Part 16
Parthian Horsemen.
(From the Triumphal Arch of yeptiinius Soverus, Rome.)
origin of the Partliians is rather uncertain, though the prevailing opinion is that they were of Scythic stock or of the great Tartar race. We have no reference to them earlier than the time of Darius the Great, but they were doubtless among the tribes subdued by Cyrus, as they are mentioned by Darius as being in revolt. They seem to have remained faithful to the Persians after that, and submitted to Alexander without resistance.
They next came under the rule of the Seleucid kings of Syria, but revolted about 250 BC, in the
reign of Antiochus II (Theos), and
2. The gained their independence under the Seleucid lead of Arsaces I who established the Kings dynasty of the Arsacidae, which continued for nearly 5 centuries. His capital was Hecatompylos, but his reign continued only about 3 years, and his brother Tridates succeeded him as Arsaces II and he consolidated the kingdom. The war between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies freed him from interference from that quarter until 237 BC, when Seleucus II (Callinicus) marched against him, but was completely defeated, and Parthian independence was secured. Artabanus
I, who followed him, extended his dominions westward to the Zagros Mountains, but Antiochus III would not permit such an encroachment with impunity, and led an expedition against him, driving him back and even invading his ancestral dominion. But after a struggle of some years the Parthians remained
still unsubdued, and the difficulties of the contest led Antiochus to conclude peace with him in which he acknowledged the independence of Parthia. For about a quarter of a century the king of Parthia remained quiet, but Phraates I (181-174 BC) recommenced aggressions on the Seleucid empire which were continued by Mithridates I (174-137), who added to his dominions a part of Bactria, on the E., and Media, Persia and Babylonia on the W. This was a challenge to Demetrius II, of Syria, to whose empire the provinces belonged, and he marched against him with a large force, but was defeated and taken prisoner. He remained in Parthia some years, well treated by Phraates II, whose sister he married, and, when Phraates wished
to create a diversion against Antiochus Sidetes, he
set Demetrius at hberty and sent him back to Syria. Antiochus was at first successful, as his
force of 300,000 men far outnumbered the Par-
thians, but he was at last defeated and slain in 129 BC and his army destroyed. This was the last
2253 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Parthians Partition
peace of both Jewish and gentile believers. He has made them both to be one in Himself, and has broken down the middle wall of parti-
50 years. The ambition of Trajan led him to disregard the policy inaugurated by Augustus, adhered to, for the most part, by succeeding emperors, not to extend the limits of the empire. After the conquest of Dacia he turned his attention to the East and resolved on the invasion of Parthia. The Parthian king, Chosroes, endeavored to placate Trajan by an embassy bearing presents and proposals of peace, but Trajan rejected them and carried out his purpose. He subdued Ai-menia, took_ LTpper Mesopotamia, Adiabene (Assyria), Ctesiphon, the capital, and reached the Pcrs Gulf, but was obliged to turn back by revolts in his rear and failed to reduce the fortress of Hatra. The conquered provinces were restored, however, by Hadrian, and the Parthians did not retaliate until the reign of Aurelius, when they overran Syria, and in 162 AD Lucius Verus was sent to punish them. In the following year he drove them back and advanced into the heart of the Parthian empire, inflicting the severest blow it had yet received. It was evident that the empire was on the decline, and the Romans did not meet with the resistance they had experienced in former times. Severus and Caracalla both made expeditions into the country, and the latter took the capital and massacred the inhabitants, but after his assassination his successor, Macrinus, fought a three days' battle with the Parthians at Nisibis in which he was worsted and was glad to conclude a peace by paying an indemnity of some £1,500,000 (217 AD).
1. The tion which divided them from one Barrier in another. Then the apostle regards Jew the Temple and Gentile as two, who by a fresh act
of creation in Christ are made into one new man. In the former of these similes he refers to an actual wall in the temple at Jerus, beyond which no one was allowed to pass unless he were a Jew, the balustrade or barrier which marked the limit up to which a Gentile might advance but no farther. Curiously, this middle wall of partition had a great deal to do with Paul's arrest and imprisonment, for the multitude of the Jews became infuriated, not merely because of their general hostility to him as an apostle of Christ and a preacher of the gospel for the world, but specially because it was erroneously supposed that he had brought Trophimus the Ephesian past this barrier into the temple (Acts 21 29), and that he had in this manner profaned the temple (24 6), or, as it is put in 21 28, he had 'brought Greeks into the temple and polluted this holy place.' In the assault which they thereupon made on Paul they violently seized and dragged him out of the temple—dragged him outside the balustrade. The Levites at once shut the gates, to prevent the possibility of any further profanation, and Paul would have been torn in pieces, had not the Rom commander and his soldiers forcibly prevented.
In building tlie temple Herod the Great had Inclosed a large area to form the various courts. The temple itself consisted of the two divisions, the 9 l^arnA'e Holy Place, entered by the priests every j4. neroQ s ^j^y^ ^-^^ ^^^ jj^jy ^j Holies into which 1 ample; Its the high priest entered alone once every Divisions; year. Immediately outside the temple
But this was the last achievement of the Parthians. It is evident that Artabanus had suffered severely
in his conflict with the Romans, and 4. Fall of was unable to put down the revolt of the Empire the Persians under the lead of Artaxer-
tVio PmirtQ there was the Court of the Priests, and in LUC v^uui !,!> j^ ^3^ placed the great altar of burnt ottering. Outside of this again was the Court of the Sons of Israel, and beyond this the Court of the Women. The site of the temple itself and the space occupied by the various courts already mentioned formed a raised plateau or platform. "From it you descended at various points down 5 steps and through gates in a lofty wall, to find yourself overlooking another large court—the outer court to which Gentiles, who desired to see something of the glories of the temple and to offer gifts and sacrifices to the God of the Jews, were freely admitted. Farther in than this court they were forbidden, on pain of death, to go. The actual boundary line was not the high wall with its gates, but a low stone barrier about 5 ft, in height, which ran round at the iDOttom of 14 more steps" (J. Armltage Robinson, D.D,, St. Paul's Ep. to the Eph, 59; see also Edersheim, The Temple, Its Ministry and Services as They Were at the Time of Jesus Christ, 46).
xes, who overthrew the Parthian empire and established the dynasty of the Sassanidae
in its place (226 AD).
The Parthians were not a cultured people, but displayed a rude magnificence, making use, to some
extent, of remains of Gr culture which
5. Culture they found within the regions they seized from the empire of Alexander. They had no native lit., as far as known, but made use of Gr in writing and on their coins. They were famiUar with Heb or Syro-Chaldaic,_ and the
later kings had Sem legends on their coins. Jos
is said to have written his history of the Jewish War
in his native tongue for Parthian readers. In their method of government they seem to have left the
The middle wall of partition was called foregh, and was built of marble beautifully ornamented.
