Part 17
do not suit ttie Apostolic age. Thiese objections liave been already referred to. Tlie real difflculty, writes Dr. Peake (.4. Critical Intro, 68), is that "tlie old energy of ttiought and expression is gone, and tlie greater smoothness and continuity in the grammar is a poor compensation for the lack of grip and of continuity in the thought." Dr. Peake well and triily says that this statement does not admit of detailed proof. Lack of grip and lack of continuity of thought are not the characteristics of such passages as 1 Tim 1 9-17, a passage which wlU bear comparison with anything in the acknowledged Pauline Epp. ; and there are many other similar passages, e.g. Tit 2 11—3 7. What must be said of the dulness of the intelligence of Christian men and of the Christian church as a whole, if they could thus let themselves be imposed upon by epp. which purported to be Paul's, but which were not written by him at all, but were the enlargement of a Pauline nucleus? Can it be beheved that the church of the 2d cent., the church of the martyrs, was in such a state of mental decrepitude as to receive epp. which were spurious, so far as the greater portion of their contents is concerned? And can it be believed that this idea, so recently originated and so destitute of proof, is an adequate explanation of epp. which have been received as PauUne from the earliest times?
2. Their Paul's extant epp., and the internal Order evidence of the other two seems to point out 1 Tim as earlier than Tit. To sum up, the evidence of the early reception of the Pastoral Epp. as Pauline is very strong. "The
confident denial of the genuineness of these letters which has been made now for several generations more positively than in the case of any other Paul-
ine epp.—has no support from tradition Traces of their circulation in the church before Mar-
cion's time are clearer than those which can be found
for Rom and 2 Cor" (Zahn, op. cit., II, 85). The internal evidence shows that all three are from the hand of one and the same writer, a writer who makes many personal allusions of a nature which it would be impossible for a forger to invent. It is generally allowed that the personal passages in 2 Tim 1 IS-
IS; 4 9-22 are genuine. But ii this is so, then it
is not possible to cut and carve the epp. into fragments of this kind. Objections dating only a century back are all too feeble to overturn the consistent marks of Pauline authorship found in all three epp., corroborated as this is by their reception in the church, dating from the very earliest period. The Pastoral Epp. may be used with the utmost confidence, as having genuinely come from the hand of Paul.
When placed side by side Tsdth sub-apostolic writings like the Didache, Clem. Rom., Polycarp and Ignatius, "it is difficult to resist the idea which returns upon one ndth almost every sentence that .... the Pastorals are astonishingly superior" (Moffatt, The Historical NT, 556). Godet, quoted by R. D. Shaw (The Pauline Epp., 441), writes, "When one has had enough of the pious amplifications of Clement of Rome, of the ridiculous inanities of Barnabas, of the general oddities of Ignatius, of the well-meant commonplaces of Polycarp, of the intolerable verbiage of Hermae, and of the nameless platitudes of the Didache, and, after this promenade
LiTEBATuRE.—R. D. Shaw, The Pauline Epp.; A. S. Peake, A Critical Intro to the NT; A. C. McGiffert, A History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age; Theodor Zahn, An Intro to the NT; Marcus Dods, Intro to the NT; Weiss, Einleitung in das NT (ET); C. J. EUicOtt, A Critical and Grammatical Comm. on the Pastoral Epp.; Patrick Falrbairn, The Pastoral Epp.; John Ed. Huther, Critical and Exegetical Handbook of the Epp. of St. Paul to Timothy and Titus; George Salmon, A Historical Intro to the Study of the Books of the NT; James Moffatt,
in the first decade of the 2d cent., reverts to our Pastoral Epp., one will measure the distance that separates the least striking products of the apostolic literature from what has been preserved to us as most eminent in the ancient patristic literature."
The Historical NT; Intro to the Lit. of the NT; Adolf Jiilicher, An Intro to the NT; Caspar Rene Gregory, Canon and Text of the NT.
The "lives" of Paul may also be consulted, as they contain much that refers to these epp., i.e. those by Conybeare and Howson, Lewin, Farrar and others. See also Ramsay's St. Paul the Traveller and the Rom Citizen.
In the case of some modern critics, the interpolation hypothesis "is their first and last appeal, the easy solution of any difficulty that presents itself to their imaginations. Each pTiter feels free to give the kaleidoscope a fresh turn, and then records with blissful confidence what are called the latest results The whole method postulates that a writer must always preserve the same dull monotone or always confin e himself to the same transcendental heights He must see and say everything at once ; having had his vision and his dream, he must henceforth be like a star and dwell apart. .... To be stercoty]ied is his only salvation. .... On such principles there is not a WTiter of
John Rdtherfded PASTURAGE, pas'tar-sj, PASTURE, pas'tlir. See Sheep-tending.
PATARA, pat'a-ra (rd IldTapa, td Pdtara): A coast city of ancient Lycia, from which, according to Acts 21 1, Paul took a ship for Phoenicia. Because of its excellent harbor, many of the coast trading ships stopped at Patara, which therefore became an important and wealthy port of entry to the towns of the interior. As early as 440 BC autonomous coins were struck there; during the 4th and the 3d cents, the coinage was interrupted, but was again resumed in 168 BC when Patara joined the Lycian league. Ptolemy Philadelphus enlarged the city, and changed its name to Arsinoe in honor of his wife. The city was celebrated not only as a trading center, but esp. for its celebrated oracle of Apollo which is said to have spoken only during the six winter months of the year. Among the ruins there is still to be seen a deep pit with circular steps leading to a seat at the bottom; it is supposed that the pit is the place of the oracle. In the history of early Christianity, Patara took but little part, but it was the home of a bishop, and the birthplace of St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the sailors of the E. Though born at Patara, St. Nicholas was a bishop and saint of Myra, a neighboring Lycian city, and there he is said to have been buried. Gelemish is the modem name of the ruin. The walls of the ancient city may still be traced, and the foundations of the temple and castle and other
note, and there never has been a man in public life, or a student in the stream of a progressive science,
large parts of whose sayings and doings could not be proved to be by some one else" (Shaw, The Paul-
ine Epp., 483).
///. Date and Order.—In regard to the date of these epp., external and internal evidence alike go
to show that they belong to practically
1. Date of the same period. The dates of their the Epistles composition are separated from each other by not more than three or four years; and the dates of each and all of them must he close to the Neronic persecution (64 AD). If Paul was executed 67 AD (see Ramsay, St. Paul,
396), there is only a short interval of time between
his release in 61 or 62, and his death in 67, that is a period of some 5 or 6 years, during which his later
travels took place, and when the Pastoral Epp. were
written. "Between the three letters there is an
affinity of language, a similarity of thought, and a
likeness of errors combtitcd, which prevents our
2263 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Pastoral Epistles Patmos
PATIENCE, pa'shens (vitoy.ovi\, hupomont, |j.aKpoBuixCo, makrothumia) : "Patience" imphes suffering, enduring or waiting, as a determination of the will and not simply under necessity. As such it is an essential Christian virtue to the exorcise of which there are many exhortations. We need to "wait patiently" for God, to endure uncomplainingly the various forms of sufferings, wrongs and evils that we meet with, and to bear patiently injustices which we cannot remedy and provocations we cannot remove.
public buildings are visible. The most imposing of the ruins is a triumphal arch bearing the inscription: "Patara the Metropolis of the Lycian Nation." Outside the city walls many sarcophagi may be seen, but the harbor, long ago choked by sand, has been converted into a useless swamp. See also Myra. E. J. Banks
PATE, pat Opip, , kodhlfodh) : The word usually
tr'i "crown," "crown of the head" (Gen 49 26; Dt 28 35; 33 16.20; 2 S 14 25; Job 2 7; Isa 3 17; Jer 2 16; 48 45) and "scalp" (Ps 68 21)
The word "patience" does not occur in the OT, but we have "patiently" in Ps 40 1 as the tr of kawah, "to wait," "to expect," which word frequently expresses the idea, esp. that of waiting on God; in Ps 37 7, "patiently" ("wait patiently")
is rendered "pate" in Ps 7 16 in agreement with earlier Eng. translators since Coverdale: "His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violence shall come down upon his own pate." The reason for the choice of the word lies evidently in the desire to make the Heb parallelism with "head" (ro'sh) apparent. The same object has, however, been achieved differently in another poetical passage (Gen 49 26
is the tr of hul, one of the meanings of which is "to wait" or "to hope for" or "to expect" (cf Job 35 14); "patient" occurs (Eccl 7 8) as the tr of 'erekh rWh, "long of spirit," and (Job 6 11) "that I should be patient" (ha'drlkh nephesh). Cf "impatient" (Job 21 4). "Patience" occurs frequently in the Apoc, esp. in Ecclus, e.g. 2 14; 16 13; 17 24; 41 2 (hupomone); 5 11 (makrothumia); 29 8 (makrothumeo, RV "long suffering"); in Wisd 2 19, the Gr word is anexikakla.
|| Dt 33 16), viz. by the juxtaposition of "head" and "crown of the head."
