Part 53
(2) Limestone is the only rock of Western Pal, with the exception of some local outpourings of basaltic rock and with the further exception of a light-brown, porous, partly calcareous sandstone, which is found at intervals along the coast. This
ROCK, rok ([1] ybo, sela': [2] "112
, fi7r; [3]
liJiTOSn , hnUdndsh, "flint"; of Arab. (Uj^jJULi*.
last is a superficial deposit of Quaternary or recent age, and is of aeolian origin. That is, it consists of dune sands which have solidified under the influence of atmospheric agencies. This is very exceptional, nearly all stratified rocks having originated as beds of sand or mud in the bottom of the sea.
khalanhUs, "flint"; [4] D'^ES , kephlm
1. Names [Job 30 6; Jer 4 29]; cf KTi<)>as, Kephds, "Cephas" = IltTpos, Petros, "Peter" [Jn 1 42 AV and RVm]; [5] ireTpa, petra): Qur and sefa' are the words most often found, and there is no well-defined distinction between them. They are frequently coupled together in the parallelism which is characteristic of the Heb writers:
(3) In Sinai, Edom, Moab, Lebanon and AntiLebanon is found the Nubian sandstone, a silicious sandstone which, at least in the N., is of middle or lower Cretaceous age. In the S., the lower strata of this formation seem to be paleozoic. Most of
e.g.
"Be thou to me a strong rock [qut], A house of defence to save me. For thou art my rock [sela'] and my fortress" (Ps 31 2.3). "He clave rocks [qut] in the "wilderness.
it is not sufficiently coherent to make good building stone, though some of its strata are very firm and are even used for millstones. In some places it is so incoherent or friable that it is easily dug with the pick, the grains falling apart and forming sand that can be used in mortar. In color the Nubian sandstone is on the whole dark reddish brown, but locally it shows great variation, from white through yellow and red to black. In places it also has tints of blue. The celebrated rock tombs and temples of Petra are carved in this stone.
And gave them drink abundantly as out of the depths. He brought streams also out of the rock [sela']. And caused waters to rim down like rivers (Ps 78 15.16).
It is plain here that the two words are used for the sake of variety, without any clear difference of meaning. Even halldmish (tr"* "flint") is used in the same way with Qur in Ps 114 8:
" Who turned the rock [iur] into a pool of water. The flint [halldTmsh] into a fountain of waters."
(4) Extensive areas of the northern part of Eastem Pal are covered with igneous rock. In the Jaulan S.E. of Mt. Hermon, this has been for ages exposed to the atmosphere and has formed superficially a rich dark soil. Further S.E. is the Leja' (Arab, "refuge"), a wild tract covered with a deposit of lava which is geologically recent, and which, while probably earlier than man, is still but little affected by the atmosphere. It is with difficulty traversed and frequently furnishes an asylum to outlaws. See Crag; Flint; Geology; Lime. Alfred Ely Day ROCK OF AGES. See Ages, Rock of; Isaiah, VII.
(1) Some of the most striking and beautiful imagery of the Bible is based upon the rocks. They are a symbol of God: "Jeh is my rock,
2. Figuraand my fortress" (2 S 22 2; Ps 18 2; live 71 3); "God, the rock of my salvation"
(2 S 22 47;cf Ps 62 2.7;89 26); "my God the rock of my refuge" (Ps 94 22); "the rock of thy strength" (Isa 17 10); "Lead me to the rock that is higher than I" (Ps 61 2); repeatedly in the song of Moses (Dt 32 3.4.18..30.31; cf 2 S 22 32). Paul applies the rock smitten in the wilderness (Ex 17 6; Nu 20 11) to Christ as the source of living water for spiritual refreshment (1 Cor 10 4).
(2) The rocks are a refuge, both figuratively and literally (Jer 48 28; Cant 2 14); "The rocks are a refuge for the conies" (Ps 104 18). Many a traveler in Pal has felt the refreshment of "the shade of a great rock in a weary lund" (Isa 32 2). A very different idea is expressed in Isa 8 14, "And he shall be for a sanctuary; but for a stone of stumbling and for a rock of offence" (cf Rom 9 33; 1 Pet 2 8).
ROCK-BADGER, r.-baj'er: This term is found
in RVm for "coney," IS'ttJ, shdphdn (Lev 11 5; cf Dt 14 7; Ps 104 IS; Prov 30 26). It is a tr of klip das, the name given by the Boers to the Cape hyrax or coney. See Coney.
_ ^ROD (bp'O , makkel, f112^ , matteh, tsntp , shebhet; pdpSos, rhdbdos): Little distinction can be drawn between the Heb words used for "rod" and "staff." Makkel is the word used in Gen 30 37 ff for the twigs of poplar put by Jacob before his sheep, and in Jer 1 11 of the "rod of an almond-tree." Matteh is used of a rod in the hand, as the "rods" of Moses and of Aaron (Ex 4 2 ff; 7 9 IT, etc). Shebhet is used, but sometimes also matteh, of the rod used for correction (Ex 21 20; 2 S 7 14; Prov 10 13; 13 24; Isa 10 5, etc). In Ps 23 4 ("Thy rod and thy staff, they comfort me"), however, shebhet is the shepherd's rod, figurative of Divine guidance and care. In Ezk 21 10.13, the word stands for the royal scepter. In the NT "rod" is used of a rod of correction (1 Cor 4 21), Aaron's rod (He 9 4), a ruler's rod "of iron" (severity, as in Rev 2 27; 12 5; 19 15), a measuring rod (Rev 11 1). See also Armor, Arms.
(3) The rock is a symbol of hardness (Jer 6 3; cf Isa 50 7). Therefore the breaking of the rock exemplifiea the power of God (Jer 23 29; cf 1 K 19 11). The rock is also a symbol of that which endures, "Oh that they .... were graven in the rock for ever!" (Job 19 23.24). A rock was an appropriate place for offering a sacrifice (Jgs 6 20; 13 19). The central feature of the Mosque of
' Umar in Jerus is Kubbai-u^-Sakhrat, the "dome of the rock." The rock or ^akhrat under the dome is thought to be the site of Solomon's altar of burnt offering, and further is thought to be the site of the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite which David purchased to build an altar to Jeh.
(1) The principal rock of Pal and Syria is limestone of which there are many varieties, differing in color, texture, hardness and degrees of impurity, some of the limestone having considerable admix-
James Orr
2597 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA tLohe Romamti-Ezer
RODANIM, rod'a-nim: The reading of MT in
ing or closing a book The 7n'gh,illath sepher (.Jer 36 2) means the unwritten roll, or the roll considered in its material form as contrasted with the work. M'ghillah, which is found in Ezr 6 2 (EV "roll"), Jer
1 Ch 1 7 for the Dodanim (q.v.) of Gen 10 4, corresponding to the 'P65ioi, Rhodioi of LXX in both passages. The Rodanim are generally identified as inhabitants of the island of Rhodes (q.v.), well known to the ancient Phoenicians (Homer's Iliad)
(often), Ezk (often) and Zec', is a somewhat late word, and came to mean a 'small roll (but w ith a complete work) as distinguished from a book, corresponding thus to the modem distinction of pamphlet and book or document and book The word gillayon \^
ROE, ro, ROEBUCK, ro'buk: AV has "roe" and "roebuck" for ^na, fhhl, TV'^'l
, Q'hhlyah. RV usually substitutes "gazelle" in the text (Dt 12 15, etc) or m (Prov 6 5, etc), but retains "roe" in 2 S 2 18; 1 Ch 12 8; Cant 3 5; 7 3. So RV has "gazelle" for AV "roe" in Sir 27 20 (dorkds). RV has
tr* in RV as "tablet," and is universally regarded as meaning (Isa 8 1) somesmooth surface, corresponding to the same word in Isa 3 23 which is rendered "handm irror." But "cylinder-seaF'would possibly fit the sense in both cases; this being hung round the neck as an ornament in one case and inscribed with a perEgyptian BoU and Case.
sonal name in the other.