different provinces pretty much to themselves, so long as they paid tribute and furnished the necessary contingents. H. Porter
The Court ol the Gentiles formed the lowest and the outermost inclosure of all the com-ts of the sanctuary. It was paved with the finest variegated 3. The marble. Its name signified that it was Pmir+nf thp open to all, Jews or Gentiles alike. It uoury or lats ^jjg very large, and is said by Jewish traGentlles dition to have formed a square of 750 ft. It was in this court that the oxen and sheep and the doves for the sacrifices were sold as in a market. It was in this court too that there were the tables of the money-changers, which Christ Himself overthrew when He drove out the sheep and oxen and them that bought and sold in His Father's house. The multitudes assembling in this court must have been very great, esp. on occasions such as the Passover and Pentecost and at the other great feasts, and the din of voices must oftentimes have been most disturbing. As already seen, beyond this court no Gentile might go. See Temple. In the year 1871, while excavations were being made on the site of the temple by the Palestine Exploration Fund, M. Clermont-Ganncau discovered one of tlie pillars which Jos describes as having been erected upon the very barrier or middle wall of partition, to wliich Paul refers. This pillar is now^ preserved in tlie Museum at Constantinople and is inscribed with a Gr inscription
PARTICULAR, par-tik'fl-lar, par-tik'a-lar, PARTICULARLY: The adverbial phrase "in particular" occurs twice in AV (1 Cor 12 27, iK /x^povs, ek merous, RV "severally," RVm "each in his part"; and Eph 6 33, o! KaB' iva, hoi kath' hena, RV "sever-
ally"); in both cases it has the obsolete meaning
of "severally," "individually." The advb. "par-
ticularly" occurs in the same sense in Acts 21 19 AV, raS' iv iKaiTTov, kath' hen hekasion, RV "one by one," and He 9 6 AV, KaTo. nipos, katd meros, RV "severally." We have the pi. noun in the sense of
"details" in 2 Mace 2 30: "to be curious in particu-
lars"; 11 20 (AV "Of the particulars I have given
order," RV "I have given order in detail") ; and the
adj. "particular" in the sense of "special" in the
' Vulg peculiares; the whole section omitted in RV).
first Prologue to Sirach (AV,
in capital or uncial letters, which is translated as follows:
D. MiALL Edwards PARTITION, par-tish'un, par-tish'un, THE MIDDLE WALL OF (t6 (j.£0-6toixov toS <t)pa-yp.oB,
NO MAN OF ANOTHER NATION TO ENTER WITHIN THE FENCE AND ENCLOSURE ROUND THE TEMPLE, AND WHOEVER IS CAUGHT WILL HAVE HIMSELF TO BLAME THAT Hie DEATH ENSUES
t6 mesdtoichon tou phragmou [Eph 2 14]) : What Paul here asserts is that Christ is our peace, the
Partridge Passion, Passions THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2254
While Paul was writing the Ep. to the Eph at Rome, this barrier in the temple at Jerus was still standing, yet the chained prisoner of Jesus Christ was not afraid to write that Christ had broken down the middle wall of partition, and had thus admitted Gentiles who were far off, strangers and foreigners, to all the privileges of access to God anciently possessed by Israel alone; that separation between Jew and Gentile was done away with forever in Christ.
The first reference to it is found in 1 S 26 20: "Now therefore, let not my blood fall to the earth away from the presence of Jeh: for the king of Israel is come out to seek a flea, as when one doth hunt a partridge in the mountains." David in this dialogue with Saul clearly indicates that if he did not hunt the partridge himself, he knew how it was done. The birds were commonly chased up the mountains and stunned or killed with "throw sticks." David knew how deft these birds were at hiding beside logs and under dry leaves colored so like them as to afford splendid protection; how swiftly they could run; what expert dodgers they were; so he compared taking them with catching a fiea. The other reference is found in Jer 17 11: "As the partridge that sitteth on eggs which she hath not
If Paul wrote the Ep. to the Eph in 60 or 61 AD, then the actual barrier of stone remained in its position in the Court of the 4. The Gentiles not more than some 10 j^ears, Throwing for it was thrown down in the burning Down of of the temple by the Rom army. And the Barrier out of those ruins a fragment has been excavated in our own day, containing the very inscription threatening death to the gentile
laid, so is he that getteth riches, and not by right; in the midst of his days they shall leave him, and at his end he shall be a fool." If this reference is
Warning Tablet of Herod's Temple.
intruder, and reminding us that it is only in Christ Jesus that we now draw nigh unto God, and that we are thus one body in Christ, one new man. Christ has broken down the middle wall of partition, for He, in His own person, is our peace.
supposed to indicate that partridges are in the habit of brooding on the nest of their kind or of different birds, it fails wholly to take into consideration the history of the bird. Partridges select a location, carefully deposit an egg a day for from 10 to 15 days, sometimes 20, and then brood, so that all the young emerge at one time. But each bird knows and returns to its nest with unfailing regularity. It would require the proverbial "Philadelphia lawyer" to explain this reference to a "partridge sitting on eggs she had not laid." No ornithologist ever could reconcile it to the habits or characteristics of the birds. AV ir'^ these lines, "As the partridge sitteth on eggs, and hatcheth them not." This was easy to explain clearly. The eggs of the partridge were delicious food, and any brooding bird whose nest was discovered after only a few days of incubation did not hatch, because .she lost her eggs. Also the eggs frequently fall prey to other birds or small animals. Again, they are at the mercy of the elements, sometimes being spoiled by extremely wet cold weather. Poultry fanciers assert that a heavy thunder storm will spoil chicken eggs when hatchingtime is close; the same might be true with eggs of the wild. And almost any wild bird will desert its
John Rutherfurd PARTRIDGE, par'trij (X^p, /core'; Lat per-
dix; LXX, 1 S 26 20, vuKTii«5pa|, nuktikdrax, "owl," Jer 17 11, ir^pSi,?, perdix): A bird of the family Tetraonidae. The Heb word for this bird, kore' , means "a caller," and the Lat perdix is supposed to be an imitation of its cry, and as all other nations base their name for the bird on the Lat, it becomes quite evident that it was originally named in imitation of its call. The commonest partridge of Pal, very numerous in the wilderness and hill country, was a bird almost as large as a pheasant. It had a clear, exquisite cry that attracted attention, esp. in the mating season. The partridge of the wilderness was smaller and of beautifully marked plumage. It made its home around the Dead Sea, in the Wilderness of Judaea and in rocky caverns.
Its eggs were creamy white; its cry very similar to its relatives'. The partridge and its eggs were used for food from time immemorial.
2255 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Partridge Passion, Passions
nest and make its former brooding useless, if the location is visited too frequently by man or beast.
by the "house of Jeh" in the "gate of Benjamin"
(Jer 20 2). When released, Jeremiah pronounced Divine judgment on him and the people. Future captivity and an exile's death are promised to Pashur whose name he changed from its masterful significance to a cowering one. "Terror on every side" (mdghor mi.'j.^ahhibh) is to take the place of "stable strength" (Jer 20 3ff).
There is also a partridge reference in the Book of Eoclus (11 29 ff RV): "Bring not every man into thine house ; for many are the plots of the deceitful man. As a decoy partridge in a cage, so is the heart
(2) Son of Melchiah, a prince of Judah, and one of the delegation sent by Zedekiah, the Icing, to consult Jeremiah (Jer 21 1). It looks like a larger and later deputation, similarly sent, to which this Pashur belongs, whose record is given in Jer 38 1-13. Accompanying them was one, Gedaliah, who was a son of (3).
(3) Another Pashur (Jer 38 1), who may be the person mentioned in 1 Ch 9 12; Neh 11 12.
(4) A priest, of those who ".sealed" Nehemiah's covenant (Neh 10 1.3), who may, however, be the same as (5).