H. L. E. LUERING PATH, path, PATHWAY, path'wa (nnS< , 'orah, nSTip, n'lhlbhdh, etc; rpcpos, tribos, rpoxiii,
trochid)
(1) In the OT.—In addition to its obvious literal sense (e.g. Gen 49 17), it has very frequently a figurative meaning, (a) As applied to man, a course or manner of hfe: (i) man's outward lot in life, his career or destiny, whether of the just man (Isa 28 7) or of the ungodly (Job 8 13) ; (ii) frequently in an ethical sense, of men's conduct or inward lifepurpose, whether it be good or evil (e.g. Prov 2 15), generally accompanied by a term defining the moral quality of the conduct, either an abstract noun (e.g.
In the NT hupomone carries in it the ideas of endurance, continuance (Lk 8 15; 21 19; Rom 5
3.4, ARV "stedfastness"; 8 25, etc).
In all places ARVm has "stedfastness," except Jas 5 11, where it has "endurance"; makrothumia is trd "patience" (He 6 12; Jas 5 10); makrothumeo, "to bear long" (Mt 18 26.29; Jas 5 7; seeLoNasuFFERiNG)
the same vb. is tr'' "be patient" (1 Thess 5 14, RV " iongsuftering " ; Jas 6 7.8, AV and RV "patient"); makrothumos, "patiently" (Acts 26 3); hupomSno (1 Pet 2 20); anexikakos Is tr^ "patient" (2 Tim 2 24, RV, AVm, "forbearing"); epieikis, "gentle" (1 Tim 3 3, RV "gentle"); hupomeno (Rom 12 12, "patient in tribiilation"). For "the patient waiting for Christ" (2 Thess 3 5), RV has "the patience of Christ."
the paths of uprightness," Prov 2 13; 4 11; "the paths of justice," Prov 2 8; Isa 40 14; "the paths of life," Ps 16 11; Prov 2 19), or a concrete adj. or noun (e.g. "crooked paths," Isa 59 8; "the paths of the righteous," Prov 2 20; 4 18). (6) The term is also appHedto God either (i) of the methods of the Divine Providence, God's dealings with men
Patience is often hard to gain and to maintain, but, in Rom 15 5, God is called "the God of patience" (ARVm "stedfastness") as being able to grant that grace to those who look to Him and depend on Him for it. It is in reliance on God and acceptance of His will, with trust in His goodness, wisdom and faithfulness, that we are enabled to endure and to hope stedfastly. See also God.
(Ps 25 10; 65 11), or (ii) of the principles and maxims of religion and morality Divinely revealed to man ("Show me thy ways, O Jeh, teach me thy paths," Ps 25 4; cflsa 2 3).
W. L. Walker PATMOS, pat'mos (ndT|ios, Pdtmos; Ital. San Giovanni di Patino) : A Turkish island of the group Sporades, S.W. of Samos, mentioned once in the Bible, Rev 1 9, "I, John .... was in the isle that
(2) In the Apoc we have the "paths" of Wisdom
(tribos, Bar 3 21.31); the "path" shown to men by the Law (semila, 2 Esd 14 22); and a man's "paths" (tribos, Tob 4 10).
(3) In the NT the word occurs only in Mt 3 3 and
is called Patmos, for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus" (5ta rbp "Kbyov rod deoO Kal ttjv ixapTvplay 'Ii)(roO, did tdn Idgon tou theou kai tin marturian lesou). The island is 10 miles long, and about 6 broad along the northern coast. It is for the most part rocky. The highest part is Mt. St. Elias, which
II passages Mk 13; Lk 3 4 (of the forerunner's work), and in He 12 13 (in the OT ethical sense). Pathway occurs in Prov 12 28 (derekh n'thlbhah) and Wisd 5 10 (airapds). See Way.
D. MiALL Edwards PATHEUS, pa-the'us (Haeatos, Pathaios, *tt-
rises to a height of over 800 ft. As in Greece, and in the adjacent mainland of Asia Minor, the land is
9atos, Phathaios): One of the Levites who had married a foreign wife (1 Esd 9 23)= "Pethahiah" of Ezr 10 23.
treeless. Near the city of Patmos there is a good harbor. A famous monastery, St. Christodulos, was founded on the island in 1088. Near this is a thriving school, attended by students from all parts of the Archipelago. The population of the island numbers
PATHROS, path'ros (OiirB, -pathroij; Egyp Pata resii, the "South land"; LXX yf\ HaBoupfis,
g^ Pathourts) : The Heb form of the Egyp name for Upper Egypt (Isa 11 11; Jer 44 1.15; Ezk 29 14; 30 14).
3,000, almost entirely Gr. The ancient capital was on an isthmus between the inlets of La Scala and Mcrika. Many ruins can still be seen. The huge walls of Cyclopean masonry, similar to those at Tiryns, attest their great age. In Rom times Patmos was one of the many places to which Rome banished her exiles. In 95 AD, according to a tradition preserved by Irenaeus, Eusebius, Jerome and others, St. John was exiled here—in the 14th year of the reign of Domitian—whence he returned
PATHRUSIM.path-roo'sim, path-ru'sim CP-inE)
pathru^i, "an inhabitant of Pathros"; LXX ol
IIaTpoo-<6viEi|ji, hoi Patrosonieim) : The branch of the Egyptians who came from Pathros (q.v.). They are represented as begotten of Mizraim, "Mizraim begat Zudim .... and Pathrusim" (Gen 10 13 f;
to Ephesus under Nerva (96 AD). The cave in
1 Ch 1 11 f).
Patriarch Paul, the Apostle THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2264
PATTERN, pat'ern (rii:3ri, lahhnUh, "model," riS"]^ , niar'eh, "a vision" or "view"): The OT words tr"* "pattern" do not necessarily indicate a drawing such as a modern constructor begins with, or the patterns made from these drawings for the guidance of workmen. In Ex 25 9.40 the word "idea" or "suggestion" would possibly indicate more distinctly than "pattern" what Moses received in regard to the building of the tabernacle, etc. It ia doubtful if any architect's drawing was ever made of the temple. It is not the custom in Pal and Syria today to work from any pattern more concrete than an idea. A man who wants a house calls the builder and says he wants to build so many rooms of such and such dimensions with, for example, a court 10 drahs (arm's lengths) wide and 15 drahs long, made of sandstone and plastered inside and out. With these meager instructions the builder starts. The details are worked out as the building proceeds. When a piece of iron or brass work is to be made, the customer by gestures with
which he is said to have seen his visions is still pointed out to the traveler. Only a small part of the once vahiable library in the monastery of St. Christodulos is left. Just 100 years ago (1814) Mr. E. D. Clark purchased here the manuscript of Plato which is now in the Bodleian Library, the celebrated Clarkianus, a parchment written in the year 895, and admittedly the best of all for the 1st of the 2 vols into which the works of Plato were divided for convenience. Patmos is mentioned by Thucydides
(iii.33), by Pliny (NH, iv.23), and by Strabo (x.5). See also John the Apostle; Revelation of John.