Biblion is regarded by the Bible translators as equivalent to mfghillah in the sense of small roll. It is in fact 4 t in the LXX of Jer 36 used as the tr for m'ghillah, but very much oftener it is the tr for ^epher, for which in fact it is the correct technical equivalent (Birt, Buchrolle, 21). Indeed the "small book" (Thayer, Lex., 101) is hardly consistent with the ideas of the heavens as a scroll, of the Lamb's Book of Life, or of the vast quantity of books of Jn 21 25, although in Lk 4 17 it may perhaps correspond closely with m'ghillah in the sense of a complete roll and work, which is at the same time a whole part of a larger work. Its use
Gazelle {Antilope dorcas).
"roe-buck" for l^^an?, yahniur (Dt 14 5; 1 K 4
23), where AV has "fallow deer." In the opinion of
the writer, bJ^5 , 'ayyal, EV "hart," should be tr'' "roe-buck," yakmur "fallow deer," and ffe/iJ "gazelle." See Deer; Gazelle. Alfred Ely Day
ROGELIM, ro'gS-lim, r5-ge'lim (D^55'~l , rdgh'ltm;
'Pa)7e\\e£(i, RhogeUelm) : The place whence came Barzillai the Gileadite to succor David in his flight from Absalom (2 S 17 27; 19 31). It probably lay near the path followed by David, but it is not identified.
in Rev 6 14 is reminiscent of Isa 34 4 ("scroll"), and is conclusive for the roll form. It is indeed always technically a roll and never codex or tablet.
It is not likely tliat Isaiaii and St. John (here and in his Gospel, 31 25) refer directly to the Bab idea that the heavens are a series of written tablets or to the rabbinic saying that "if all the oceans were ink, all reeds pens, the heavens and earth sheets to write upon, and all men writers, still it would not suffice for writing out the teachings of my Masters" (Blau, op. cit., 34). Nevertheless, the "whole Cosmos" does suggest "the heavens and earth" as sheets to write on, and under all there does perhaps lurk a conception of tlie broad expanse of heaven as a roll for writing upon.
ROHGAH, ro'ga (K'thlbh njnlT, roMghah,
Ri^re n3m , rohgah) : A name in the genealogy of Asher (1 Ch 7 34).
ROIMUS, ro'i-mus ('Poeinos, Rhdeimos, A, 'Po-
(ji^Xtos, Rhomelios) : One of the leaders with Zerubbabel in the return (1 Esd 5 8) = "Rehum" in Ezr 2 2, of which it is the Gr form = "Nehum"
Literature.—Birt, Die Buchrolle in der Kunst, Leip-
zig, 1907; Jew Enc, XI, 12e-34, "Scroll of the Law"; Blau, Studien z. allhebr. Buehwesen. Strassburg, 1902, 37-
in Neh 7 7.
66, etc, and the literature under the art. "Writing," esp. G ardtliausen , 134-54.
E. C. Richardson ROLLER, rol'er: AV and ERV in Ezk 30 21
ROLL, rol (SCROLL) : The usual form of book in
Bib. times. It had been in use in Egypt for perhaps 2,000 years at the time when, according to the Pent, the earliest Bib. books were written in this form. The Bab tablet seems to have been the pre-
for binn, hillill, "bandage" (so ARV). "Roller" was formerly a technical term in surgery for a wide bandage.
vailing form in Pal up to about 1350 BC, but by 1100 BC, at least, the roll had been in established use for some time as far N. as Byblos. Two Heb words, gillayon, m'ghillah, one Aram., .fphar, and one Gr word, biblion, are so tr"" in AV. S'phar (Ezr 6 1, RV "archives," m "books"), with the corresponding Heb form .^epher, is the generic word
ROLLING, rol'ing, THING: Isa 17 13, AV
"like a rolling thing before the whirlwind," a non-
committal tr of b5"?3, galgal, "revolving thing,"
"wheel" (Eccl 12 6)'. RV "like the whirling dust
before the storm" is probably right. But see Chaff; Dust; Stubble.
for any whole work large or small, but as a book form
(Isa 34 4) it may mean "roll," and, according to Blau
ROMAMTI-EZER, rO-mam-ti-e'zer, rS-mam-ti-
(pp. 37, 45, etc), it never does mean anything else. Both the other words seem to be connected with
e'zer ("IT^ inp/Q'"! , romamli 'ezer, "highest help"): Son of Heman,' appointed chief of the 24th division
galal, "roll," which is the technical term for open-
Roman, Romans Roman Empire THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2598
of singers in David's time (1 Ch 26 4.31). See JOSHBEKASHAH.
of democracy and popular government against an exclusive governing caste. Against heavy odds the plebeians asserted their rights till they secured at
ROMAN, ro'man, ROMANS, ro'manz. See Rome, III, 2; Citizenship. ROMAN ARMY. See Army, Roman. ROMAN EMPIRE, em'pir, AND CHRISTIANITY:
least a measure of social, political and legal equality with their superiors (see Rome, I, 2-4). But in the long conflict both parties degenerated until neither militant democracy nor despotic oligarchy could hold the balance with justice. Democracy had won in the uphill fight, but lost itself and was obliged to accept a common master with aristocracy. It was of no small importance for Christian-
I. Outline of the Romax Empire
ity that the Rom empire—practically synonymous with the orbis ierrarum—had been converging both from internal and external causes toward a oneman government, the political counterpart of a universal religion with one God and Saviour.
1. Roman Empire a Result of Social Conflict 2. Coining of Monarciiy
(1) ExLiaustion of Parties (2) Inability of Either Aristocracy or Democracy to Hold Equilibrium (3) Precedents (4) Withdrawal from Public Life: Individualism (5) Industrial
(1) Julius Caesar.—For a couple of generations political leaders had foreseen the coming of supreme power and had tried to grasp it. But it was Julius Caesar who best succeeded in exploiting democracy for his own aggrandizement. He proved the potent factor of the first triumvirate (60 EC); his consulship (59) was truly kingly. In 49 BC he crossed the Rubicon and declared war upon his country, but in the same year was appointed Dictator and thus made his enemies the enemies of his country. He vanquished the Pompeians—senatorial and republican—at Pharsaha in 48 BC, Thapsus in 46 BC, and Munda in 45 BO. Between 46 and the Ides of March 44 no emperor before Diocletian was more imperial. He was recognized officially as "demigod": temples were dedicated to his " clemency
C6) Military (7) Imperial Interests (8) Influence of Orient
II. Preparation of the Roman Empire for Christianity
1. Pax Romana 2. Cosmopolitanism 3. Eclecticism 4. Protection for Greek Culture 5. Linguistically 6. Materially 7. Tolerance 8. Pattern for a Universal Church 9. Roman Jurisprudence 10. Negative Preparation III. Attitude of the Roman Empire to Religions
. " He encouraged the people to abdicate to him their privileges of self-government and right of election, became chief {-princeps) of the senate and high priest {pontifex maximus), so that he could manipulate even the will of the gods to his own purposes. His plans were equally great and beneficent. He saw the necessity of blending the heterogeneous populations into one people and extending Rom citizenship. His outlook was larger and more favorable to the coming of Christianity than that of his successor. Augustus. The latter learned from the fate of Caesar that he had advanced too rapidly along the imperial path. It taught Augustus caution. (2) Augustus.—Octavian (Augustus) proved the potent factor of the second triumvirate. The field of Actium on September 2, 31 BC, decided the fate of the old Rom repubhc. The commonwealth sank in exhaustion after the protracted civil and internecine strife. It was a case of the survival of the fittest. It was a great crisis in human history, and a great man was at hand for the occasion. Octavian realized that supreme power was the only possible solution. On his return to Rome he began to do over again what Caesar had done—gather into his own hands the reins of government. He succeeded with more caution and shrewdness, and became the founder of the Rom empire, which formally began on January 16, 27 BC, and was signalized by the bestowal of the title Augustus (q.v.). Under repubhcan forms he ruled as emperor, controlling legislation, administration and the armies. His policy was on the whole adhered to by the Julio-Claudian line, the last of which was Nero (d. 68 AD).