(5) The chief of a priestly family called "sons of Pashur" (Ezr 2 38; 10 22; Neh 7 41; 1 Esd 5 25 ["Phassurus," m "Pashhur"]; 9 22 ["Phaisur," m "Pashhur"]). Doubtless it is this Pashur, some of whose sons had "strange wives" (Ezr 10 22). Henry Wallace PASS, pas, PASSAGE, pas'aj, PASSENGER, pas'en-jer: "To pass" bears different meanings and corresponds to various words in Heb and Gr. It occurs frequently in the phrase "and it came to pass"
Partridge.
of a proud man ; and as one that is a spy, he looketh upon thy falling. For he lieth in wait to turn things that are good into evil; and in things that are praiseworthy he will lay blame." The reference
is to confining a tame partridge in a hidden cage so that its calls would lure many of its family wathin range of arrows or "throw sticks" used by concealed hunters. Gene Stratton-Porteh
(lit. and it was). This is simply a Heb idiom linking together the different paragraphs of a continuous narrative. As a rule "pass" renders the Heb word "15^, 'Ohhar. This vb. has various meanings,
e.g. "to pass over" a stream (Gen 31 21); "to cross" a boundary (Nu 20 17); "to pass through," or "traverse," a country (Nu 21 22); "to pass on" (Gen 18 5); "to pass away," "cease to exist" (Job 30 15). The word is used metaphorically, "to pass over," "overstep," "transgress" (Nu 14 41). In the causative form the vb. is used in the phrase "to cause to pass through fire" (Dt 18 10; 2 K 16 3). In AV "pass" sometimes has the force of "surpass," "exceed," e.g. 2 Ch 9 22, "King Solomon passed
PARUAH, pa-roo'a (n^lS, paru'h, "blooming"): Father of Jehoshaphat, who was one of Solomon's twelve victualers or providers, and had charge in Issachar of this function (I K 4 17).
PARVAIM, par-va'im (D^I'IB, parwayim; LXX
i^opouai|i., Pharouaim) : The word occurs only in 2 Ch 3 6, as the place from which Solomon obtained gold for the decoration of his Temple. A derivation is given from the Sanskrit purva, "eastem," so that the name might be a vague term for the East (Gesenius, Thesaurus, 1125). Whether there was such a place in Arabia is doubtful. Farwa
all the kings of the earth in riches and wisdom";
cf also Eph 3 19, "the love of Christ which passeth knowledge," and Phil 4 7, "the peace of God, which passeth all understanding."
Passage in AV renders "13?1Q, ma'abhar, or rriSy^ , ma'dbharak. The former word denotes
in Yemen has been suggested, and also Sak el Farwain in Yemamah. Some have considered the name a shortened form of S'pharvayim which occurs
(ij'tiie ford of a river (Gen 32 23 AVm); (2) the pass of a mountain range (1 S 13 23). In the only other instance of the use of the shorter form
in the Syr and Tg Jonathan for the "Sephar" of Gen 10 30. A. S. Fulton
(Isa 30 32 m), AV renders "where the grounded
PASACH, pa'sak (^PS , pa^akh, "divider"): Son
staff shall pass." A more correct tr would be, "and every sweep [or stroke] of the appointed staff." The longer form bears both meanings, viz. "ford"
of Japhlet, descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7 33). PAS-DAMMIM, pas-dam'im. See EphesDAMMIM.
(e.g. Josh 2 7; Jgs 3 28, etc) and "pass" (1 S 14 4; Isa 10 29). In Josh 22 11, the rendering 'towards the region opposite the children of Israel' would be more correct than AV, "at the passage of the children of Israel." In EV of Nu 20 21 "passage" seems to mean "right of way," and renders the infinitive of the Heb vb. In Jer 22 20 AV the word rendered "passage" should be tr"^ "from Abarim" (as in RV), a mountain range in Moab, N.E. of the Dead Sea.
PASEAH, pa-se'a, pas'6-a (nOD, pai^e^h, "limp-
ing"):
(1) A son of Eshton, descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4 12).
(2) The eponym of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2
49; Neh 7 51, AV "Phaseah" = "Phinoe" (1 Esd 5 31).
Passenger in AV means a "passer-by." In Ezk 39 11.14.15 where the word occurs 4 t in AV, RV translates "them that pass through." T. Lewis
(3) Father of Joiada, who helped to repair the
old gate (Neh 3 6). PASHHUR, pash'hur, PASHUR, pash'ur
(TinfflS, pashhur, "splitter," "cleaver"): The name of several persons difficult to individuate:
PASSING OF MARY, THE. See Apocryphal Gospels.
(1) A priest, son of Immer, and "chief governor
PASSION, pash'un, PASSIONS, pash'unz: "Passion" is derived from Lat passio, which in turn
in the house of the Lord" (Jer 20 1), who persecuted Jeremiah, putting him in "the stocks" hard
p|sfov"er^°^'°' THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2256
is derived from the vb. potior, with the V pat. The Lat words are connected with the Gr V 'r"*, path, which appears in a large number of derivatives. And in Gr, Lat, and Eng. (with other languages in addition) words connected with this V pat, path, are often susceptible of a great variety of meanings, for which the diets, must be consulted. For "passion," however, as it appears in EV, only three of these meanings need be considered. (1) Close to what seema to be the primary force of the root is the meaning "suffer," and in this sense "passion"
(Lev 23 5). Both were distinctly connected with the Exodus, which, according to tradition, they commemorate; the Passover being in
1. Pesah imitation of the last meal in Egypt, and eaten in preparation for the journey, Maccoth while Jeh, passing over the houses of the Hebrews, was slaying the firstborn of Egypt (Ex 12 12 f; 13 2.12 ff); the via^Qoth
festival being in memory of the first daj'S of the journey during which this bread of haste was eaten
(Ex 12 14-20). The ordinance of pesah migrayim, the last meal
is used in Acts 1 3, "to whom he also showed himself alive after his passion." This tr is a paraphrase (Gr "after he had suffered"), due to the Vulg {post passionem suam), and in Eng. is as old as Wycliff, whom the subsequent EV has followed. This is the only case in AV and RV where "passion" has this meaning, and it can be so used in modern Eng. only when referring (as here) to the sufferings of Christ (cf "Passion play"). (2) "Suffering," when apphed to the mind, came to denote the state that is controlled by some emotion, and so "passion" was applied to the emotion itself. This is the meaning of the word in Acts 14 15, "men of hke passions," and Jas 5 17, "a man of like passions," Gr dfxoiowa-
in Egypt, included the following provisions: (1) the taking of a lamb, or kid without
2. Pesah blemish, for each household on the micrayim 10th of the month; (2) the killing of the lamb on the 14th at even; (3) the sprinkling of the blood on doorposts and lintels of the houses in which it was to be eaten; (4) the roasting of the lamb with fire, its head with its legs and inwards—the lamb was not to be eaten raw nor sodden {hdshal) with water; (5) the eating of unleavened bread and bitter herbs; (6) eating in haste, with loins girded, shoes on the feet, and staff in hand; (7) and remaining in the house until the morning; (8) the burning of all that remained; the Passover could be eaten only during the night (Ex 12 1-23). This service was to be observed as an ordinance forever (Ex 12 14.24), and the night was to be lei shimmurlm, "a night of vigils," or, at 3. Pesah least, "to be much observeci" of all the doroth children of Israel throughout their generations (Ex 12 42). The details, however, of the pesah doroth, or later observances of the Passover, seem to have differed slightly from those of the Egyp Passover (Mish, P'sdhlm, ix.5). Thus it is probable that the victim could be taken from the flock or from the herd (Dt 16 2; cf Ezk 45 22). (3), (6) and (7) disappeared entirely, and judging from Dt 16 7, the prohibition against seething (Heb bashal) was not understood to apply
9fi^, homoiopathts; RVm "of like nature" gives the meaning exactly: "men with the same emotions as we." (3) From "emotion" a transition took place to "strong emotion," and this is the normal force of "passion" in modem Eng. AV does not use this meaning, but in RV "passion" in this sense is the tr of TrdBos, pathos, in its three occurrences: Rom 1 26 (AV "affection"); Col 3 5 (AV "inordinate affection"); 1 Thess 4 5 (AV "lust"). It is used also for two occurrences of
T!-dSi}fia, pdthema (closely allied to pathos) in Rom 7 5 (AV "motions," AVm "passions") and in Gal 5 24 (AV "affection"). The fixing of the exact force in any of these cases is a delicate problem fully discussed in the comms. In Col 3 5 only does "passion" stand as an isolated term. The context here perhaps gives the word a slight sexual reference, but this must not be overstressed ; the warning probably includes any violent over-emotion that robs a man of his self-contrbl. See Affection; Motion. Burton Scott Easton
(unless, indeed, the omission of the expression "with water" gives a more general sense to the Heb word bashal, making it include roasting). New details were also added: for example, that the Passover could be sacrificed only at the central sanctuary (Dt 16 5) ; that no alien or uncircumcised person, or unclean person could partake thereof, and that one prevented by uncleanness or other cause from celebrating the Passover in season could do so a month later (Nu 9 9 ff). The singing of the Hallel (Pss 113-118), both while the Passover was being slaughtered and at the meal, and other details were no doubt added from time to time.