LlTER.^TURE.—Tozer. The Ixlnnds of the Aegean (1800). 178-95; Walpole. Turkey (London, 1820), II. 43; E. D. Clark, Travels (London, 1818), VI, 2; Ross, Reisen (Stuttgart, 1840), II; Guerin, Deseription de Vile de PalmOS (Paris, 1856).
J. E. Harry PATRIARCH, pa'tri-iirk, PATRIARCHS (iraTpidpxTis, patridrches) : The word occurs in the NT in appUcation to Abraham (He 7 4), to the sons of Jacobs (Acts 7 8.9), and to David (Acts 2 29). In LXX it is used as the equivalent of the head of the fathers' house, or of a tribe (1 Ch 24 31; 27 32; 2 Ch 26 12). Commonly now the term is used of the persons whose names appear in the genealogies and covenant-histories in the periods preceding Moses (Gen 5, 11, histories of Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, etc; of "patriarchal dispensation"). The problems connected with the longevity ascribed to the patriarchs in the genealogies and narratives in Gen are dealt with in special articles. See Antediluvian Patriarchs; Antediluvians; Genealogy. James Orr
his hands outlines the form the piece should take. "I want it haik wa haik" ("thus and thus"), he says, and leaves the metal worker to conceive the exact form. It is probable that directions similar to these were given by David to Solomon. "Then David gave Solomon his son the pattern [his conception] of the porch of the temple," etc (1 Ch 28
11). The above does not apply to Gr and Rom work in Syria. Their workmen, probably mostly native, were trained to work from models. Williams in the Architect, January, 1913, says of the works at Baalbek and Palmyra,
' 'There is a machinelike resemblance betokening slavish copying." At the present time native workmen coming under the influence of foreigners are beginning to work from models and plans, but they show little tendency to create models of their own.
PATRIARCHS, TESTAMENTS OF THE TWELVE. See Apocalyptic Literature, IV, 1.
PATRIMONY, pat'ri-m6-ni (nllSn, ha-'dbhoth, "the fathers"): A word occurring once in EV (Dt 18 8), meaning lit. "the fathers," which, however,
Three Gr words have been tr"* in the NT: ti/ttos,
tiipos, "type," occurs in Tit 2 7 and He 8 5. In the first instance RV reads "ensample." inroTi-
is obscure, probably by reason of abbreviation for some phrase, e.g. "house of the fathers." It may indicate "some private source of income possessed by the Levite [who has come up from a country district to the central sanctuary] distinct from what he receives as a priest officiating at the central sanctuary" (Driver, "Dt," ICC, in loc). Beyond this one occurrence of the word the same idea is conveyed often by other words or phrases: "He divided unto them his hving" (Lk 15 13); "Teach-
TTiocrii, hupotuposis, "outline," has been similarly
tr'i in 1 Tim 1 16, but "pattern" in 2 Tim 1 13. In He 9 24 ARV avTlrvwos, antitupos, is rendered "like in pattern." inrbSeiyiia, hupodeigma, AV "pattern," is tr'^ in ARV "copy" (He 8 5)j "copies" (He 9 23). At the time of the tr of AV the word "pattern" meant either the thing to be copied or the copy. James A. Patch
er, bid my brother divide the inheritance with me"
PAU, pa'n. See Pai.
(Lk 12 13). Full and specific directions were given
in the Law for the division of the patrimony (Nu 27; Dt 21, etc) and for its redemption (Ruth 4 1-12). The idea was frequently used with figurative and spiritual application: the land of Canaan was Israel's patrimony, being inherited from Jeh (Ps 105 11); salvation because of its origin in grace was the believer's patrimony (Gal 3 26—4 7). Contrariwise Israel was Jeh's inheritance (Isa 19 25; 63 14; cf Ps 33 12); and the whole earth is the Messiah's patrimony, inherited from His Eternal Father (Ps 2 8). See Birthright; Family; Inheritance; Property. Edward Mack
PAUL, pol, THE APOSTLE:
I. Sources
1 Th6 Acts
2.' The Thirteen Epistles (1) Pauline Authorship (2) Lightfoot's Grouping
(a) First Group (1 and 2 Thess) (b) Second Group (1 and 2 Cor, Gal, Rom) (c) Third Group (Phil, Philem, Col. Eph) (d) Fourth Group (1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim) (3) Paul's Conception of His Epistles (4) Development in Paul's Epistles
II. Modern Theories about Paul 1. Criticism Not Inlallible 2. The Tubingen Theory 3. Protest against Baur's View 4. Successors to Baur 5. Appeal to Comparative Religion 6. The Eschatological Interpretation III. Chronology of Paul's Career 1. Schemes 2. Crucial Points (1) The Death ot Stephen (2) The Flight from Damascus (3) The Death ot Herod Agrippa I (4) The First Mission Tour (5) The First Visit to Corinth (6) Paul at Troas according to Acts 20 f (7) Festus Succeeding Felix IV. Equipment
PATROBAS, pat'ro-bas (IXarpapas, Patrobas): The name of a member of the Christian community at Rome to whom Paul sent greetings (Rom 16 14). The name is an abbreviated form of "Patrobius." There was a wealthy freedman of Nero of the same name who was put to death by Galba (Tac. Hist.
i.49; ii.95). The Patrobas of St. Paul may have been a dependent of his.
PATROCLUS, pa-tro'klus (HAtpokKos, Pdtro-
klos) : The father of the Syrian general Nicanor
1. The City of Tarsus 2. Roman Citizenship
(2 Mace 8 9).
2265 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Patriarch Paul, the Apostle
common-sense criticism as seen by the practical missionary better than by a life "spent amid the academic associations of a professor's chair," though he pauses to note as an exception Professor P. Gardner's The Rdioious Experience of St. Paul (1912). We may quote Bartlet once more (£^xpo3, January, 1913,30): " In the recovery of a true point of view a vital element has been the newer conception of Paul himself and so of Paulinism. Paul the doctrinaire theologian, or at least the prophet of a one-sided gospel repeated with fanatical uniformity of emphasis under all conditions, has largely given place to Paul the missionary, full indeed of inspired insight on the basis of a unique experience, but also of practical instinct, the offspring of sympathy with living men of other types of training. When the Pastorals are viewed anew in the light of this idea, half their difficulties disappear." One need not adopt Deissmann's rather artificial insistence on
3. Hellenism 4. The Mystery-Religions 5. Judaism 6. Personal Characteristics (1) Personal Appearance (2) Natural Endowments (3) Supernatural Gifts 7. Conversion (1) Preparation (2) Experience (3) Effect on Paul Work
Adjustment Opposition Waiting Opportunity The First Great Mission Campaign The Conflict at Jerusalem The Second Mission Campaign The Third Mission Campaign Five Years a Prisoner Further Travels Last Imprisonment and Death
1 2 3 4, 5 6
' and his undue depreciation of Paul's intellectual caliber and culture as being more like Amos than Origen (,S(. Paul, 1912, 6), in order to see the force of this contention for proper understanding of the social environment of Paul. Against Van Manen's "historical Paul" who wrote nothing, he places "the historic Paul " who possibly wrote all thirteen. "There is really no trouble except wdth the letters to Timothy and Titus, and even there the difficulties are perhaps not quite so great as many of our specialists assume" {.St. Paul, 15). See Pastoral Epistles. Deissmann denies sharply that Paul was an "obscurantist" who corrupted the gospel of Jesus, "the dregs of doctrinaire study of St. Paul, mostly in the tired brains of gifted amateurs" (p. 4). But A. Schweitzer boldly proclaims that he alone has the key to Paul and Jesus. It is the "exclusively Jewish eschatologicai (Paul and His Interpreters, 1912, ix) conception of Christ's gospel that furnishes Schweitzer's spring-board (The Quest of the Historical Jesus). Thus he will be able to explain "the Heiienization of the gospel" as mediated tlirough Paul. To do that Schweitzer plows his weary way from Grotius to Holtzmann, and finds that they have all wandered into the wilderness. He is positive that his eschatologicai discovery will rescue Paul and some of his epp. from the ruin wrought by Steck and Van Manen, to whose arguments modern criticism has notliing solid to offer, and the meager negative crumbs offered by Schweitzer ougiit to be thankfully received (ib, 249).