1. Roman ReUgion 2. Non-Roman Religions religiones licitae and religiones illicitae
(1) Judaism a religio licita (2) Why Christianity Was Alone Proscribed (3) Two Empires: Causes of Conflict
(a) Confusion of Spiritual and Temporal {b) Unique Claims of Christianity
ic) Christianity the Newest Religion in the Empire {d) Intolerance and E.xclusiveness of the Christian Religion and Christian Society (e) Obstinalio
(/) Aggressiveness against Pagan Faith (g) Christianos ad leones: Public Calamities {h) Odium generis humani (4) The Roman Empire Not the Only Disturb-
ing Factor IV. Relations between the Roman Empire .\nd Christianity 1. Beginning of Christianity till Death of Nero, 68 AD 2. Flavian Period, 68-96 AD 3. The Antonine Period. 96-192 AD 4. Changing Dynasties, 192-284 AD 5. Diocletian till First General Edict of Toleration, 284-311 AD 6. First Edict of Toleration till Extinction of Western Empire, 311-478 AD V. Victory of Christianity
(3) Flavian Dynasty.—In 68 AD a new "secret of empire" was discovered, viz. that the principate was not hereditary in one line and that emperors could be nominated by the armies. After the bloody civil wars of 68, "the year of the four emperors, Vespasian founded the lid Dynasty, and djmastic succession was for the present again adopted. With the Flavians begins a new epoch in Rom history of pronounced importance for Christianity. The exclusive Rom ideas are on the wane. Vespasian was of plebeian and Sabine rank and thus non-Rom, the first of many non-Rom emperors. His ideas were provincial rather than Rom, and favorable to the amalgamation of classes, and the leveling process now steadily setting in. Though he accepted the Augustan "diarchy," he began to curtail tlie powers of the senate. His son Titus died young (79-81). Domitian's reign marks a new epoch in imperialism: his autocratic spirit stands half-way between the Augustan principate and the absolute monarchy of Diocletian. Domitian, the last of the "twelve Caesars" (Suetonius), was assassinated September 18. 96 AD. The soldiers amid civil war had elected the last dynasty. This time the senate asserted itself and nominated a brief series of emperors—on the whole the best that wore the purple.
1. Negative Causes 2. Positive Causes Literature
/. Outline of Roman Empire.—The founding of the Rom empire was the grandest political achieve-
ment ever accomplished. The con-
1. Roman quests of Alexander the Great, CharleEmpire a magne and Napoleon seem small comResult pared with the durable structure reared by Julius and his successor, Augustus. In one sense Julius Caesar—the most wonderful man that Rome or any other country produced—was the founder of the empire, and Augustus the founder of the principate. But the Rom empire was the culmination of a long process of political, constitutional, and social growth which gives a lasting interest to Rom history. The Rom empire was the only possible solution of a 700 years' struggle, and Rom history is the story of the conflict of class with cla.ss, patrician against plebeian, populus against plebs, the antagonism of oligarchy and democracy, plutocracy against neglected masses. It is the account of the triumphant march
(4) Adoptive or Antonine emperors.—The Antonine is another distinct era marked by humane government, recognition of the rights of the provinces and an enlargement of the ideas of universahsm. Under Trajan the empire was extended: a series of frontier blockades was estabUshed—a confession that Rome could advance no farther. Under Hadrian a policy of retreat began; henceforth Rome is never again on the aggressive but always on the defensive against restless barbarians. Unmistakable signs of weakness and decay set in under
2599 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Roman, Romans Roman Empire
Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. Tliis, tiie best and liappiest period of Rom imperiai government, was tlie beginning of thie end. In ttiis era we detect a growing centralization of autliority; the senate practicaiiy becomes a tool of tiie emperor. A distinct civil service was established which culminated in bureaucracy under Hadrian.
of free popular government could live under such conditions. Caesar said of the republic that it was " a name without any substance," and Curio declared it to be a "vain chimera," The law courts shared in the general corruption. The judiria became the bone of contention between the senate and the Icnights as the best instrument for party interests, and enabled the holders (a) to receive large bribes, (6) to protect their own order when guilty of the most flagrant injustice, and (c) to oppress other orders. Justice for all, and esp. for conquered peoples, was impossible. Elective assemblies refused to perform their proper functions because of extravagant bribery or the presence of candidates in arms. In fact, the people were willing to forego the prerogative of election and accept candidates at the nomination of a despotic authority. The whole people had become incapable of self-government and were willing—almost glad—to be relieved of the necessity.
(5) Changing dynasties, 19S-28/f AD.—On the death Of Commodus. whose reign 180-93 AD stands by itself , the empire was put up for sale by the soldiery and knocked down to the highest bidder. The military basis of the empire was emphasized—which was indeed essential in this period of barbaric aggressiveness to postpone the fall of the empire until its providential mission was accomplished. A rapid succession of rulers follows, almost each new ruler bringing a new dynasty. Those disintegrating forces set in which developed so rapidly from the reign of Diocletian. The pax Romana had passed: civil commotion accentuated the dangers from invading barbarians. Plague and famine di^populated rich provinces. Rome itself drops into the background and the provincial spirit assorts itself proportionally. The year 212 AD is memorable for the edict of Caracalla converting aU the free population into Rom citizens.
(3) Precedents.—Besides, precedents for one-man government, or the concentration of supreme power in one hand, were not wanting, and had been rapidly multiplying in Rom history as it drew nearer to the end of the republic. Numerous protracted commands and special commissions had accustomed the state to the novelty of obedience without participation in administration. The 7 consulships of Marius, the 4 of Cinna, the 3 extraordinary commi.ssions of Pompey and his sole consulship, the dictatorship of Sulla without time limit, the two 5-year-period military commands of Caesar, his repeated dictatorships the last of which was to extend for 10 years—all these were pointing directly toward Caesarism.
(6) From Diocletian till partition.—In the ne.xt period absolute monarchy of pure oriental type was established by Diocletian, one of the ablest of Rom rulers. He inaugurated the principle of division and subdivision of imperial power. The inevitable separation of East and West, with the growing prominence of the East, becomes apparent. Rome and Italy are reduced to the rank of provinces, and new courts are opened by the two Augusti and two Caesars. Diocletian's division of power led to civil strife, until Constantine once more united the whole empire under his sway. The center of gravity now shifted from West to East by the foundation of Constantinople. The empire was again parceled out to the sons of Constantine, one of whom, Constantius, succeeded in again reuniting it (,350 AD). In 364 it was again divided, Valentiniau receiving the West and Valens the East. (7) Final partition.—On the death of Theodosius I (395), West and East fell to his sons Honorius and Arcadius, never again to be united. The western half rapidly degenerated before barbaric hordes and weakling rulers. The western provinces and Africa were overrun by conquering barbarians who set up independent kingdoms on Rom soil. Burgundians and Visigoths settled in Gaul; the latter established a kingdom in Spain. The Vandals under Genseric settled first in Southern Spain, then crossed to Africa and reduced it. Goths burst over Rom frontiers, settled in Illyria and invaded Italy. Alaric and his Goths spared Rome in 408 for a ransom; in 409 he appeared again and set up Attains as king of the Romans, and finally in 410 he captured and sacked the city. It was again' sacked by the Vandals under Genseric in 462, and, lastly, fell before Odoacer and his Germans in 476; he announced to the world that the empire of the West had ceased. The empire of the East continued at Constantinople the greatest political power through a chequered history down to the capture of the city in 1214 and its final capture by the Turks in 14,53, when its spiritual and intellectual treasures were opened to western lands and proved of untold blessing in preparing the way for the Reformation of the 18th cent. The East conquered the West intellectually and spiritually. In the East was bom the religion of humanity.
