0 AD, he was spokesman of the deputation sent to Rome
to protest against imposition of emperor-worship upon fellow-citizens of his faith. The mission failed,
Philo, with his two colleagues, meeting rebuff, even
call it a system. Taking the OT for text, he applied the "allegorical" method, with curious consequences. He taught that the Scriptures contain two meanings: a "lower" meaning, obvious in the literal statements of the text; and a "higher," or hidden meaning, perceptible to the "initiate" alone. In this way he found it possible to reconcile Gr intellectualism with Jewish belief. Greek thought exhibits the "hidden" meaning; it turns out to be the elucidation of the "allegory" which runs through the OT like a vein of gold. Moses, and the rest, are not merely historical figures, the subjects of such and such vicissitudes, but representative types of reason, righteousness, the virtues, and so forth. The tendency to fusion of this kind was no new thing. It is traceable for some three centuries before Philo, who may be said to complete the process. It had been familiar to the rabbis, and to the Hellenistic philosophers, particularly the Stoics, who applied this method to the Gr poetical myths. Philo reduces it to an expert art, and uses it as an instrument to dissipate all difficulties. He believed himself to be thoroughly true to the OT. But, thanks to his method, he rendered it malleable, and could thus adjust its interpretation to what he considered to be
insult. It was little likely that Caligula would heed grievances which included specifically dissent from worship of himself. Philo records his distaste for
political activity, and, so far as we know, the Rom incident excepted, he devoted himself principally to
letters. As a young man probably, he had undertaken a journey to Jerus, almost in the nature of a pilgrimage to the ancient shrine of his religion. He paid a second visit to Rome possibly after 50 AD,
at all events, in the reign of Claudius. For the rest, our knowledge of his life is scanty and, sometimes, legendary.
The period covered by his career coincides with one of the most momentous epochs in history. For
it witnesses, not only the foundation
2. Imporof the Rom imperial system, but also tance of the beginning of the end of ancient the Period classical civilization in its dominant ideas, and the plantation of Christian-
ity. Preeminently an era of transition, it was marked by significant displacements in culture, the
effects of which continue to sway mankind even yet. Minor phenomena aside, three principal movements
characterized the time: the Pagan reaction, or
reversion to forms of religion that had sufficed the
2381 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Philistines, Lords Philo Judseus
the intellectual necessities of his generation. Nay more, he felt that, when at his best in this process, he became a vehicle of Divine possession. He says, "Through the influence of Divine inspiration I have become excited profoundly .... then I have been conscious of a richness of interpretation, an enjoyment of light, a most penetrating sight, a most manifest energy in all that was to be done." Again, "I am irradiated with the light of wisdom," and, "all intellect is a Divine inspiration." Little wonder, then, that we have a strange mixture of philosophy and religion, of rationalism and piety, of clear Gr intellectualism with hazy oriental mysticism. Hence, too, the philosophy of Philo is subordinate to his explanation of the Scriptures, and compromise, rather than logical thinking, marks his leading positions.
his own fragmentary experience and rise to an absolute Being; but, its absoluteness notwithstanding, this Being must be brought into direct contact with the finite. Philo was unable to reconcile the two demands, because he could not rise above them; but the effort after reconciliation controls all his thought. As a result, he concentrated upon three main subjects of inquiry: (1) the conception of God;