PASSION, GOSPEL OF THE. See Apocryphal Gospels.
PASSOVER, pas'o-ver (HOS
, pesah, from pa^ah, "to pass" or "spring over" or "to spare" [Ex 12 13.23.27; cf Isa 31 5]. Other conjectures connect the word with the "passing over" into a new year, with As,syr pasdhu, meaning "to placate," with Heb pasjah, meaning "to dance," and even with the skipping motions of a young lamb; Aram. XFIOE
Unleavened bread was eaten with the Passover meal, just as with all sacrificial meals of later times
, pa§ha', whence Gr Ildo-xa, Pdscha; whence Eng. "paschal." In early Christian centuries folketymology connected pdscha with Gr pdscho, "to suffer" [see Passion], and the word was taken to refer to Good Friday rather than the Passover)
(Ex 23 IS; 34 25; Lev 7 12), in4. Maccoth dependently perhaps of the fact that the Passover came in such close proximity with the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Ex 12 8). Jewish tradition distinguishes, at any rate, between the first night and the rest of the festival in that the eating of maffof/i is an obligation on the first night and optional during the rest of the week
1. Pesah and Mati:6th
2. Pesah miqrayim
3. Pesah doroth
(P'^ahim 120a), although the eating of unleavened bread is commanded in general terms (Ex 12 15 18; 13 6.7; 23 15; 34 18; Lev 23 6; Nu 28 17). The eating of leavened bread is strictly prohibited, however, during the entire week under the penalty of kareth, "excision" (Ex 12 15.19 f; 13 3; Dt 16 3), and this prohibition has been observed traditionally -n-ith great care. The 1st and 7th days are holy convocations, days on which no labor could be done except such as was necessary in the preparation of food. The festival of macgoth ia" reckoned as one of the three pilgrimage festivals.
4. MaQqoih
.5. The 'Omer 6. Non-traditional Theories 7. The Higher Criticism 8. Historical Celebrations : OT Times 9. Historical Celebrations: NT Times 10. The Jewish Passover The Passover was the annual Heb festival_on the evening of the 14th day of the month of 'Abhibh or Ni^an, as it was called in later times. It was followed by, and closely connected with, a 7 days'
festival of ma^^oth, or unleavened bread, to which the name Passover was also applied by extension
2257 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Passion, Gos. of Passover
though strictly the pilgrimage was connected with the Passover portion and the first day of the festival.
T'lghalim or pilgrimage festivals. The so-called Jehovistic source (.J) (Ex 34 18-21.26) is said to subordinate the Passover to mactolh, tlie great feast of the .Jehovistic history (.IE) (Ex 12 21-27.29-36.38.39; 13 3-16); in Dt (D) the Passover is said to predominate over mactolh, while in Lev (P and H) it is said to be of first importance. JE and P emphasize the historical importance of the day. Whether these differences in emphasis mean much more than that the relative amount of attention paid to the paschal sacrifice, as compared with mactalh, depends on the context, is of course the fundamental question of the higher criticism; it is not answered by pointing out that the differences of emphasis e.xist. (3) Of the actual conflicts, we have already seen that the use of the words "flock" and "herd" in Dt and Heb bdshal are open to explanation, and also that the use of the masiolh at the original Passover is not inconsistent with the historical reason for the feast of ma<:(ulh—it is not necessary to suppose that mai^Qoth were invented through the necessity of the Hebrews on their journey. There is, however, one apparent discrepancy in the Bib. narrative that seems to weaken rather than help the position of those critics who would ascribe very late dates to the pas.sages which we have cited: Why does Ezekiel's ideal scheme provide sacrifices for the Passover different from those prescribed in the so-called P ascribed to the same period (Ezk 45 21) 7
During the entire week additional sacrifices were oflered In the temple: an offering made by Are and a burnt offering, 2 young bullocks, 1 ram, 7 lambs of the first year without blemish, together with meal offerings and drink offerings and a goat lor a sin offering.
During the week of the ma^Qoth festival comes the beginning of the barley harvest in Pal (M'nahdth
656) which lasts from the end of March 5._The in the low Jordan valley to the begin- 'Omer ning of May in the elevated portions. The time of the putting-in of the sickle to the standing corn (Dt 16 9) and of bringing the sheaf of the peace offering is spoken of as the morrow after the Sabbath (Lev 23 15), that is, according to the Jewish tradition, the day after the first day, or rest-day, of the Passover {M'na. 656;
M'g Ta^an. 1; Jos, Ayit, III, x, 5), and according to Samaritan and Bocthusian traditions and the modern Karites the Sunday after the Passover. At this time a wave offering is made of a sheaf, followed by an offering of a lamb with a meal and drink offering, and only thereafter might the new corn be eaten. From this day 7 weeks are counted to fix the date of Pentecost, the celebration connected with the wheat harvest. It is of course perfectly natural for an agricultural people to celebrate the turning-points of the agricultural year in connection with their traditional festivals. Indeed, the Jewish liturgy of today retains in the Passover service the Prayer of Dew (tal) which grew up in Pal on the basis of the needs of an agricultural people.
The children of Israel began the keeping of the Passover in its due season according to all its ordi-
nances in the wilderness of Sinai (Nu 8. Histor9 5). In the very beginning of their ical Celenational life in Pal we find them celebrations: brating the Passover under the leaderOT Times ship of Joshua in the plains of Jericho
(Josh 5 10). History records but few later celebrations in Pal, but there are enough intimations to indicate that it was frequently
if not regularly observed. Thus Solomon offered sacrifices three times a year upon the altar which he had built to Jeh, at the appointed seasons, including the Feast of Unleavened Bread (1 K 9 25 = 2 Ch 8 13). The later prophets speak of appointed seasons for pilgrimages and sacrifices (cf Isa 1 12-
Many writers, however, eager to explain the entire festival as originally an agricultural feast (presumably a Canaanitic one, though there is not a
6. Nonshred of evidence that the Canaanites
trarlitinTial ^^'^ such a festival), have seized upon the uduiuuudi 'omer, or sheaf offering, as the basis of the Tneories haoh (festival), and have attempted to explain the mat:<:6ih as bread hastily baked in the busy harvest times, or as bread quickly baked from the freshly exempted first-fruits. Wherein these theories are superior to the traditional explanation so consistently adhered to throughout the Pent it Is difficult to see. In a similar vein, it has been attempted to connect the Passover with the sacrifice or redemption of the firstborn of man and beast (both institutions being traditionally traced to the judgment on the firstborn of Egypt, as in Ex 13 11-13; 22 29.30; 23 19; 34 19.20), so as to characterize the Passover as a festival of pastoral origin. Excepting for the multiplication of highly ingenious guesses, very little that is positive has been added to our knowledge of the Passover by this theory.