' rather than " epistles,
' letters
8, 9 10 11 "VI. Gospel Literature
/. Sources.—For discussion of the historical value of the Acts of the Apostles see the art. on that sub-
ject. It is only necessary to say here
1. The Acts that the view of Sir W. M. Ramsay in general is accepted as to the trustworthiness of Luke, whose authorship of the Acts
is accepted and proved by Harnack {Die Apostel-
geschichte, 1908; The Acts of the Apostles, tr by Wilkinson, 1909; Neue Untersuch. zur Ap., 1911; The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels,
tr by Wilkinson, 1911). The proof need not be given again. The same hand appears in the "we"- seetions and the rest of the book. Even Moffatt
(Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 311) admits the Lukan authorship though dating it in 100 AD instead of 60-62 AD, against Harnack. The Acts is written independently of the Epp. of Paul, whether early or
(2) Lightfoot's grouping (cf Bib. Essays, 224). There is doubt as to the position of Gal. Some advocates of the South-Galatian theory make it the very earliest of Paul's Epp., even before the Jerus Conference in Acts 15. So Emmet, Coram, on Gal (1912),-ix, who notes (Preface) that his comm.
late, and supplements in a wonderful way the incidental references in the epp., though not without lacunae and difficulties.
(1) Pauline authorship.—See the articles on each
ep. for detailed criticism. It is here assumed that the Ep. to the He was not written by
is the first to take this position. But the NorthGalatian view still has the weight of authority in
2. The Paul, though Pauline in point of view. Thirteen One cannot stop to prove every state-
spite of Ramsay's powerful advocacy in his various books (see Hist. Comm. on Gal), as is shown by Moffatt, Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 90 ff. Hence Lightfoot's grouping is still the best to use.
Epistles ment in an article like this, else a large book would be needed. Criticism is not an infallible science. One can turn easily from the Hatch-Van Manen art. on "Paul" in EB (1902) to the Maclean art. on "Paul the Apostle" in the 1-vol HDB (1909). Van Manen's part of the one denies
(a) First Group: 1 and 2 Thess, from Corinth, 52-53 AD. Harnaok's view that 2 Thess is addressed to a Jewish Christian church in Thessalonica while 1 "Thess is addressed to a gentile church is accepted by Lake (Earlier Epp. of St. Paul, 1911, 83 ff), but Frame (ICC, 1912, 54) sees no need for
all the thirteen, while Maclean says: "We shall,
in what follows, without hesitation use the thirteen
epp. as genuine." It is certain that Paul wrote more
this hypothesis. Milligan is clear that 1 Thess precedes 2 Thess (Comm., 1908, xxxix) and is the
epp., or "letters," as Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, 225) insists on calling all of Paul's
earliest of Paul's Epp. (p. xxxvi). The accent on eschatology is in accord with the position of the early disciples in the opening chapters of Acts. They belong to Paul's stay in Corinth recorded in Acts 18.
epp. Certainly Philem is a mere "letter," but it is
difBcult to say as much about Rom. Deissmann
(St. Paul, 22) admits that portions of Rom are like "an epistolary letter." At any rate, when Moffatt
(Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 64-82) carefully justifies
(h) Second Group: 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Rom, 55-58 AD. This is the great doctrinal group, the four chief epp. of Baur. They turn about the Judaizing controversy which furnishes the occasion
the Pauline authorship of both 1 and 2 Thess, it is
clear that the case against them cannot be very
strong, esp. as Moffatt stands out against the genu-
ineness of Eph (op. cit., 393) and the Pastoral Epp.
for the expansion of the doctrine of justification by
(p. 414).
faith in opposition to the legahstic contention of the Judaizing Christians from Jerus (Acts 15 1-3; Gal 2 1-10). The dates of these epp. are not per-
Bartlet, who was once at a loss to know what to do with the Pastorals on the theory that Paul was not released from the Rom imprisonment (Apostolic Age, 1899 200), is now quite willing to face the new facts set forth by Ramsay (Expos, VII. viii-ix. VIII. i), even
fectly clear. 1 Cor was written shortly before the
close of Paul's 3 years' stay at Ephesus (Acts 20
if it means the admission of a second Rom imprisonment, a view that Bartlet had opposed. He now pleads for "the fresh approach from the side of experience, by men who are in touch with the realities of human nature
31; 1 Cor 16 8; Acts 20 If). 2 Cor was written a few months later while he was in Macedonia (2 13
7 5.13; 8 16-24). Rom was written from Corinth
in all its variety, as weU as at home in the historical background of society in the early Rom empire, that has renovated the study of them and taken it out of the old ruts of criticism in which it has moved for the most part
(16 23; Acts 20 2 f ) and sent by Phoebe of Ccnchreae (Rom 16 1). The integrity of Rom is challenged by some who deny in particular that ch 16 belongs to the ep. Moffatt (Intro, 134-38)
in modern times" (Expos, January, 1913, 29). Here
Bartlet, again, now eloquently presents the view of
Paul, the Apostle THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2266
gives an able, but unconvincing, presentation of the arguments for tiie addition of the chapter by a later hand. Deissmann (St. Paul, 19) calls Rom 16 "a
balancing life and death (Phil 1 21 ff) and is expecting to be set free (1 25), but he has the same expectation of freedom when he writes Philem (ver 22). The absence of Luke (Phil 2 20) has to be explained on either hypothesis. Moffatt (Intro, 159) is dogmatic, "as Phil was certainly the last letter that he wrote," ruling out of court Eph, not to say the later Pastoral Epp. But this conclusion gives Moffatt trouble with the Ep. to the Laodiceans (Col 4 16) which he can only call "the enigmatic reference" and cannot follow Rutherford
little letter" addressed to the Christians at Ephesus. Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 78) easily justifies the presence of Rom 16 in the Ep. to the Rom: "These greetings, moreover, were certainly intended by St. Paul to create bonds of fellowship between the Pauline Christians and the Rom community, and to show that he had not written to them quite exclusively in his own name." A common-sense explanation of Paul's personal ties in Rome is the fact that as the center of the world's
(St. Paul's Epp. to Colossae and Laodicea, 1908) in identifying the Laodicean Ep. with Eph, as indeed Marcion seems to have done. But the notion that Eph was a circular letter designed for more than one church (hence without personalities)
life the city drew people thither from all parts of the earth. So today many a man has friends in New York or London who has never been to either city. A much more serious controversy rages as to the integrity of 2 Cor. Semler took 2 Cor 1013 to be a separate and later ep., because of its difference in tone from 2 Cor 1-9, but Hausrath put it earlier than chs 1-9, and made it the letter referred to in 2 4. He has been followed by many scholars like Schmiedel, Cone, McGiffert, Bacon, Moffatt, Kennedy, Rendall, Peake, Plummer. Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 50) accepts the partition-theory of 2 Cor heartily: "It may be shown with the highest degree of probability that this letter has come down to us in 2 Cor 10 1—13 10." But the unity of the ep. on the theory that the change in tone is a climax to the disobedient element of the church is still maintained with force and justice by Klopper, Zahn, Bachmann, Denney, Bernard, A. Robertson, Weiss, Menzies. The place of the writing of Gal turns on its date. Lightfoot (in loc.) argues for Corinth, since it was probably written shortly before Rom. But Moffatt (Intro, 102) holds tentatively to Ephesus, soon after Paul's arrival there from Galatia. So he gives the order: Gal, 1 and 2 Cor, Rom. In so much doubt
still holds the bulk of modern opinion.
Von Soden (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 294) is as dogmatic as Wrede or Van Manen: "All which has hitherto been said concerning this ep., its form, its content, its ideas, its presuppositions, absolutely excludes the possibility of a Pauline authorship." He admits "verbal echoes of Pauline epp."
Lightfoot puts Phil before the other three because of its doctrinal affinity with the second group in ch 3 as a reminiscence, and because of its anti-
cipation of the Christological controversy with incipient Gnosticism in ch 2. This great discussion is central in Col and Eph. At any rate, we have thus a consistent and coherent interpretation of the group. Philem, though purely personal, is wondrously vital as a sociological document. Paul is in this group at the height of his powers in his grasp of the Person of Christ.