(4) Withdrawal from public life: individualism.—On another side tlie way was opened to supreme power by the increasing tendency for some of the noblest and best minds to withdraw from public life to the seclusion of the heart life and thus leave the field open for demagogic ambition. After the conquests of Alexander the Great, philosophy abandoned the civic, political or citystate point of view and became moral and individual. Stoicism adopted the lofty spirituai teachings of Plato and combined thom with the idea of the brotherhood of humanity. It also preached that man must work out his salvation, not in public political life, but in the secret agonies of his own soul. This religion took hold of the noblest Rom souls who were conscious of the weariness of life and felt the desire for spiritual fellowship and comfort. The pendulum in human systems of thought generally swings to the opposite extreme, and these serious souls abandoned public life for private speculation and meditation. Those who did remain at the helm of affairs—like the younger Cato—were often too much idealists, living in the past or in an ideal Platonic repub-
lic, and proved very unequal to the practical demagogues who lived much in the present with a keen eye to the future. Also a considerable number of the moderate party, who in better days would have furnished leaders to the state, disgusted with the universal corruption, saddened by the liopeless state of social strife and disquieted by uncertainty as to the issue of victory for either contending party, held aloof and must have wished for and welcomed a paramount authority to give stability to social life. Monarchy was in the air, as proved by the sentiments of tlie two pseudo-Sallustian letters, the author of which calls upon Caesar to restore government and reorganize the state, for if Rome perish the whole world must perish with her.
(1) Exhaustion of parties.—The Rom world had for two generations been steadily drifting toward monarchy.
(.5) Industrial.—To another considerable class monarchy must have been welcome—the industrial and middle class who were striving for competence and were engaged in trade and commerce. Civil wars and the strife of parties must have greatly hindered their activity. They cast thoir lot neither with the optimates nor with the idle commonalty. They desired only a stable condition of government under which they could uninterruptedl.v carry on their trades.
and at least one generation before the om2 Comine P'™^^^ ^^* "P clear minds saw the inevi-
n( l\/rr.T> table necessity of one-man government or 01 lYlonsupreme power, and each political leader archy made it his ambition to grasp it. The civil wars ceased for a century with tlie death of Antony. But the struggles of Tiberius Gracchus and Scipio Aemihanus, Caius Gracchus and Opimius, Drusus and PhiUppus, Marius and Sulla, Pompey and Caesar, and lastly Octavian and Antony had exhausted the state, and this exhaustion of political parties opened the way for monarchy. In fact it was a necessity for the welfare of the commonwealth that one should be elevated who could fairly hold the balance between oligarchy and the commons and duly recognize the claims of all parties. Even Cato Uticensis—the incarnation of republican ideas—admitted it would be better to choose a master than wait for a tyrant. The bloody wars could find no solution except the survival of the fittest. Moreover, the free political institutions of Rome had become use-
(6) Military.—Military conditions favored supreme power. Not only had the lengthened commands familiarized the general with his legions and given him time to seduce tlie soldiery to his own cause, but the soldiery too had been petted and spoiled like the spoon-fed populace. The old repubhcan safeguards against ambition had been removed. The ranks of the armies had also been swollen with large numbers of provincials and non-Romans who had no special sentiment about republican forms. We have seen the military power growing more and more prominent. The only way of averting a military despotism supported and prompted by tlie soldiers was to set up a monarchy, holding all the military, legislative and administrative functions of the state in due proportion. This was superior to a merely nominal repubUc always cringing under fear of military leaders.
less and could no longer work under the armed oppression of factions. If any form of government, only supreme power would prove effectual amid an enfeebled, unpopular senate, corrupt and idle commons, and ambitious individuals.
(7) Imperial interests.—Lastly, the aggression and conquests of the republic had brought about a state of
(2) Inability of either aristocracy or democracy to hold equilibrium.—Events had proved that a narrow exclu-
afl'airs demanding an empire. The East and the West had been subdued; many provinces and heterogeneous populations were living under the Rom eagle. These provinces could not permanently be plundered and oppressed as under the repul^lican senate. Tlie jus ciiiile of Rome must learn also the jus naturale and jus gentium. An exclusive selfish senatorial clique was incapable of doing justice to the conquered peoples. One supreme ruler over all classes raised above personal
sive aristocracy was incapable of good government because of its utterly selfish policy and disregard for the rights of all lower orders. It had learned to burke
liberty by political murders. Neither was the heterogeneous population of later Rome disciplined to obey or
to initiate just government when it had seized power. This anarchy within the body politic opened an easy way
to usurpation by individuals. No republic and no form
Roman Empire THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2600
ambition could best meet their grievances. Tlie senate had ruled with a rod of iron: the provinces could not possibly bo worse under any form of government. Besides, monarchy was more congenial to the provincials than a republic wliich they could not comprehend.
Orientals were to be found in large numbers with
their gods and mysteries in Rome, "the epitome of the world." In the Rom armies soldiers from all quarters of the empire became companions. And many thousands of slaves of fine education and high culture contributed much to cosmopolitanism. Being in many cases far superior in culture to their masters, they became their teachers. And in every city of importance. East or West, large bodies of the Jewish Diaspora were settled.
(8) Influence of Orient.—The Orientals had long been used to living under imperial and absolute forms of government and would welcome such a form among their new conquerors. Besides, residence in the Orient had affected Rom military leaders with the thirst after absolute power. And no other form was possible when the old city-state system broke down, and as yet federal government had not been dreamed of. Another consideration: the vast and dissimilar masses of population living within the Rom dominions could more easily be held together under a king or emperor than by a series of ever-changing administrations, just as the AustroHungarian and the British empires are probably held together better under the present monarchies than would be possible under a republican system. This survey may make clear the permanent interest in Rom history for all students of human history. The Rom empire was estabUshed indeed in the fulness of the times for its citizens and for Christianity.
This cosmopolitanism gave great impetus to a corresponding eclecticism of thought. Nothing could have been more favorable to
3. EclecChristianity than this intermixture of ticism all races and mutual exchange of thought. Each people discovered how much it had in common with its neighbors. From the days of the Diadochi, Stoicism had been preaching the gospel of a civic and ethical brotherhood of humanity. In the fusion of different philosophic systems the emphasis had shifted from the city-state or political or national to the moral and human point of view. All men were thus reduced to equality before the One; only virtue and vice were the differentiating factors. Men were akin with the Divine—at least the wise and good—so that one poet could say, "We are His offspring."
//. Preparation of the Roman Empire for Christianity.—About the middle of the reign of Augustus a Jewish child was bom who was destined to rule an empire more extensive and lasting than that of the Caesars. It is a striking fact that almost synchronous with the planting of the Rom empire Christianity appeared in the world. Although on a superficial glance the Rom empii'e may seem the greatest enemy of early Christianit}', and at times a bitter persecutor, yet it was in many ways the grandest preparation and in some ways the best ally of Christianity. It ushered in politically the fulness of the times. The Caesars—whatever they may have been or done—prepared the way of the Lord. A brief account must here be given of some of the services which the Rom empire rendered to humanity and esp. to the kingdom of God.