14), and occasionally perhaps refer to a Passover celebration (cf Isa 30 29, bearing in mind that the Passover is the only night-feast of which we have any record). In Hezekiah's time the Passover had fallen into such a state of desuetude that neither the priests nor the people were prepared for the king's urgent appeal to observe it. Nevertheless, he was able to bring together a large concourse in Jerus during the 2d month and institute a more joyful observance than any other recorded since the days of Solomon. In the 18th year of King Josiah, however, there was celebrated the most memorable Passover, presumably in the matter of conformity to rule, since the days of the Judges
The Pent speaks of the Passover in many contexts and naturally with constantly varying emphasis. Thus in the story of the Exodus it is natural to
(2 K 23 21; 2 Ch 35 Iff). The continued observance of the feast to the days of the exile is attested by Ezekiel's interest in it (Ezk 45 18). In post-exilic times it was probably observed more scrupulously than ever before (Ezr 6 19 ff).
7. The expect fewer ritual details than in a manual XTL of temple services; again, according to nigner jj^g view here taken, we must distinguish CntlClsm Detween the pesah mi<;rayim and the pesah doroth. Nevertheless, great stress is laid on the variations in the several accounts, by certain groups of critics, on the basis of which they seek to support their several theories of the composition of the Pent or Hex. Without entering into this controversy,
Further evidence, if any were needed, of the importance of the Passover in the life of the Jews
of the second temple is found in the 9. HistorTalm, which devotes to this subject ical Celean entire tractate, P'^ahlm, on which brations: we have both Bab and Pal g'mdra' NT Times These are devoted to the sacrificial side and to the minutiae of searching out and destroying leaven, what constitutes leaven, and similar questions, instruction in which the children of Israel sought for 30 days before the Passover. Jos speaks of the festival often (Ant, II, xiv, 6; III, X, 5; IX, iv, 8; XIV, ii, 2; XVII, ix,
it will be sufficient here to enumerate and classify all the discrepancies said to exist in the several Passover passages, together with such explanations as have been suggested. These discrepancies, so called, are of three kinds: (1) mere omissions, (2) differences of emphasis, and (3) conflicting statements. The letters, .T, E, D, P and H will here be used to designate passages assigned to the various sources by the higher criticism of today merely for the sake of comparison. (1) There is nothing remarkable about the omission of the daily sacrifices from all passages except Lev 23 8 (H) and Nu 28 19 (P), nor in the omission of a specific reference to the holy convocation on the first day in the contexts of Dt 16 8 and Ex 13 6, nor even In the omission of reference to a central sanctuary in passages other than Dt 16. Neither can any significance be attached to the fact that the precise day is not specified in Ex 23 (E) where the appointed day is spoken of, and in Lev 23 15 (H) where the date can be figured out from the date of Pentecost there given. (2) As to emphasis, it is said that the socalled Elohist Covenant (E) (Ex 23) has no reference to the Passover, as it speaks only of mactoth in ver 15, in which this festival is spoken of together with the other
3; BJ, II, i, 3; V,iii, 1; VI,ix, 3). Besides repeating the details already explained in the Bible, he
tells of the innumerable multitudes that came for the Passover to Jerus out of the country and even from beyond its limits. He estimates that in one year in the days of Cestius, 256,500 lambs were slaughtered and that at least 10 men were counted to each. (This estimate of course includes the regular
Passover Pastoral Epistles THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2258
semi-holiday after the last day, the so-called Hs^ur hagh, in token of their love for the ordained celebration and their loathness to depart from it. Nathan Isaacs PASTOR, pas'ter (Hyi , ro'eh; -n-oiiiifiv, poimtn;
population of Jerus. But even then it is doubtless exaggerated.) The NT bears testimony, likewise, to the coming of great multitudes to Jerus (Jn 11 55; cf also 2 13; 6 4). At this great festival even the Rom officers released prisoners in recognition of the people's celebration. Travel and other ordinary pursuits were no doubt suspended (cf Acts 12 3; 20 6). Naturally the details were impressed on the minds of the people and lent themselves to symbolic and homiletio purposes (cf 1 Cor 5 7; Jn 19 34-36, where the paschal lamb is made to typify Jesus; and He 11 28). The best-known instance of such symbolic use is the institution of the Eucharist on the basis of the paschal meal. Some doubt exists as to whether the Last Supper was the paschal meal or not. According to the Synoptic Gospels, it was (Lk 22 7; Mt 26 17; Mk 14 12) ; while according to John, the Passover was to be eaten some time following the Last Supper (Jn 18 28). Various harmonizations of these passages have been suggested, the most ingenious, probably, being on the theory that when the Passover fell on Friday night, the Pharisees ate the meal on Thursday and the Sadducees on Friday, and that Jesus followed the custom of the Pharisees (Chwolson, Das letzte Passahtnal Jesu, 2d ed, St. Petersburg, 1904). Up to the Nicene Council in the year 325, the church observed Easter on the Jewish Passover. Thereafter it took precautions to separate the two, condemning their confusion as Arianism.
lit. a helper, or feeder of the sheep [AV Jer 2 8; 3 15; 10 21; 12 10; 17 16; 22 22; 23 1.2, and inEph 4 11, AV and RV]): Besides the literal sense the word has now a figurative meaning and refers
to the minister appointed over a congregation. This latter meaning is recognized in the tr of AV. See Ministry.
PASTORAL, pas'tor-al, EPISTLES, THE:
I. Genuineness
1. External Evidence 2. Genuineness Questioned II. Alleged Difficulties against Pauline Author_ SHIP
1. Relative to Paul's Experiences
(1) Data in 1 Tim
(2) Data in 2 Tim (3) Data in Tit 2. Subject-Matter Post-Pauline
(1) Difficulty Regarding Church Organization
(2) The Doctrinal Difficulty 3. Difficulty Relative to Language 4. Tlie Christianity ol the Epistles Not Paul's III. Date and Order
1. Date of the Epistles 2. Their Order Literature
The First and Second Epp. to Tim, and the Ep. to Tit form a distinct group among the letters written by Paul, and are now known as the Pastoral Epp. because they were addressed to two Christian ministers. When Timothy and Titus received these epp. they were not acting, as they had previously done, as missionaries or itinerant evangelists, but had been left by Paul in charge of churches; the former having the oversight of the church in Ephesus, and the latter having the care of the churches in the island of Crete. The Pastoral Epp. were written to guide them in the discharge of the duties devolving upon them as Christian pastors. Such is a general description of these epp. In each of them, however, there is a great deal more than is covered or implied by the designation, "Pastoral"—much that is personal, and much also that
After the destruction of the temple the Passover became a home service. The paschal lamb was no longer included. Only the Samaritans
10. The have continued this rite to this day. Jewish In the Jewish home a roasted bone is Passover placed on the table in memory of the
rite, and other articles symbolic of the Passover are placed beside it: such as a roasted
egg, said to be in memory of the free-will offering; a sauce called haroseth, said to resemble the mortar of Egypt; salt water, for the symbolic dipping (cf Mt 26 23); the bitter herbs and the j/ioffo^/i. The sedher (program) is as follows: sanctification; washing of the hands; dipping and dividing the parsley; breaking and setting aside a piece of moffa/i to be distributed and eaten at the end of the supper; reading of the haggddhdh shel pesah, a poetic narra-
is concerned with Christian faith and doctrine and practice generally.