(d) Fourth group: 1 Tim, Tit, 2 Tim. The Pastoral Epp^. are still hotly disputed, but there is a growing willingness in Britain and Germany to make a place for them in Paul's life. Von Soden bluntly says: "It is impossible that these epp. as they stand can have been written by St. Paul" (Hist of Early Christian Lit., 310). He finds no room for the heresy here combated, or for the details in Paul's hfe, or for the linguistic peculiarities in Paul's style. But he sees a "literary nicety"—this group that binds them together and separates them from Paul. Thus tersely he puts the case against the Pauline authorship. So Aloffatt argues for the "sub-Pauline environment" and "sub-PauHne atmosphere" of these epp. with the advanced ecclesiasticism (Intro to the Lit. of the NT, 410 ff). Wrede thrusts aside the personal details and argues that the epp. give merely the tendency of early Christianity (Ueber Aufgabe und Methode der Sogen. NT
it is well to follow Lightfoot's logical argument. Gal leads naturally to Rom, the one hot and passionate, the other calm and contemplative, but both on the same general theme.
(c) Third group: Phil, Philem, Col, Eph. Date 61-6.3, unless Paul reached Rome several years earlier. This matter depends on the date of the coming of Festus to succeed Felix (Acts 24 27). It was once thought to be 60 AD beyond any doubt, but the whole matter is now uncertain. See "Chronology," III, 2, (2), below. At any rate these four epp. were written during the first Rom imprisonment, assuming that he was set free.
But it must be noted that quite a respectable group of scholars hold that one or all of those epp. were written from Caesarca (Schultz, Thiersch, Meyer, Hausrath, Sabatier, Reuss, Weiss, Haupt, Spitta, McPherson, Hicks). But the arguments are more specious than convincing. See Hort, Rom and Eph, 101-10. There is a growing opinion that Philem, Col and Eph were written from Ephesus during a possible imprisonment in Paul's stay of 3 years there. So Deissmann (Light from the Ancient East, 229; iS(. Paul, 16): St. Lisco (Vincula Sanctorum, 1900); M. Albertz {Theol. Studien undKritiken, 1910, 551 fl); B. W. Bacon (Journal of Bib. Li^, 1910, ISlfl). The strongest argument for this position is that Patil apparently did not know personally the readers of Eph (1 15); of also Col 1 4. But this objection need not apply if the so-called EphesianEp. was a circular letter and if Paul did not visit Colossae and Laodicea during his .3 years at Ephesus. The theory is more attractive at lirst than on reflection. It throws this group before Bom—a difBcult view to concede.
Theologie, 1897, 357). The Hatch-Van Manen art. in EB admits only that "the Pastoral Epp. occupy themselves chiefly with the various affairs of the churches within 'Pauhne circles.' "
MoflEatt has a vigorous attack on these letters in EB
,';, '^u "J'liiost entirely ignores the external evidence! while he has nothmg to say to the remarkable internal evidence which immediately demands our attention" (Knowhng, Testimony of St. Paul to Christ, 3d ed 1911 129). Moffatt (Intro to the Lit. of the NT 414) holds that the Pastoral Epp. came from one pen, but the personality and motives are very vague to him The oerso.nal details in 2 Tim 1 14-18; 4 9-22 are not on a par with tho,se in The Acts of Paul and Thekla in the 2d cent Many critics who reject the Pauline authorship of the Pastoral Epp. admit the personal details in 2 Tim but It IS just in such matters that forgeries are recognizable To admit these fragments is logically to admit the whole (Maclean in 1-vol HDB), as Moffatt sees (Intro 414) however much he seeks to tone down the use of Paul's name as a Christian form of suasoriae,'' and "a further and inoffensive development of the principle which sought to claim apostolic sanction for the expanding institutions and doctrines of the early church " (ib 415) 1 he objection against these epp. from differences in diction has ijeen grievously overdone. As a matter of fact, each of the four groups has words peculiar to it, and naturally so Style is a function of the subject as well SLwT T°t'
But even so, the order of these epp. is by no means certain. It is clear that Philem, Col and Eph were sent together. Tychicus was the bearer of^Col (4 7f) and Eph (6 21 f). Onesimus bore Philem (vs 10.13) and was also the companion of Tychicus to Colossae (Col 4 9). So these three epp. went together from Rome. It is commonly assumed that Phil was the last of the group of four, and hence later than the other three, because Paul is
*''° Ti^'l; Besides, style changes with one's growth. It would have been remarkable if aU lour
2267 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Paul, the Apostie
groups had shown no change in vocabulary and style. The case of Shakespeare is quite pertinent, tor the various groups of plays stand more or less apart. The Pastoral Epp. belong to Paul's old age and deal with personal and ecclesiastical matters in a more or less reminiscential way, with less of vehement energy than we get in the earlier epp., but this situation is what one would reasonably expect. The "ecclesiastical organization" argument has been greatly overdone. As a matter of (act, "the organization in the Pastoral Epp. is not apparently advanced one step beyond that of the church in Philippi in 61 AD" (Ramsay, Expos, VII, viii, 17). The "gnosis" met by these epp. (1 Tim 6 20; Tit 1 14) is not the highly developed type seen in the Ignatian Epp. of the 2d cent. Indeed, Bartlet (" Historic Setting of the Pastoral Epp., "Expos, January, 1913,29) pointedly says that, as a result of Hort's " Judaistic Christianity" and "Christian Ecclesia" and Ramsay's "Historical Comm. on the Epp. of Timothy" (.Expos, 'VII, vii, ix, VIII, i), "one feels the subject has been lifted to a new level of reality and that much criticism between Baur and JUlicher is out of date and irrelevant." It is now shown that the Pastoral Epp. are not directed against Gnosticism of advanced type, but even of a more Jewish type (Tit 1 14) than that In Col. Kamsay (Expos, VIII, 1, 263) sweeps this stock criticism aside as "from the wrong point of view." It falls to the ground. Lightfoot (" Note on the Heresy Combated in the Pastoral Epp.," Bib, Essays, 413) had insisted on the Jewish character of the Gnosticism attacked here. As a matter of fact, the main objection to these epp. is that they do not
his letters to amanuenses, as to Tertius in the case of Rom (16 22). In the case of Philem (ver 19), Paul probably wrote the whole letter. We may be sure therefore that, if we had the other genuine
letters of Paul, they would occupy the same general standpoint as the thirteen now in our possession. The point to note here is that the four groups of Paul's Epp. fit into the historical background of the Acts as recorded by Luke, barring the fourth group which is later than the events in Acts. Each group % meets a specific situation in a definite region or re-
j gions, with problems of vital interest. Paul attacks / these various problems (theological, ecclesiastical,
practical) with marvelous 'vigor, and applies the eternal principles of the gospel of Christ in such fashion as to furnish a norm for future workers for Christ. It is not necessary to say that he was conscious of that use. Deissmann (St. Paul, 12 f) is confident on this point: "That a portion of these confidential letters should be Btill extant after centuries, St. Paul cannot have intended, nor did it ever occur to him that they would be." Be that as it may, and granted that Paul's Epp. are "survivals, in the sense
fit into the story in Acts, which breaks oft abruptly with Paul in Rome. But it is a false premise to assume that the Pastoral Epp. have to fit into the events in Acts. Harnack turns the objection that Paul in Acts 20 26 predicted that he would never see the Ephesian elders again into a strong argument for the date of Luke's Gospel before 2 Tim 4 21 (The Dale of Acts and Synoptic Gospeis, 103). Indeed, he may not have revisited Ephesus after all. but may have seen Timothy at Miletus also
of the technical language employed by the historical method" (ib, 12), still we must not forget that Paul attached a great deal of importance to his letters and urged obedience to the teachings which they contained: "I adjure you by the Lord that this ep. be read unto all the brethren" (1 Thess 6 27). This command we find in the very first one preserved to us. Once more note 2 Thess 3 14: "And if any man obeyeth not our word by this ep., note that man, that ye have no company with him." Evidently therefore Paul does not conceive his epp. as mere incidents in personal correspondence, but authoritative instructions for the Christians to whom they are addressed. In 1 Cor 7 17, "And so ordain I in all the churches," he puts his epistolary commands on a par with the words of Jesus quoted in the same chapter. Some indeed at Corinth (2 Cor 10 9 f ) took his "letters" as an
(1 Tim 1 3). Harnack frankly admits the acquittal and release of Paul and thus free play for the Pastoral Epp. Blass \(Acta Apostolorum, 24) acknowledges the Pastoral Epp. as genuine. So also Findlay, art. " Paul," in HDB; Maclean in 1-vol HDB; Denney in Standard
BD. Sanday (Inspiration, 364) comments on the strength of the external evidence for the Pastoral Epp. Even Holtzmann (EinP, 291) appears to admit echoes of the Pastoral Epp. in the Ignatian Epp. Lightfoot (Bib. Essays. "Date of the Pastoral Epp.." 399-437) justifies completely the acceptance of the Pauline authorship. Deissmann (St. Paul, 15) has a needed word: "The delusion is still ciurent in certain circles that the scien-
tific distinction of a Bible scholar may be estimated in the form of a percentage according to the proportion of his verdicts of spuriousness The extant letters of St. Paul have been innocently obliged to endure again a fair share of the martyrdom suffered by the historic St. Paul." See further Pastobal Epistles.