Stoicism did a noble service in preparation for Christianity by preaching universalism along the path of individualism. It also furnished comfort and strength to countless thousands of weary hiunan lives and ministered spiritual support and calm resignation at many a heathen deathbed. It may be declared to be the first system of reUgious thought—for it was a rehgion more than a philosophy—which made a serious study of the diseases of the human soul. We know of com-se its weakness and imperfections, that it was an aristocratic creed appealing only to the elect of mortals, that it had little message for the fallen and lower classes, that it "was cold and stem, that it lacked—as Seneca felt—the inspiration of an ideal Ufe. But with aU its failiu"es it proved a worthy pedagogue to a rehgion which brought a larger message than that of Greece. It afforded the spiritual and moral counterpart to the larger human society of which the Rom empire was the poUtical and visible symbol. Hitherto a good citizen had been a good man. Now a good man is a good citizen, and that not of a narrow city-state, but of the world. Stoicism also proved the interpreter and mouthpiece to the Rom empire of the higher moral and spiritual quaUties of Gr civiUzation: it diffused the best convictions of Greece about God and man. selecting those elements that were imiversal and of lasting hiunau value (see Stoics).
The first universal blessing conferred by the empire was the famous pax Romana ("Rom peace").
The world had not been at peace since
1. Pax the days of Alexander the Great. The Romana quarrels of the Diadochi, and the agand Unifigression of the Rom republic had kept cation of the nations in a state of constant turthe World moil. A universal peace was first established with the beginning of the reign of Augustus and the closing of the temple of Janus. In all the countries round the Mediterranean and from distant Britain to the Euphrates the world was at rest. Rome had made an end of her own civil wars and had put a stop to wars among the nations. Though her wars were often iniquitous and unjustifiable, and she conquered like a barbarian, she ruled her conquests like a humane statesman. The quarrels of the Diadochi which caused so much turmoil in the East were ended, the territory of the Lagids, Attalids, Seleucids and Antigonids having passed under the sway of Rome. The empire united Greeks, Romans and Jews all under one government. Rome thus blended the nations and prepared them for Christianity. Now for the first time we may speak of the world as universal humanity, the orhis terrarum, ij oiKoviiiv-r), he oikoumene (Lk 2 1), the getius humanum. These terms represented humanity as living under a uniform .system of government. All were members of one earthly state; the Rom empire was their communis omnium patria. This state of alTairs contributed largely to the spread of cosmopolitanism which had set in with the Macedonian conqueror. Under the 2. CosmoRom empire all national barriers were politanism removed; the great cities—Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, etc—became meetingplaces of all races and languages. The Romans were everywhere carrying their laws and civilization; Greeks settled in thousands at all important centers as professors, merchants, physicians, or acrobats;
The mind of the Rom empire was further prepared for Christianity by the Jewish Diaspora. Greeks learned from Jews and Jews from Greeks and the Romans from both. The unification effected by Rom Law and administration greatly aided the Diaspora. Jewish settlements became still more numerous and powerful both in the East and West. Those Jews bringing from the homeland the spiritual monotheism of their race combined it with Gr philosophy which had been setting steadily for monotheism. With the Jews the exclusively national element was subordinated to the more human and universal, the ceremonial to the religious. They even adopted the world-language of that day—Greek—and had their sacred Scriptures
tr"' into this language in which they carried on an active proselytism. The Rom spirit was at first essentially narrow and exclusive. But even the Romans soon fell beneath the spell of this cosmopolitanism and eclecticism. As their conquests increased, their mind was correspondingly widened. They adopted the policy of Alexander—sparing the gods of the conquered and admitting them into the responsibility of guarding Rome; they assimilated them with their own Pantheon or identified them with Rom gods. In this way naturally the religious ideas of conquered races more highly civilized than the conquerors laid hold on Rom minds (see Dispersion).
2601 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Roman Empire
perceived the advantages of Gr as the language of commerce—the Jews' occupation—of culture and of proselytizing. They threw open their sacred Scriptures in the LXX and other VSS to the GrRom world, adapting the tr in many respects to the requirements of Gr readers. "The Bible whose God was Yahiueh was the Bible of one people: the Bible whose God was loipios [kurios, "Lord"] was the Bible of humanity." When the Romans came upon the scene, they found this language so widely known and so deeply rooted they could not hope to supplant it. Indeed they did not try—except in
Another inestimable service rendered to humanity and Christianity was the protection which the Rom power afforded the Gr civilization. 4. ProtecWe must remember that the Romans tion for were at first only conquering barbaGreek rians who had little respect for culture, Culture but idealized power. Already they had wiped out two ancient and superior civilizations—that of Carthage without leaving a trace, and that of Etruria, traces of which have been discovered in modern times. It is hard to conceive what a scourge Rome would have proved to the world had she not fallen under the influence of the superior culture and philosophy of Greece. Had the Rom Mars not been educated by Pallas Athene the Romans would have proved Vandals and Tartars in blotting out civilization and arresting human progress. The Greeks, on the other hand, could conquer more by their preeminence in everything that pertains to the intellectual lite of man than they could hold by the sword. A practical and political power was needed to protect Gr speculation. But the Romans after causing much devastation were gradually educated and civilized and have contributed to the uplifting and enlightenment of subsequent civilizations by both preserving and opening to the world the spiritual qualities of Greece. The kinship of man with the Divine, learned from Socrates and Plato, went forth on its wide evangel. This Gr civilization, philosophy and theology trained many of the great theologians and leaders of the Christian church, so that Clement of Alexandria said that Gr philosophy and Jewish law had proved schoolmasters to bring the world to Christ. Paul, who prevented Christianity from remaining a Jewish sect and proclaimed its universalism, learned much from Gr—esp. from Stoic thought. It is also significant that the early Christian missionaries apparently went only where the Gr language was known, which was the case in all centers of Rom administration.
Sicily and Magna Graecia—to suppress Gr, but rather gladly accepted it as the one common means of intercourse among the peoples of their eastern dominions (see Langitage op the NT)
Though Latin was of course the official language of the conquerors, the decrees of governors generally appeared with a Gr tr, so that they might be "understanded of the people," and Gr overcame Lat, as English drove out the French of the Norman invaders. Lat poets and historians more than once complained that Graecia capla ferum viclorem cepit
("conquered Greece vanquished its stern conqueror"). With the spread of Lat there were two world-languages side by side for the whole Rom empire, but Gr was prevailingly the language of the eastern half of the Rom empire which was the first
soil for Christian churches and the first half of the empire to be Christianized. Later when Christianity was able to extend her activity to the West, she found Lat ready as the common means of intercourse. That Rome respected Gr is greatly to her credit and much to the advantage of Christianity. For Christianity, when it began to aim at universaltsm, dropped its native Aramaic. The gospel in order to become a world-evangel was tr"^ into Gr. The early Christian missionaries did not learn the languages or patois of the Rom empire, but confined themselves to centers of Gr culture. Paul wrote in Gr to the church in Rome itself, of which Gr was the language. And while Christianity was spreading through the Gr East under the unification of Rom administration, the Romans were Romanizing and leveling the West for Lat Christianity (see Latin). In the West it may be noted that the first foothold of the Christian religion was in Gr—witness the church in Gaul.