/. Genuineness.—In regard to the genuineness of the epp. there is abundant external attestation. Allusions to them are found in the
tive of the Exodus, in answer to four questions asked by the youngest child in compliance with the Bib. command found 3 t in Ex and once in Dt, "Thou shaft tell thy son on that day"; washing the hands for eating; grace before eating; tasting the maggdh; tasting the bitter herbs; eating
1. External writings of Clement and Polycarp. In Evidence the middle of the 2d cent, the epp. were recognized as Pauline in authorship, and were freely quoted.
of them together; the meal; partaking of the maggah that had been set aside as 'dphikmnen or
"Marcion indeed rejected them, and Tatian is supposed to have rejected those to Timothy. But. as Jerome states in the preface to his Comm. on Tit, these heretics rejected the epp.. not on critical grounds, l3ut merely because they disliked their teaching. He says they used no argument, but merely asserted, This is Paul's, This is not Paul's. It is obvious that men holding such opinions as Marcion and Tatian held, would not willingly ascribe authority to epp. which condemned asceticism. So far, then, as the early church can guarantee to us the authenticity of writings ascribed to Paul, the Pastoral Epp. are guaranteed " (Marcus Dods, Inlro lo the NT, 167).
dessert; grace after meat; Hallel; request that the service be accepted. Thereafter folk-songs are sung to traditional melodies, and poems recited, many of which have allegorical meanings. A cup
of wine is used at the sanctification and another at
grace, in addition to which two other cups have been added, the 4 according to the Mish (P'sahim
x.l) symbolizing the 4 words employed in Ex 6 6.7
The external evidence is all in favor of the reception of these epp., which were known not only to Clement and Polycarp, but also to Irenaeus, Tertullian, the author of the Ep. to the churches of Vienne and Lyons, and Theophilus of Antioch. The evidence of Polycarp, who died in 167 AD, is remarkably strong. He says, "The love of money is the beginning of all trouble, knowing .... that we brought nothing into the world, neither can carry anything out" (cf 1 Tim 6 7.10). It would be difficult to overthrow testimony of this nature.
for the delivery of Israel from Egypt. Instead of eating in haste, as in the Egyp Passover, it is customary to rechne or lean at this meal in token of
Israel's freedom.
The prohibition against leaven is strictly ob-
served. The searching for hidden leaven on the evening before the Passover and its destruction
in the morning have become formal ceremonies
for which appropriate blessings and declarations have been included in the litiu-gy since the days when Aram, was the vernacular of the Jews. As
in the case of other festivals, the Jews have doubled
The decision of certain critics to reject the Pastoral Epp. as documents not from the hand of Paul, "is not
the days of holy convocation, and have added a
2259 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Passover Pastoral Epistles
Paul was not set free, simply because there is no record of this in the Acts. But the Acts is, on the very face of it, an incomplete or unfinished record; that is, it brings the narrative to a certain point, and then breaks off, evidently for the reason which Sir W. M. Ramsay demonstrates, that Luke meant to write a sequel to that book—a purpose, however, which he was unable, owing to some cause now unknown, to carry into execution. The purpose of the Acts, as Ramsay shows {St. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen, 23, 308), is to lead up to the
reached on the external evidence, which is perliaps as early an attestation as can be reasonably expected. They are included in the Muratorian Canon, and
2. Genuinequoted by Irenaeus and later writers as Paul's" (A. S. Peake, A Critical Intro to uei5>
_ (;,g ^y_ gO). This admission is satisQuestioneu factory. In recent times, however, the authenticity of these epp. has been called in question by Schmidt, Schleiermacher, Baur, Renan, and many others. Baur asserted that they were written for the purpose of combating the Gnosticism of the 2d cent., and of defending the church from it by means of ecclesiastical organization, and that the date of their composition was about the year 150 AD.
release of Paul, and to show that the Christian faith was not a forbidden or illegal religion, but that the formal impeachment of the apostle before the supreme court of the empire ended in his being set at
//. Alleged Difficulties against Pauline Authorship.—Various difficulties have been alleged against the reception of tlae Pastoral Epp, as PauUne. The chief of these are: (1) the difficulty of finding any place for these letters in the life of Paul, as that is recorded in the Acts and in the Pauline Epp. written before the Pastorals; (2) the fact that there are said to be in them indications of an eccle-
liberty, and thus there was established the fact that the faith of Jesus Christ was not, at that time, contrary to Rom law. "The Pauline authorship
. . . . can be maintained only on the basis of a hypothetical reconstruction, either of an entire period subsequent to the Rom imprisonment, or of the events within some period known to us' (Mc-
siastical organization, and of a development of doc-
trine, both orthodox and heretical, considerably in advance of the Pauline age; (3) that the language of the epp. is, to a large extent, different from that
Giffert, op. cit., 410). 'The one fact that Paul was
set free after his 1st Rom imprisonment gives the environment which fits exactly all the requirements of the Pastoral Epp.
in the accepted epp.; (4) the "most decisive" of all the arguments against the Pauline authorship so writes Dr. A. C. McGiffert (A History of Chris-
tianity in the Apostolic Age, 402)—is that "the Christianity of the Pastoral Epp. is not the Christianity of Paul."
Attention should be directed to the facts and to the conclusion stated in the art. Praetorium (q.v.), Mommsen having shown that the words, "My bonds became manifest in Christ throughout the whole praetorian guard" (Phil 1 13), mean that at the time when Paul wrote the Ep. to the Phil, the case against him had already come before the supreme court of appeal in Rome, that it had been partly heard, and that the impression made by the prisoner upon his judges was so favorable, that he expected soon to be set free.
Where can a place be found for these epp., in the
life of Paul? The indications of the date of their composition given in the epp. them-
1. Relative selves are these.
to Paul's (1) Data in 1 Tim.—In 1 Tim 1 3 Experiences Paul had gone from Ephesus to Mace-
donia, and had left Timothy in Ephesus
in charge of the church there. In the Acts and in
The indications to be drawn from other expressions in three of the epp. of the Rom captivity Phil, Col and Philem—are to the same effect. Thus, writing to the Philippians, he says that he hopes to send Timothy to them, so soon as he sees how matters go with him, and that he trusts in the Lord that he himself will visit them shortly. And again, writing to his friend Philemon in the city of Colossae, he asks him to prepare him a lodging, for he trusts that through the prayers of the Colossians, he will be granted to them.
the previously written Pauline epp., it is impossible
to find such events or such a state of matters as will
satisfy these requirements. Paul had previously been in Ephesus, on several occasions. His 1st
visit to that city is recorded in Acts 18 19-2L On
that occasion he went from Ephesus, not into Mace-
donia, but into Syria. His 2d visit was his 3
years' residence in Ephesus, as narrated in Acts
19; and when he left the city, he had, previous to
his own departure from it, already sent Timothy
into Macedonia (19 22)—a state of matters exactly
the reverse of that described in 1 Tim 1 3. Timothy soon rejoined Paul, and so far was he from being
These anticipations of acquittal and of departure from Rome are remarkable, and do not in any degree coincide with the idea that Paul was not set free but was condemned and put to death at that time.
left in Ephesus then, that he was in Paul's company on the remainder of his journey toward Jerus (Acts 20 4; 2 Cor 1 1). , ^.^ No place therefore in Paul's life, previous to his
"It is obvious that the importance of the trial is
intelligible only if Paul was acquitted. That he was acquitted follows from the Pastoral Epp. with certainty for all who admit their genuineness; while even they who deny their Pauline origin must allow that they imply an early belief in historical details which are not consistent with Paul's journeys before
arrest in Jerus, and his first Rom imprisonment, can
be found, which satisfies the requirements of the
situation described in 1 Tim 1 3. "It is impossible,
unless we assume a second Rom imprisoninent, to
reconcile the various historical notices which the
his trial, and must either be pure inventions or events that occurred on later journeys If he was acquitted, the issue of the trial was a formal decision by the supreme court of the empire that
ep. [2 Tim] contains" (McGiffert, op. cit,, 407).