effort to "terrify" them, a thing that he was afraid to do in person. Paul (ver 11) does not deny the authority of his letters, but claims equal courage when he comes in person (cf 2 Cor 13 2.10). That Paul expected his letters to be used by more than the one church to which they were addressed is
(3) Paul's conixplion of his Epp.—Assuming, there-
fore, the Pauline authorship of the thirteen epp., we may note that they reveal in a remarkable way the growth in Paul's apprehension of Christ and Christianity, his adaptation to varied situations,
clear from Col 4 16: "And when this ep. hath been read among you, cause that it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans; and that ye also read the ep. from Laodicea." If the letter to Laodicea is our Eph and a sort of circular letter (cf
his grasp of world-problems and the eternal values
of hfe. Paul wrote other epp., as we know. In
1 Cor 5 9 there is a clear reference to a letter not now known to us otherwise, earUer than 1 Cor. The use of "every epistle" in 2 Thess 3 17 naturally imphes that Paul had written more than two al-
Gal), that is clear. But it must be noted that Col, undoubtedly a specific letter to Colossae, is likewise
to be passed on to Laodicea. It is not always observed that in 1 Cor 1 2, though the ep. is addressed "unto the church of God which is at Cor-
ready. It is not certain to what letter Paul refers
in 2 Cor 2 4—most probably to one between 1 and 2 Cor, though, as already shown, some scholars
inth," Paul adds, "with all that call upon the name
of our Lord Jesus Christ in every place, their Lord and ours." Philem is, of course, a personal letter, though it deals with a sociological problem of uni-
find that letter in 2 Cor 10-13. Once more Paul
(Col 4 16) mentions an ep. addressed to the church
at Laodicea. This ep. is almost certainly that which we know as Eph. If not, here is another lost
versal interest. The Pastoral Epp. are addressed
to two young ministers and have many personal de-
ep. Indeed, at least two apocryphal Epp. to the Laodiceans were written to supply this deficiency. As early as 2 Thess 2 2 forgers were at work to palm
tails, as is natural, but the epp. deal far more with the social aspects of church life and the heresies and
vices that were threatening the very existence of
off epp. in Paul's name, "or by ep. as from us,"
Christianity in the Rom empire. Paul is eager that Timothy shall follow his teaching (2 Tim 3 10 ff), and "the same commit thou to faithful men, who
to attack and pervert Paul's real -vriews, whom^ Paul denounces. It was entirely possible that this "nefa-
rious work" would be continued (Gregory, Canon and Text of the NT, 1907, 191), though, as Gregory
shall be able to teach others also" (2 2). It ia this
larger view of the future of Christianity that con-
argues, Paul's exposure here would have a tendency
cerns Paul very keenly. The very conception of
to put a stop to it and to put Christiana on their guard and to watch for Paul's signature to the
his ministry to the Gentiles (Rom 15 16; Eph 3
7 ff) led Paul to feel that he had a right to speak to
epp. as a mark of genuineness (2 Thess 3 17; 1 Cor 16 21; Gal 6 11; Col 4 18). This was all
all, "both to Greeks and to Barbarians" (Rom 1
14), and hence even to Rome (1 15 f). It is a mis-
the more important since Paul e-ndently dictated
Paul, the Apostle THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2268
His atoning death, not by works of the Law (Acts 13 38 f). In the first group there are allusions to the "work of faith and labor of love and patience of hope in our Lord Jesus Christ" (1 Thess 1 3). He speaks of "election" (1 4) and "our gospel" (1 5) and the resurrection of Jesus (1 10). The Father, Son and Spirit cooperate in the work of salvation
take to limit Paul's Epp. to the local and temporary sphere given them by Deissmann.
(4) Development in Paul's Epp.—For Paul's gospel or theology see later. Here we must stress the fact that all four groups of Paul's Epp. are legitimate developments from his fundamental experience of grace as conditioned by his previous training and later work. He met each new problem with the same basal truth that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, revealed to Paul on the way to Damascus. The reality of this great experience must here be assumed (see discussion later) . It may be admitted that the Acts does not stand upon the same plane as the Pauline Epp. as a witness concerning Paul's conversion (Fletcher, The Conversion of St. Paul, 1910, 5). But even so, the Epp. amply confirm Luke's report of the essential fact that Jesus appeared to Paul in the same sense that He did to the apostles and 500 Christians (1 Cor 15 4-9). The revelation of Christ to Paul and in Paul {i" ifj-ol, en emoi, Gal 1 16) and the specific call connected therewith to preach to the Gentiles gave Paul a place independent of and on a par with the other apostles
(2 Thess 2 13 f), which includes election, belief,
sanctification, glorification. It is not necessary to
press the argument for the conception of salvation by faith in Christ, grace as opposed to works, in the second group. It is obviously present in the third and the fourth. We seem forced to the view
therefore that Paul's experience was revolutionary, not evolutionary. "If we consider the whole history of Paul as it is disclosed to us in his letters, are we not forced to the conclusion that his was a catastrophic or explosive, rather than a slowly progressive personality?" (Garvie, Studies of Paul and
His Oospel, 1911, 32). "His gospel was included
in his conversion, and it was meditation that made
explicit what was thus implicit in his experience"
(ib). This is not to say that there was no "spiritual development of St. Paul" (Matheson, 1890). There was, and of the richest kind, but it was a growth of expression in the successive application of the fundamental Christian conception. The accent upon
(1 16 f; 2 1-10). Paul's first preaching (Acts 9 20) "proclaimed Jesus, that he is the Son of God." This "primitive Paulinism" (Sabatier, The Apostle Paul, 1893, 113) lay at the heart of Paul's message in his sermons and speeches in Acts. Professor P. Gardner regards Luke as a "careless" historian ("The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts," Cambridge Bib. Essays, 1909, 386), but he quite admits the central place of Paul's conversion, both in the Acts and the Epp. (ib; cf also The Religious Experience of St. Paul). We cannot here trace in detail the growth of Paulinism. Let Wernle speak {Beginnings of Christianity, 1903, I, 224) for us: "The decisive factor in the genius of St. Paul's theology was his personal experience, his conversion on the road to Damascus." This fact reappears in each of the groups of the Epp. It is the necessary implication in the apostolic authority claimed in 1 Thess 2 4-6; 2 Thess 2 15; 3 6.14. "We might have claimed authority as apostles of Christ" (1 Thess 2 6). For the second group we need only refer to 1 Cor 9 If and 15 1-11, where Paul justifies his gospel by the fact of having seen the risen Jesus. His selfdepreciation in ver 9 is amply balanced by the claims in ver 10. See also 2 Cor 10-13 and Gal 1 and 2 for Paul's formal defence of his apostolic authority. The pleasantry in Rom 15 14 does not displace the claim in 15 16.23 f. In the third group note the great passage in Phil 3 12-14, where Paul pointedly alludes to his conversion: "I was laid hold of by Jesus Christ," as giving him the goal of his ambition, "that I may lay hold"; "I count not myself yet to have laid hold." This concentration of effort to come up to Christ's purpose in him is the key to Paul's life and letters, "I press on toward the goal." So the golden cord reappears in Eph 3 2-13: "How that by revelation was made known unto me the mystery, as I wrote before in few words, whereby, when ye read, ye can perceive my understanding in the mystery of Christ." In the fourth group he still recalls how Christ Jesus took pity on him, the blasphemer, the persecutor, the chief of sinners, and put him into the ministry, "that in me as chief might Jesus Christ show forth
this or that phase of truth at different stages in Paul's career does not necessarily mean that the truth is a new one to him. It may simply be that the occasion has arisen for emphasis and elabora-
tion.