The state of the Rom empire linguistically was in the highest degree favorable to the spread of Christianity. The Gr republics by
5. Linguistheir enterprise, superior genius and
tically commercial abilities extended their dialects over the Aegean Islands, the coasts of Asia Minor, Sicily and Magna Graecia. The preeminence of Attic culture and literature favored by the short-lived Athenian empire raised
In material ways too Rome opened the way for Christianity by building the great highways for the
gospel. The great system of roads
this dialect to a standard among the Gr peoples. But the other dialects long persisted. Out of this babel of Gr dialects there finally arose a normal koine or "common language." By the conquests of Alexander and the Hellenistic sympathies of the Diadochi this common Gr language became the lingua franca of antiquity. Gr was known in Northern India, at the Parthian court, and on the distant
6. Matethat knit the then civilized world rially together served not only the legions and the imperial escorts, but were of equal service to the early missionaries, and when churches began to spring up over the empire, these roads greatly facilitated that church organization and brotherhood which strengthened the church to overcome the empire. With the dawn of the pax Romana all these roads became alive once more with a galaxy of caravans and traders. Commerce revived and was carried on under circumstances more favorable than any that obtained till the past century. Men exchanged not only material things, but also spiritual things. Many of these early traders and artisans were Christians, and while they bought and sold the things that perish, they did not lose an opportunity of spreading the gospel. For an empire which embraced the Mediterranean shores, the sea was an important means of intercommunication; and the Mediterranean routes were safer for commerce and travel at that period than during any previous one. Pompey the Great had driven the pirates off the sea, and with the fall of Sextus Pompey no hostile maritime forces remained. The ships which phed in countless numbers from point to point of this great inland sea
shores of the Euxine (Black Sea). The native land
of the gospel was surrounded on all sides by Gr
civilization. Gr culture and language penetrated
into the midst of the obstinate home-keeping Pales-
tinian Jews. Though Gr was not the mothertongue of Our Lord, He understood Gr and appar-
ently could speak it when occasion required—Aram, being the language of His heart and of His public
teachings. The history of the Maocabean struggle
affords ample evidence of the extent to which Gr
culture, and with it the Gr language, were familiar
to the Jews. There were in later days Hellenistic
bodies of devout Jews in Jerus itself. Gr was recog-
nized by the Jews as the universal language: the
inscription on the wall of the outer temple court
forbidding Gentiles under pain of death to enter was in Gr. The koine became the language even
of religion—where a foreign tongue is least likely
to be used—of the large Jewish Diaspora. They
Roman Empire THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2602
generations must accept with faith what these
offered splendid advantages and opportunity for early Christian missionary enthusiasm.
earlier seers, who stood nearer God, as Cicero said, had been pleased to teach of the Divine. But soon
The large measure of freedom permitted by Rom authorities to the religions of all nations greatly favored the growth of infant Chris-
this stock of knowledge became exhausted. Plato, after soaring to the highest point of poetic and philosophic thought about the Divine, admitted the need of a demon or superman to tell us the secrets of eternity. With the early Rom empire began a period of tremendous religious unrest. Men tried philosophy, magic, astrology, foreign rites, to find a sure place of rest. This accounts for the rapid and extensive diffusion of oriental mysteries which promised to the initiated communion with God here, a "better hope" in death, and satisfied the craving for immortality beyond time. These were the more serious souls who would gladly accept the consolations of Jesus. Others, losing all faith in any form of religion, gave themselves up to blank despair and accepted Epicureanism with its gospel of annihilation and its carpe diem morals. This system had a terrible fascination for those who had lost themselves; it is presented in its most attractive form in the verses of Lucretius—the Omar Khayyam of Lat literature. Others again, unable to find God, surrendered themselves to cheerless skepticism. The sore need of the new gospel of life and immortality will be borne in upon the mind of those who read the Gr and Rom sepulchral inscriptions. And even Seneca, who was almost a Christian in some respects, speaks of immortality as a "beautiful dream" (helium somniuvi), though tribulation later gave a clearer vision of the "city of God." Servius Sulpieius, writing to Cicero a letter of consolation on the death of his much-missed Tullia, had only a sad "if" to offer about the future (Cic. Fam. iv.5). Nowhere does the unbelief and pessimism of pre-Christian days among the higher classes strike one more forcibly than in the famous discussion recorded by Sallust {Bel. Cat. li f) as to the punishment of the CatiUnarian conspirators. Caesar, who held the Rom high-priesthood and the highest authority on the religion of the state, proposes life imprisonment, as death would only bring annihilation and rest to these villains—no hereafter, no reward or punishment {earn cuncta mortaliiim mala dissolvere; ultra neque ciirae neque gaudio locum esse) . Cato next speaks—the most religious man of his generation—in terms which cast no rebuke upon Caesar's Epicureanism and materialism (ib, 52). Cicero {In Cat. iv.4) is content to leave immortality an open question. The philosophers of Athens mocked Paul on Mars' Hill when he spoke of a resurrection. Such was the attitude of the educated classes of the Gr-Rom world at the dawn of Christianity, though it cannot be denied that there was also a strong desire for continued existence. The other classes were either perfunctorily performing the rites of a dead national rehgion or were seeking, some, excitement or aesthetic worship or even scope for their baser passions, some, peace and promise for the future, in the eastern mysteries. The distinction between moral and physical evil was coming to the surface, and hence a consciousness of sin. Religion and ethics had not yet been united. "The throne of the human mind" was declared vacant, and Christianity was at hand as the best claimant. In fact, the Gr-Rom mind had been expanding to receive the pure teachings of Jesus.
7. Tolertianity. The Rom empire was never ance in principle a persecutor with a permanent court of inquisition. Strange cults from the East and Egypt flourished in the capital, and except when they became a danger to public morality or to the peace of society they were allowed to spread unchecked under the eyes of the police. See below on non-Rom religions. Further, the Rom empire afforded Christianity a material and outward symbol for its spiritual ambition. It enlarged the vision of the 8. Pattern church. Only a citizen (Paul) of such for a Unia world-empire could dream of a reliversal gion for all humanity. If the Rom Church sword could so conquer and unify the orhis terrarum,, the militant church should be provoked to attempt nothing less in the religious sphere. It also furnished many a suggestion to the early organizers of the new community, until the Christian church became the spiritual counterpart of the Rom empire. The Christians appropriated many a weapon from the arsenal of the enemy and learned from them aggressiveness, the value of thorough organization and of military methods.
Rom law in its origins was cliaracterized by tlie narrowest exclusiveness, and the first formal Rom code was
on Gr patterns, yet the Romans here as in
9. Roman ^o many other respects improved upon x • what they had borrowed and became masjurispru- ^pj,g qj jm-ispnidence in the antique world. dence As their empire and conceptions expanded, they remodeled their laws to embrace all their subjects. One of tlie greatest boons conferred by Rome upon the antique world was a uniform system of good laws—the source of much of our European jurisprudence. The Rom law played an equally important role with the Jewish in molding and disciplining for Christianity. It taught men to obey and to respect authority, and proved an eiTective leveling and civilizing power in the empire. The universal law of Rome was the pedagogue for the universal law of the gospel. See Roman Law.