In addition to this, the language used by the
apostle at Miletus, when he addressed the elders of
the Ephesian church (Acts 20 30) about the men
speaking perverse things, who should arise among
it was permissible to preach Christianity; the trial,
therefore, was really a charter of religious liberty, and therein lies its immense importance. It was indeed overturned by later decisions of the supreme
them, showed that these false teachers had not made their appearance at that time. There is, for
this reason alone, no place for the Pastoral Epp. in
court; but its existence was a highly important
Paul's life, previous to his arrest in Jerus. But
fact for the Christians" (Ramsay, op. cit., 308). "That he was acquitted is demanded both by the plan evident in Acts and by other reasons well
Paul's life did not end at the termination of his first Rom imprisonment; and this one fact gives ample room to satisfy all the conditions, as these are found
stated by others" (ib, 360).
in the three Pastorals.
It should also be observed that there is the direct and corroborative evidence of Paul's release, afforded by such writers as Cjrril of Jerus, Ephrem Syr., Chrysostom and Theodoret, all of whom speak of
Those who deny the Pauline authorship of these
epp also deny that he was released from what, in
this article, is termed his 1st Rom imprisonment. But a denial of this latter statement is an assumption
Paul's going to Spain. Jerome {Vir. III., 5) gives it as
quite unwarranted and unproved. It assumes that
Pastoral Epistles THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2260
succeeding age, we may legitimately accept them as evidence that Paul did survive the year 64—that he was acquitted, resumed his missionary labors, was again arrested and brought to Rome, and from
a matter of prrsonal knowledge that Paul traveled as far as Spain. But there is more important evidence still. In the Muratorian Canon, 1. 37, there are the words, "profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam profieiscentis" ("the journey of Paul as he journeyed from Rome to Spain"). Clement also in the ep. from the church in Rome to the church in Corinth, which was written not later than the year 96 AD, says in reference to Paul, "Having taught righteousness to the whole world, and having gone to the extremity of the west [epl 16 terma its dilseos elthon] and having borne witness before the rulers, so was he released from the world and went to the holy place, being the greatest example of endurance." The words, "having gone to the extremity of the west," should be specially noticed. Clement was in Rome when he wrote this, and, accordingly, the natural import of the words is that Paul went to the limit of the western half of the then known world, or in other words, to the western boundary of the lands bordering the Mediterranean, that is, to Spain
this second imprisonment wrote the Second Ep. to Tim—his last extant writing" (Dods, Intro to the NT, 172).
The second difficulty alleged against the acceptance of these epp. as Pauline is that there are said
to exist in them indications of an
2. Subjectecclesiastical organization and of a Matter doctrinal development, both orthodox Postand heretical, considerably later than Pauline those of the Pauline age.
(1) The first statement, that the epp. imply an ecclesiastical organization in advance of the time when Paul lived, is one which cannot be maintained in view of the facts disclosed in the epp. themselves. For directions are given to Timothy and to Titus in regard to the moral and other characteristics necessary in those who are to be ordained as bishops, elders, and deacons. In the 2d cent, the outstanding feature of ecclesiastical organization was the development of monarchical episcopacy, but the Pastoral Epp. show a presbyterial administration. The office held by Timothy in Ephesus and by Titus in Crete was, as the epp. themselves show, of a temporary character. The directions which Paul gives to Timothy and Titus in regard to the ordaining of presbyters in every church are in agreement with similar notices found elsewhere in the NT, and do not coincide with the state of church organization as that existed in the 2d cent., the period when, objectors to the genuineness of the epp. assert, they were composed. "Everyone acquainted with ancient literature, particularly the literature of the ancient church, knows that a forger or fabricator of those times could not possibly have avoided anachronisms" (Zahn, Intro to the NT, II, 93). But the ecclesiastical arrangements in the Pastoral Epp. coincide in all points with the state of matters as it is found in the church in the time of the apostles, as that is described in the Acts and elsewhere in the NT.
Now Paul never had been in Spain previous to his arrest in Jerus, but in Rom 15 24.28 he had twice expressed his intention to go there. These independent testimonies, of Clement and of the Muratorian Canon, of the fact that after Paul's arrest in Jerus he did carry into execution his purpose to visit Spain, are entitled to great weight. They involve, of course, the fact that he was acquitted after his 1st Rom imprisonment.
Having been set free, Paul could not do otherwise than send Timothy to Phihppi, and himself also go there, as he had already promised when he wrote to the Philippian church (Phil 2 19.24). As a matter of course he would also resume his apostolic journeys for the purpose of proclaiming the gospel. There is now ample room in his lifo for the Pastoral Epp., and they give most interesting details of his further labors. The historical and geographical requirements in 1 Tim are, in this way, easily satisfied. It was no great distance to Ephesus from Philippi and Colossae, where he had promised that he would "come shortly."
(2) Data in 3 Tim.—The requirements in 2 Tim are (a) that Paul had recently been at Troas, at Corinth, and at Miletus, each of which he mentions (2 Tim 4 1.3.20); (b) that when he wrote the epp. he was in Rome (1 17); (c) that he was a prisoner for the cause of the gospel (18; 2 9), and had once already appeared before the emperor's supreme court (4 16.17); (d) that he had then escaped condemnation, but that he had reason to believe that on the next hearing of his case the verdict would be given against him, and that he expected it could not be long till execution took place (4 6); (e) that he hoped that Timothy would be able to come from Ephesus to see him at Rome before the end (4 9.21). These requirements cannot be made to agree or coincide with the first Rom captivity, but they do agree perfectly with the facts of the apostle's release and his subsequent second imprisonment in that city.
It seems an error to suppose, as has often been done, that these epp. contain the germ of monarchical episcopacy ; for the Christian church had already, from the day of Pentecost, existed as a society with special officers for the functions of extension, discipline and administration. The church in the Pastoral Epp. is a visible society, as it always was. Its organization therefore had come to be of the greatest importance, and esp. so in the matter of maintaining and handing down the true faith ; the church accordingly is described as "the pillar and stay of the truth" (1 Tim 3 15 m), that is, the immovable depository of the Divine revelation.
(2) The other statement, that the epp. show a doctrinal development out of harmony with the Pauline age is best viewed by an examination of what the epp. actually say.