In a broad generalization the first group of the epp. is eschatological, the second soteriological, the third Christological, and the fourth pastoral (Garvie, Studies of Paul and His Gospel, 22). But one must not get the notion that Paul did not have a full gospel of salvation in the first group, and did not come to the true motive of the person of Christ as Lord till the second, or understand the pastoral office till the fourth. See emphasis on Paul's work as pastor and preacher in 1 Thess 2 (first group), and the Lordship of Christ also (1 Thess 1 1.3; 2 Thess 1 1; 2 13 f), on a par with the Father.
There was a change of accent in each group on questions of eschatology, but in each one Paul cherishes the hope of the second coming of Christ up to the very end when he speaks of his own death
(2 Tim 4 8.18). Paul has a whole gospel of grace in all his epp., but he presses home the special phase of truth needed at the moment, always with proper balance and modification, though not in the form of a system of doctrine. In the first group he relieves the minds of the Thessalonian Christians from the misapprehension into which they had fallen concerning his position on the immediate coming of Christ. In the second group Paul vindicates the gospel of grace from the legalistic addition of the Judaizers who sought to rob the Gentiles of their freedom by insisting that they become Jews as well as Christians. This ringing battle is echoed in Acts 15 and is the mightiest conflict of Paul's career. We hear echoes of it in Phil 3, but he had won his contention. In the third group the battle with error has shifted to the province of Asia, esp. the Lycus Valley, where a mystic mixture of Judaism (Essenism) and heathen mystery-religions and philosophies (incipient Gnosticism) was so rife in the 2d cent, (the various forms of Gnosticism which combined with some aspects of Christianity). It is possible also that Mithraism was already a foe of Christianity. The central position and essential deity of Jesus Christ was challenged by these new and world-old heresies, and Paul attacks them with marvelous skill in Col and Eph and works out in detail his teaching concerning the person of Christ
all his longsuffering, for an ensample of them that should thereafter believe on him unto eternal life"
(1 Tim 1 16). He kept up the fight to the end
(2 Tira 4 6 f), for the Lord Jesus stood by him (4
17), as on the road to Damascus. So the personal note of experience links all the epp. together. They reveal Paul's growing conception of Christ. Paul at the very start perceived that men are redeemed by faith in Jesus as the Saviour from sin through
2269 THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA Paul, the Apostle
two factions, Jewish Christians (Petrinists) and gentile Christians (Pauhnists). With this "key" Baur ruled out the other Pauline epp. and Acts as spurious, because they did not show the bitterness of this controversy. He called them "tendency" writings, designed to cover up the strife and to show that peace reigned in the camp. This arbitrary theory cut a wide swath for 50 years, and became a fetich with many scholars, but it is now dead. "It has been seen that it is bad criticism to make a theory on insecure grounds, and then to reject all the Uterature which contradicts it" (Maclean in 1-vol HDB). Ramsay (The First Christian Cent., 1911, 195) contends that the perpetuation of the Baur standpoint in Moffatt's Intro to the Lit. of the NT is an anachronism: "We are no longer in the 19th cent, with its negations, but in the 20th cent, with its growing power of insight and the power of beUef that springs therefrom." Van Manen (EB) calls the Baur view that of the "old guard" of liberal theology in Germany, Switzerland, France, Holland, and, to some extent, in Britain.
with due emphasis on the soteriological aspects of Christ's work and on Christian life. Bruce (<S(. Paul's Conception of Christianity) conceives that Paul gives us his entire conception of Christianity in the four great epp. of the second group, while B. Weiss (Bib. Theol. of the NT) sees a more developed doctrine in the third group. He is in his prime in both groups. In the fourth group the same struggle lingers on with variations in Crete and even in Ephesus. The Jewish phase of the heresy is more decided (perhaps Pharisaic), and recalls to some extent the Judaistic controversy in the second group. Paul is older and faces the end, and Christianity has enemies within and without. He turns to young ministers as the hope of the future in the propagation of the gospel of the happy God. The fires have burned lower, and there is less passion and heat. The tone is now fierce, now tender. The style is broken and reminiscent and personal, though not with the rush of torrential emotion in 2 Cor, nor the power of logic in Gal and Rom. Each ep. fits into its niche in the group. Each group falls into proper relation to the stage in Paul's
But even in Germany the older conservative view of Paul has always had champions. The most consistent of the recent opponents of Baur'S
life and justly reveals the changes of thought and feeling in the great apostle. It is essential that one study Paul's Epp. in their actual historical order if one wishes to understand the mind of Paul. Scholars are not agreed, to be sure on this point. They are not agreed on anything, for that matter. See two methods of presenting Paul's Epp. in Robertson, Chronological NT (1904), and Moffatt, Histori-
3. Protest views in Germany is Th. Zahn (cf his against Einlin das NT, 2 vols, 1897-99; Intro Baur's View to the NT, 3 vols, 1910). In Britain the true successor of Lightfoot as the chief antagonist of the Tiibingen School is Sir W. M. Ramsay, whose numerous volumes {Church in
cal NT (1901).
II. Modern Theories about Paul.—Findlay [HDB, "Paul") utters a needed warning when he
the Rom Empire, 1893; Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, 1895; St. Paul the Traveller, 1896; Pauline and Other Studies, 1906; Cities of Si. Paul, 1908; Luke the Physician and Other Studies, 1908; Pictures
reminds us that the modern historical
1. Criticism and psychological method of study is Not Injust as liable to prepossession and
of the Apostolic Church, 1910; The First Christian Century, 1911) have given the finishing touches to the overthrow of Baur's contention.
fallible prejudice as the older categories of scholastic and dogmatic theology. "The focus of the picture may be displaced and
But even so, already the Baur school had split into two parts. The ablest representatives, like H. J. Holtzmann, Pfleiderer, Harnack,
its colors falsified by philosophical no less than by ecclesiastical spectacles" (ib). Deissmann (St. Paid, 4 f ) sympathizes with this protest against the
4. SuccesJiilicher, Lipsius, von Soden, were sorstoBaur compelled to admit more of Paul's Epp. as genuine than the four principal ones, till there are left practically none to fight over but Eph and the Pastoral Epp. This progress eliminated completely Baur's thesis and approached very nearly to the position of Lightfoot, Ramsay and Zahn. Von Soden {Early Christian Lit., 324) still stands out against 2 Thess, but Harnack has deserted him on that point. But the old narrow view of Baur is gone, and von Soden is eloquent in his enthusiasm for Paul (ib, 119) : "As we gaze upon the great literary memorials of the Greeks we may well question whether these Pauline letters are not equal
infallibility of modern subjective criticism: "That
really and properly is the task of the modem student of St. Paul: to come back from the paper St. Paul of our western libraries, Germanized, dogma-
tised, modernized, to the historic St. Paul; to pene-
trate through the 'Paulinism' of our NT theologies
to the St. Paul of ancient reality." He admits the thoroughness and the magnitude of the work accomplished in the 19th cent, concerning the literary questions connected with Paul's letters, but it
is a "doctrinaire interest" that "has gone farther and farther astray." Deissmann conceives of Paul
as a "hero of piety first and foremost," not as a
to them—indeed, do not surpass them—in spiritual
theologian. "As a religious genius St. Paul's outlook is forward into a future of universal history." In this position of Deissmann we see a return
significance, in psychological depths and loftiness of ideal, above all in the art of complete and forcible expression." The other wing of Baur's school Findlay {HDB) calls "ultra-Baurians." It is mainly a Dutch school with Loman and Van Manen as its main exponents, though it has support in Germany from Steck and Volter, and in America from W. B. Smith. These writers do not say that Paul is a myth, but that our sources (Acts and the 13 epp.) are all legendary. It is a
to the pre-Baur time. Deissmann would like to
get past all the schools of criticism, back to Paul
himself.