The Romans could offer their subjects good laws, uniform government and military protection, but
not a satisfactory religion. A univer10. Negasal empire called for a universal retive F^epligion, which Christianity alone could aration offer. Finally, not only by what Rome had accomplished but by what she proved incapable of accomplishing, the way of the Lord was made ready and a people prepared for His coming. It was a terrible crisis in the civilization and religion of antiquity. The old national religions and systems of belief had proved unable to soothe the increasing imperious moral and spiritual demands of man's nature. A moral bankruptcy was immanent. The old Rom religion of abstract virtues had gone down in formalism; it was too cold for human hearts. Man could no longer find the field of his moral activity in the religion of the state; he was no longer merely an atom in society performing religious rites, not for his own soul, but for the good of the commonwealth. Personality had been slowly emerging, and the new schools of philosophy called man away from the state to seek peace with God in the .solitude of his own soul first of all. But even the best of these schools found the crying need of a positive, not a negative religion, the need for a perfect ideal life as a dynamic over ordinary human lives. Thus was felt an imperious demand for a new revelation, for a fre.sh vision or knowledge of God. In earlier days men had believed that God had revealed Himself to primitive wise men or heroes of their race, and that subsequent
///. Attitude of the Roman Empire to Religions,— The history of Rom religion reveals a continuous penetration of ItaUan, Etruscan, Gr,
1. Roman Egyp and oriental worship and rites, or State until the old Rom religion became Religion almost unrecognizable, and even the antiquarian learning of a Varro could scarcely discover the original meaning or use of
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ow d
2603 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Roman Empire
many Rom deities. The Rom elements or modes of worship progressively retreated until they and the foreign rites with which they were overlaid gave way before the might of Christianity. As Rome expanded, her religious demands increased. During the regal period Rom religion was that of a simple agricultural community. In the period between the Regifugium and the Second Punic War Rom religion became more complicated and the Rom Pantheon was largely increased by importations from Etruria, Latium and Magna Graecia. The mysterious rehgion of Etruria first impressed the Rom mind, and from this quarter probably came the Trinity of the Capitol (Jupiter, Juno, Minerva) previously introduced into Etruria from Gr sources, thus showing that the Romans were not the first in Italy to be influenced by the religion of Greece. New modes of worship, non-Rom in spirit, also came in from the Etruscans and foreign elements of Gr mythology. Latium also made its contribution, the worship of Diana coming from Aricia and also a Lat Jupiter. Two Lat cults penetrated even within the Rom pomoerium—that of Hercules and Castor, with deities of Gr origin. The Gr settlements in Soutliern Italy (Magna Graecia) were generous in their contributions and opened the way for the later invasion of Gr deities. The Sibylline Books were early imported from Cumae as sacred scriptures for the Romans. In 493 BC during a famine a temple was built to the Gr trinity Demeter, Dionysus, and Persephone, under the I^at names of Ceres, liber, and Libera—the beginning of distrust in the primitive Rom nuniina and of that practice, so oft repeated in Rom history, of introducing new and foreign gods at periods of great distress. In 433 Apollo came from the same region. Mercury and Asclepius followed in 293 BC, and in 249 BC Dis and Proserpina were brought from Tarentum. Other non-Rom modes of approach to deity were introduced. Rome had been in this period very broad-minded in her policy of meeting the growing religious needs of her community, but she had not so far gone beyond Italy. A taste had also developed for dramatic and more aesthetic forms of worship. The period of the Second Punic War was a crisis in Rom religious life, and the faith of the Romans waned before growing unbelief. Both the educated classes and the populace abandoned the old Rom religion, the former sank into skepticism, the latter into superstition; the former put philosophy in the place of religion, the latter the more sensuous cults of the Orient. The Romans went abroad again to borrow deities—this time to Greece, Asia and Egypt. Gr deities were introduced whole-
the dry bones. His plan was only partly religious, and partly political—to establish an imperial and popular religion of which he was the head and centering round his person. He discovered the necessity of an imperial religion. In the East kings had long before been regarded as divine by their subjects. Alexander the Great, like a wise politician, intended to use this as one bond of union for his wide dominions. The same habit extended among the Diadochian kings, esp. in Egypt and Syria. When Augustus had brought peace to the world, the Orient was ready to hail him as a god. Out of this was evolved the cult of the reigning emperor and of Roma personified. This worship gave religious unity to the empire, while at the same time magnifying the emperor. But the effort was in vain : the old Rom religion was dead, and the spiritualneeds of the empire continued to be met more and more by philosophy and the mysteries which promised immortality. The cult of the Genius of the emperor soon lost all reality. Vespasian himself on his deathbed jested at the idea of his becoming a god. The emperor-worship declined steadily, and in the 3d and 4th cents, oriental worships were supreme. The religion of the Rom empire soon became of that cosmopolitan and eclectic type so characteristic of the new era.
The non-Rom religions were divided into religiones licilae ("licensed worships") and religiones
illicitae ("unlicensed"). The Romans
2. Reliat different times, on account of earthgiones liquakes, pestilences, famine or military citae and disasters, introduced non-Rom cults religiones as means of appeasing the numina. illicitae This generally meant that the cults in question could be performed with impunity by their foreign adherents. It legalized the collegia necessary for these worships from which Rom citizens were by law excluded. But, generally speaking, any people settling at Rome was permitted the liberty of its own native worship in so far as the exercise of it did not interfere with the peace of the state or corrupt the morals of society. On one occasion (186 BC), by a decree of the senate, a severe inquisition was instituted against the Bacchanalian rites which had caused flagrant immorality among the adherents. But Rome was never a systematic persecutor. These foreign rites and superstitions, though often forbidden and their professed adherents driven from the city, always returned stronger than ever. Rom citizens soon discovered the fascination of oriental and Gr mysteries, and devoted themselves to foreign gods while maintaining the necessary formalism toward the religion of the state. Very often too Rom citizens would be presidents of these religious brotherhoods. It should not be forgotten that the original moral elements had fallen out of Rom religion, and that it had become simply a political and military religion for the welfare of the state, not for the salvation of the individual. The individual must conform to certain prescribed rites in order to avert, calamity from the state. This done, the state demanded no more, and left him a large measure of freedom in seeking excitement or aesthetic pleasure in the warm and more social foreign mysteries. Thus, while the Romans retained the distinction of religiones licilae and illicitae, they seldom used severity against the
sale, and readily assimilated to or identified with Rom deities (see Rome, III, 1). In 191 BC Hebe entered as Juventas, in 179 Artemis as Diana, in 138 Ares as Mars. But the home of religion— the Orient—proved more helpful. In 204 BC Cybele was introduced from Pessinus to Rome, known also as the Great Mother {magna mater)—
a fatal and final blow to old Rom religion and an impetus to the wilder and more orgiastic cults and mysterious glamor which captivated the common mind. Bacchus with his gross immorality soon
followed. Sulla introduced Ma from Phrygia as the counterpart of the Rom Bellona, and Egypt gave
Isis. In the wars of Pompey against the pu-ates Mithra was brought to Rome—the greatest rival
latter. Many unlicensed cults were never disturbed. In fact, the very idea of empire rendered toleration of non-Rom religions a necessity. Prac-
of Christianity. Religion now began to pass into
the hands of politicians and at the close of the repub-
tically, though not theoretically, the empire abandoned the idea of religiones illicitae, while it retained
lic was almost entirely in their hands. Worship degenerated into formalism, and formalism culminated in disuse. Under the empire philosophic systems continued still more to replace religion, and oriental rites spread apace. The religious re-
it upon the statute-book to use in case of such an emergency as the Christian rehgion involved. Not only the government was tolerant, but the different varieties of religions were tolerant and on good
vival of Augustus was an effort to breathe life into
Roman Empire THE IXTEENATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2604
terms with each other. The same man might be initiated into the mysteries of half a dozen divinities. The same man might even be priest of two or more gods. Some had not the shghtest objection to worshipping Christ along with Mithra, Isis and Adonis. Men were growing conscious of the oneness of the Divine, and credited their neighbors with worshipping the One l^nknoT\Ti under different names and forms. Hadrian is said to have meditated the erection of temples throughout the empire to the UnknoT\Ti God.
tianity were aiming at a social organization to embrace the genus humanum. But though these two empires were so alike in several points and the one had done so much to prepare the way for the other, yet the contrast w.as too great to allow conciliation. Christianity would not lose the atom in the mass;
it aimed at universalism along the path of individualism—giving new value to human personahty.
(6) I'nique claims of Christianity: It seemed also to provoke Rom pride by its absurd claims. It preached that the world was to be destroyed by fire to make way for new heavens and a new earth, that the Eternal City (Rome) was doomed to fall, that a king would come from heaven whom Christians were to obey, that amid the coming desolations the Christians should remain tranquil.