In 1 Tim 6 20, Paul speaks of profane and vain babblings and oppositions of gnosis (RV "knowledge," AV "science") falsely so called. In Tit 3
(3) Data in Tit.—The data given in the Ep. to Tit are (a) that Paul had been in Crete, and that Titus had been with him there, ancl had been left behind in that island, when Paul sailed from its shores, Titus being charged with the oversight of the churches there (Tit 1 5); and (6) that Paul meant to .spend the next winter at Nicopolis (3 12). It is simply impossible to locate these events in the recorded life of Paul, as that is found in the other epp., and in the Acts. But they agree perfectly with his liberation after his first Rom imprisonment. "As there is then no historical evidence that Paul did not survive the year 64, and as these Pastoral Epp. were recognized as Pauline in the immediately
9, he tells Titus to avoid foolish questions and genealogies and contentions and strivings about the law. These phrases have been held to be allusions to the tenets of Marcion, and to those of some of the gnostic sects. There are also other expressions, such as fables and endless genealogies (1 Tim 1 3.4; 6 3), words to no profit but the subverting of the hearer (2 Tim 2 14), foolish and unlearned questions which do gender strifes (2 Tim 2 23), questions and strifes of words (1 Tim 6 4.5), discussions which lead to nothing but word-battles and profane babbling. Such are the expressions which Paul uses. These, taken with what is even more
2261 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Pastoral Epistles
Dr. McGiffert himself gives in a footnote (2 Tim 1 9-11; 2 11 ff; Tit 3 4-7), as well as other references, do most certainly refer to this very aspect of the gospel. For example, the passage in 2 Tim 2 contains these words, "If we died with him [Christ], we shall also live with him." What is this but the great truth of the union of the Christian believer with Christ? The believer is one with Christ in His death, one with Him now as He lives and reigns. The objection, therefore, which is "most decisive of all," is one which is not true in point of fact. Dr. McGifTert also charges the author of the Pastoral Epp. as being "one who understood by resurrection nothing else than the resurrection of the fleshly body" (p. 430). The body of Our Lord was raised from the dead, but how very unjust this accusation is, is evident from such a passage as 1 Tim 3 16, "And without controversy great is the mystery of godliness;
clearly stated in the Ep. to the Col, certainly point to an incipient Gnosticism. But had the writer of the Pastoral Epp. been combating the Gnosticism of the 2d cent., it would not have been phrases like these that he would have employed, but others much more definite. Godet, quoted by Dods {Intro, 175), writes, "The danger here is of substituting intellectualism in religion for piety of heart and life. Had the writer been a Christian of the 2d cent., trying, under the name of Paul, to stigmatize the gnostic systems, he would certainly have used much stronger expressions to describe their character and influence."
It should be observed that the false teachers described in 2 Tim 3 6-9.13, as well as in other places in these epp., were persons V/'ho taught that the Mosaic Law was binding upon all Christians. They laid stress upon rabbinic myth.?, upon investigations and disputations about genealogies and specific legal requirements of the OT. What they taught was a form of piously sounding doctrine assuming to be Christian, but which was really rabbinism.
He who was manifested in the flesh. Justified in the Spirit, Seen of angels, Preached among the nations,
"For a pseudo-Paul in the post-apostolic age—when Christians of Jewish birth had become more and more exceptions in the gentile Christian church—to have invented a description of and \'igorously to have opposed the heterodiddakaloi, who did not exist in his own age. and who were without parallel in the earlier epp. of Paul, would have been to e.xpose himself to ridicule without apparent purpose or meaning" (Zahn, Intro, II, 117). "A comparison of the statements in these epp. about various kinds of false doctrine, and of those portions of the same that deal with the organization and officers of the church, with conditions actually existing in the church, esp. the church of Asia Minor, at the beginning and during the course of the 2d cent., proves, just as clearly as does the external evidence, that they must have been written at latest before the year 100. But they could not have been written during the first two decades after Paul's death, because of the character of the references to persons, facts and conditions in Paul's lifetime and his own personal history, and because of the impossibility on this assumption of discovering a plausible motive for their forgery. Consequently the claim that they are post-Pauline, and contain matter which
Believed on in the world, Received up in glory." Charges of this nature are unsupported by evidence, and are of the kind on which Dr. A. S. Peake
{A Critical Intro to the NT, 71) bases his rejection of the Pauline authorship—except for a Pauline nucleus—that he "feels clear." More than an ipse dixit of this sort is needed.
The theory that the Pastoral Epp. are based upon genuine letters or notes of Paul to Timothy and Titus is thus advocated by Peake, McGiffert, Moffatt and many others. It bears very hard upon 1 Tim. "In 1 Tim not a single verse can be indicated which clearly bears the stamp of Pauline origin" (Peake, op. cit., 70). "We may fairly conclude then in agreement with many modern scholars that we have here, in the Pastoral Epp., authentic letters of Paul to Timothy and Titus, worked over and enlarged by another hand" (McGiffert, op. cit., 405). In regard to 1 Tim he writes, "It is very likely that there are scattered fragments of the original ep. in 1 Tim, as for instance in ver 23. But it
Is un-Pauline, is to be treated with the greatest suspicion" (Zahn, op. cit., II, 118).
The third difficulty alleged against the Pauline authorship of the Pastoral Epp. is connected with the language
employed, which is said to be, to a large n Tuffipiiifry extent, different from that in the accepted o. JJUncuiLy epp. The facts in regard to this matter Connected are that in 1 Tim there are 82 words not with the found elsewhere in the NT ; in 2 Tim there
is difficult to find anything which we can be confident was written by Paul" (p. 407). Dr. McGiffert also alleges that in the Pastoral Epp., the word "faith" "is not employed in its profound Pauline sense, but is used to signify one of the cardinal virtues, along with love, peace, purity, righteousness, sanctifioation, patience and meekness." One of the Pauline epp., with which he contrasts the Pastorals, is the Ep. to the Gal; and the groundlessness of this charge is evident from Gal 5 22, where "faith" is included in the list there given of the fruit of the Spirit, along with love, joy, peace, Jongsuffering, gentleness, goodness, meekness and self-control.
f are 53 such words, and in Tit there are l^anguage 33 g^^ while the total of such words in the three epp. is 168, this number, large though it appears, may be compared with the words used only once in the other Epp. of Paul. In Rom, 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Eph, Phil, Col. 1 Thess, 2 Thess and Philem, the words of this description are 627 in number. So nothing can be built upon the fact of the 168 peculiar words in the Pastoral Epp., that can safely be alleged as proof against their Pauline authorship. The special subjects treated In these epp. required adequate language, a requirement and a claim which would not be refused in the case of any ordinary author.
The objections to the Pauline authorship of the Pastorals, based upon the dissimilarity of diction in them and in Eph, Phil and Col, cease to exist when the theory
is no longer persisted in, that the nucleus of the Pastoral Epp. was composed during the Rom imprisonment, which, according to this theory ended, not in the apostle's
If the Pastoral Epp. are the work of Paul, then. Dr. McGiffert concludes, PaiU had given up that form of the gospel which he had held and taught throughout his life, anci descended from the lofty religious plane upon which he had always moved, to the level of mere piety and morality (op. cit., 404). But this charge is not just or reasonable, in view of the fact that the apostle is instructing "Timothy and Titus how to combat the views and practices of immoral teachers. Or again, in such a passage as 1 Tim 1 12-17 AV, the author of the ep. has not descended from the lofty plane of faith to that of mere piety and morality, when he writes, "The grace of our Lord was exceeding abundant with faith and love which is in Christ Jesus. This is a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am chief."
release, but in his execution. The fact that he was writing to intimate and beloved friends, both on personal matters and on the subject of church organization, and on that of incipient Gnosticism, which was troubling the churches of Asia Minor, made it essential that he should, to a large extent, use a different vocabulary.
The "most decisive" of all the arguments against
the Pauline authorship is that "the Christianity of
the Pastoral Epp. is not the Chris-
4. Is There tianity of Paul" (McGiffert, A History "Another of Christianity, 402). "For the most Gospel" in part," Dr. McGiffert writes, "there
If such be the "most decisive" objection against the Pauline authorship, the other difficulties, as already seen, need not cause alarm, for they resolve themselves into the equally groundless charges that the historical requirements of the epp. cannot be fitted into any part of Paul's
the Pasis no trace whatever of the great
torals? fundamental truth of Paul's gospel death unto the flesh and life in the
Spirit." Now this is not so, for the passages which
life, and that the doctrine and ecclesiasticaf organization
Pastoral Epistles Patmos THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2262
referring any of them to a period much earher than the others" (Zahn, Intro, II, 37). The order in which they were written must have been 1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim. It is universally acknowledged that 2 Tim is the very last of