Baur started the modern critical attitude by his
Pastoralbriefe (1835, p. 79), in which he remarked that there were only four epp. of Paul
2. The (Gay and 2 Cor, Rom) which could be Tubingen accepted as genuine. In his Paulas Theory (1845) he expounded this thesis. He
relentless carrying of Baur's thesis to a reductio ad absurdum. Van Manen {EB) says of "the historical Paul" as distinct from "the legendary Paul" : "It does not appear that Paul's ideas differed widely from those of the other disciples, or that he had emancipated himself from Judaism or had outgrown the law more than they." When one has disposed of all the evidence he is entirely free to reconstruct the pictures to suit himself. Quite
also rejected the Acts. From the four
great epp. and from the pseudo-Clementine lit-
erature of the 2d cent., Baur argued that Paul and Peter were bitter antagonists. Peter and the other
apostles were held fast in the grip of the legalistic conception of Christianity, a sort of Christianized Pharisaism. Paul, when converted, had reacted
violently against this view, and became the exponent
arbitrarily. Van Manen accepts the "we"-sectiona
of gentile freedom. Christianity was divided into
Paul, the Apostle THE INTERNATIONAL STANDARD BIBLE ENCYCLOPAEDIA 2270
undoubtedly an element of truth in this contention
in Acts as authoritative. But these give glimpses of the historical Jesus quite as truly as the Pauline Epp., and should therefore be rejected by advocates of the mythical Jesus. So the pendulum swings back and forth. One school destroys the other, but the fact of Paul's personality remains. "The new start is one of such importance that we must distinguish the pre-Pauline from the post-Pauline Christianity, or, what amounts to the same thing, the Palestinian sect and the world-religion" (Wernle,
of Schweitzer, but he loses his case, when he insists
that nothing but eschatology must be allowed to
figure. "The edifice constructed by Baur has
fallen," he proclaims (p. viii), but he demands that
in its place we allow the "exclusively Jewish-
eschatological" (p. ix) interpretation. There he
slips, and his theory will go the way of that of Baur.
C. Anderson Scott ("Jesus and Paul," Cambridge
Bib. Essays, 365) admits that Paul has the same
eschatological outlook as Jesus, but also the same
Begmnings of Christianity, I, 159). In his Paulus (1904), Wrede finds the explanation of Paul's theology in late Jewish apocalyptic views and in the oriental mystery-
ethical interest. It is not "either .... or," but
both in each case. See a complete bibliography
of the "Jesus and Paul" controversy in J. G. Machens' paper on "Jesus and Paul" in Bib. and
5. Appeal religions. Bousset (Die Religion des
to ComJvdenthums im NT Zeitalter, 1903) parative seeks to find in the "late Jewish apocReligion alyptic" "conceptions from the Bab and the Irano-Zarathustriau religions" (Schweitzer, Paul and His Interpreters, 173). According to Wrede's view, Paul is one of the creators
Theol. Studies (1912, 547 f). As Ramsay insists, we are now in the 20th cent, of insight and sanity, and Paul has come to his own. Even Wernle
(Beginnings of Christianity, I, 163) sees that Paul
is not the creator of the facts: "He merely trans-
mits historical facts. God—Christ—Paul, such
of "Christ" as distinct from the Jesus of history (cf "Jesus or Christ," HJ, suppl., January, 1909). "Wrede's object is to overthrow the view predominant in modern theology, that Paul loyally and con-
is the order." Saintsbury (History of Criticism,
152) says: "It has been the mission of the 19th cent,
to prove that everybody's work was written by somebody else, and it will not be the most useless
task of the 20th to betake itself to more profitable
sistently expounded and developed the theology of Jesus" (J. Weiss, Paul and Jesus, 1909, 2). J. Weiss in this book makes a careful reply to Wrede as others have done; cf A. Meyer, Jesus or Paul
///. Chronology of Paul's Career.—There is not a single date in the life of Paul that is beyond dispute, though several are narrowed
inquiries."
(1909), who concludes (p. 134) dramatically: "Paul —just one who points the way to Jesus and to God!" See also Jillicher, Paulus und Jesus (1907) ; Kaftan, Jesus und Paulus (1906); Kolbing, Die geistige Einwirkung der Person Jesu und Paulus (1906). The best reply to Wrede's arguments about the mystery-religion is found in articles in the Expos for 1912-13 (now in book form) by H. A. A. Kennedy on "St. Paul and the Mystery-Religions." The position of Wrede is carried to its logical conclusion by Drews (Die Christus-Mythe, 1909), who makes Paul the creator of Christianity. W. B. Smith (Der
1. Schemes to a fine point, and the general course and relative proportion of events are
clear enough. Luke gave careful data for the time of the birth of Jesus (Lk 2 1 f), for the entrance of the Baptist on his ministry (3 1 f), and the age of Jesus when He began His work (3 23), but he takes no such pains in the Acts with chronology. But we are left with a number of incidental allusions and notes of time which call for some discussion. For fuller treatment see Chronology OP THE NT. Garvie (Life and Teaching of Paul, 1910, 181) gives a comparative table of the views of Harnack, Turner, Ramsay and Lightfoot
vorchristliche Jesus, 1906) tries to show that "Jesus" was a pre-Christian myth or god. Schweitzer (Paul and His Interpreters, 235) sums the matter up thus: "Drews's thesis is not merely a curiosity;
for the events from the crucifixion of Christ to the
close of Acts. The general scheme is nearly the same, differing from one to four years here and
it indicates the natural limit at which the hypothe-
there. Shaw (The Pauline Epp., xi) gives a good chronological scheme. Moffatt (Irdro to the Lit. of the NT, 62 f) gives the theories of 23 scholars:
sis advanced by the advocates of comparative re-
ligion, when left to its own momentum, finally comes to rest."
Turner, "Chronology," in HDB; Neteler, Untersuchuno NT Zeiiverhaltni&se, 1S94; O. Holtzraann, NT Zeitgesehichte, 189.5, changed in 2d ed, 1906; Bartlet, Apostolic Age, xiiif; Comely (cf Laurent), NT Studien; Harnack, Chron. d. altchristl. Lit. bis Eusebius, 233—:39; McGiffert, Apo.^tolic Age, 164, 172; Zahn, Intro, III, 450 f; Ramsay, "The Pauline Chronology," Pauline and Other Studies, 345 1; Lighttoot, Bib. Essays, 213-33; Wendt, Ads, 53-60, Meyer, Comm.; Renan, St. Paul: Bomemann, Thess, 17 f, Meyer, Comm.; Clemen, Paulus, 1,411; Giffert, Student's Life of Paul, 242-59; Weiss, Intro. I, 1541; Sabatier, Paui, 13 t; Jiilicher, Einl'.Slt; Findlay, "Paul" in HDB: Farrar, Paul, Appendix; Belser, Theol. Quartalschrift: Steinmann. Abfassungszeitd. Gal, 169; Hoennicke, Die Chronologie des Paulus.
Schweitzer himself may be accepted as the best exponent of the rigid application of this view to Paul (Paul and His Interpreters, 1912)
6. The that he had made to Jesus (The Quest Eschatologiof the Historical Jesus, 1910). He
cal laterglories in the ability to answer the pretation absurdities of Steck, Loman and Van Manen and Drews by showing that the eschatological conceptions of Paul in his epp. are primitive, not late, and belong to the 1st cent., not to the 2d (Paul and His Interpreters, 249). He thus claims to be the true pupil of Baur, though reaching conclusions utterly different. There is
Let us look at the dates given by ten of this list