(1) Judaism a "religio licita."—An interesting and, for the history of Christianity, important example of a religio licita is Judaism. No more exclusive and obstinate people could have been found upon whom to bestow the favor. Yet from the days of Julius Caesar the imperial policy toward the Jew and his religion was uniformly favorable, with the brief exception of the mad attempt of Gains. The government often protected them against the hatred of the populace. Up to 70 AD they were allowed freely to send their yearly contribution to the temple; they were even allowed self-governing privileges and legislative powers among themselves, and thus formed an exclusive community in the midst of Rom societj\ Even the disastrous war of 6S-70 AD and the fall of Jerus did not bring persecution upon the Jew, though most of these self-governing and self-legislating powers were withdrawn and the Jews were compelled to pay a polltax to the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. Still their religion remained licensed, tolerated, protected. They were excused from duties impossible for their rehgion, such as mihtary service. This tolerance of the Jewish reUgion was of incalculable importance to infant Christianity which at first professed to be no more than a reformed and expanded Judaism.
(c) Novelty of Christianity: Again after Christianity came from underneath the aegis of Judaism,
it must have taken the government somewhat by surprise as a new and unlicensed religion which had grown strong under a misnomer. It was the newest and latest religion of the empire; it came suddenly, as it were, upon the stage with no past. It was not apparent to the Rom mind that Christianity had been spreading for a generation under the tolerance granted to Judaism {sub iimbraculo licitae Judaeorum religionis: Tert.), the latter of which was "protected by its antiquity," as Tacitus said. The Romans were of a conservative nature and disliked innovations. The gi'eatest statesman of the Augustan era, Maecenas, advised the emperor to extend no tolerance to neiv religions as subversive of monarchy (Dio Cassius lii.36). A new faith appearing suddenly with a large clientele might be dangerous to the public peace {muUitudo ingens: Tac. Ann. XV.44; iroXi) TrXijffos: Clem. Rom.; Cor 1 6).
(2) Why Christianity alone was proscribed.—The question next arises: If such was the universally mild and tolerant policy of the empire to find room for all gods and cults, and to respect the beliefs of all the subject peoples, how comes the anomaly that Christianity alone was proscribed and persecuted? Christianity was indeed a religio illicila, not having been accepted by the government as a religio licita, like Judaism. But this is no answer. There were other unhcensed religions which grew apace in the empire. Neither was it simply because Christianity was aggressive and given to proselytism and dared to appear even in the imperial household: Mithraism and Isism were militant and aggressive, and yet were tolerated. Nor was it simply because of popular hatred, for the Christian was not hated above the Jew. Other reasons must explain the anomaly.
(d) Intolerance and exclusiveness of Christian religion and society : In one marked way Christians contravened the tolerant eclective spirit of the empire—the intolerance and absoluteness of their reUgion and the exclusiveness of their society. All other religions of the empire admitted compromise and eclecticism, were willing to dwell rather on the points of contact with their neiglibors than on the contrast. But Christianity admitted no compromise, was intolerant to all other systems. It must be admitted that in this way it was ratlier unfair to other cults which offered comfort and spiritual support to thousands of the human race before the dawn of Christianity. But we shaU not blame, when we recognize that for its own life and mission it was necessary to show itself at first intolerant. ]Many heathen would gladly accept Christ along with Mitlira and Isis and Serapis. But Christianity demanded complete separation. The Jesus cult could tolerate no rival : it claimed to be absolute, and worshippers of Jesus must be separate from the world. The Christian churcli was absolute in its demands; would not rank witli, but above, all worships. This spirit was of course at enmity with that of the day wliich enabled rival cults to co-exist with the greatest indifference. Add to this the exclusive state of Christian society. No pious heathen wlio had purified his soul by asceticism and the sacraments of antiquity could be admitted into memljership unless he renouuced things dear to him and of some spiritual value. In every detail of pubhc life tliis exclusive spirit made itself felt. Christians met at night and held secret assembhes in which they were reputed to perpetrate the most scandalous crimes. Thyestean banquets, Oedipean incest, child murder, were among the charges provoked by their exclusiveness.
(3) Two empires: cause of conflict.—The fact was that two empires were born about the same time so like and yet so unlike as to render a conflict and struggle to the death inevitable. The Christians were unequivocal in asserting that the society for which they were waiting and laboring was a "kingdom."
(a) Confusion of spiritual and temporal: They thought not merely in national or racial but in ecumenical terms. The Romans could not understand a kingdom of God upon earth, but confused Christian ambition with political. It was soon discovered that Christianity came not to save but to destroy and disintegrate the empire. Early Christian enthusiasm made the term "kingdom very provoking to pagan patriotism, for many, looking for the Parousia of their Lord, were themselves misled into thinking of the new society as a kingdom soon to be set up upon the earth with Christ as king. Gradually, of course. Christians became enlightened upon this point, but the harm had been done. Both the Rom empire and Chi'is-
(e) Ohsiinatio: Add to tliis also the suUen obstinacy with which Cliristians met the demands of imperial power—a feature very offensive to Kom governors. Their religion would be left them imdistm-bed if they would only render formal obedience to the religion of the state. Rom clemency and respect for law were baffled before Christian obstinacy. Tlie martyr's courage appeared as sheer fanaticism. The pious Aurehus refers but once to Christianity, and in tlae words i^Utj Traparaf ts, p&ilt^ pardtaxis, " slieer oiistinacy," and Aristides apparently refers to Cliristianity as au9a6eia, authddeia, "stubbornness." See Pekseoutions, 18.
(/) Aggressiveness against pagan faith: But the Christians were not content with an uncompromising withdrawal from the practices of heathen worship: they also actively assailed the pagan cultus. To the Christians they became doctrines of demons.
2605 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Roman Empire
The imperial cult and worship of the Genius of the emperor were very unholy in their sight. Hence they fell under the charges of disloyalty to the emperor and might be proved guilty of majeslas. They held in contempt the doctrine that the greatness of Ronie was due to her reverence for the gods; the Christians were atheists from the pagan point of view. And as religion was a political concern for the welfare of the state, atheism was likely to call down the wrath of divinity to the subversion of the state.
tion of philosophers was drawn to the new religion,
it was only to scorn it. This attitude of heathen philosophy is best understood in reading Celsus and the Christian apologists.
(4) The Rojnan empire not the only disturbing
factor.—Philosophy long maintained its aloofness from the religion of a crucified Galilean: the "wise" were the last to enter the kingdom of God. When later Christianity had established itself as a permanent force in human thought, philosophy deigned to consider its claims. But it was too late; the new faith was already on the offensive. Philosophy discovered its own weakness and began to reform
(.g) Christianas ad leones: Very soon when disasters began to fall thickly upon the Rom empire, the blame was laid upon the Christians. In early days Rome had often sought to appease the gods by
itself by aiming at being both a philosophy and a religion. This is particularly the case in ncoPlatonism (in Plotinus) in which reason breaks down before revelation and mysticism. Another force disturbing the peace of the Christian church was the enemy within the fold. Large numbers of heathen had entered the ecclesia bringing with them their oriental or Gr ideas, just as Jewish Christians brought their Judaism with them. This led to grave heresies, each system of thought distorting
in its own way the orthodox faith. Later another ally joined the forces against Christianity—reformed paganism led by an injured priesthood. At first the cause of Christianity was greatly aided by the fact that there was no exclusive and jealous priesthood at the head of the Gr-Rom religion, as in the Jewish and oriental religions. There was thus no dogma and no class interested in maintaining a dogma. Religious persecution is invariably instituted by the priesthood, but in the Rom world it was not till late in the day when the temples and
Coliseum.
sacrifices were falling into desuetude that we find a priesthood as a body in opposition. Thus the Rom imperial power stood not alone in antagonism to Christianity, but was abetted and often provoked to action by (a) popular hate, (6) philosophy,