21 Catholic Responses to Early Protestant Doctrines of Justification ◈
21
Catholic Responses to Early Protestant Doctrines of Justification
◈
By the early 1520s, many Catholic writers, particularly in Germany, were becoming aware that a new heretic had arisen in their midst. On 15 June 1520, Pope Leo X promulgated Exsurge Domine
, which identified forty-one theological propositions associated with Luther as ‘
dangerous’
, ‘
erroneous’
or ‘
heretical’
.
1
The University of Paris expanded these criticisms in its Determinatio
of 15 April 1521, declaring that Luther was advancing erroneous or heretical positions in 104 propositions found in his writings to date.
2
So why was Luther deemed to be heretical?
The notion of ‘
heresy’
is complex, in that it rests in no small part on social construction –
the perception on the part of one community that a certain idea poses a threat to its fundamental coherence.
3
Protestant writers retained the conceptual notion of heresy, using it to designate both historical heresies whose demerits were not in dispute with their Catholic opponents –
such as Arianism –
as well as certain teachings which emerged within their own communities that were deemed problematic.
4
Although patristic writers thought of heresy primarily in terms of subversive or destructive ideas,
5
the notion of heresy changed subtly in the Middle Ages, as a result of the entanglement of theological orthodoxy with issues of ecclesiastical power and influence. The term heresy became politicised, now additionally designating individuals or movements which were deemed to pose a threat to the authority of the
church.
6
The establishment of the Inquisition can be seen as marking a confirmation of the increasing political and institutional significance of heresies deemed to pose a threat to papal authority.
7
Luther’
s excommunication in January 1521 by Pope Leo X identified the German reformer as a threat to Catholic orthodoxy and orthopraxy on multiple fronts. Although there were others around Luther during the critical years 1518‒
25 developing similar views, his high visibility ensured that Catholic criticism tended to focus almost entirely on Luther himself. Catholic perceptions of the nature of Luther’
s reforming programme and its potential implications for Catholicism thus tended to be mediated through the polemical writings of Luther’
s earliest opponents. As these were generally concerned to discredit Luther, rather than offer an objective account of his ideas followed by an assessment of their significance, they generally offer a less than satisfactory account of Luther’
s theological development. Yet this is not of particular significance for our purposes in this chapter, which considers how Luther was understood by his opponents, irrespective of the intellectual merits of their understanding of his motives or concerns, or any historical judgement as to whether they were successful in achieving their objectives.
8
It is certainly true that some critiques of Luther were theologically rigorous –
most notably John Fisher
’
s Assertionis Lutheranae Confutatio
(1523), which is a rare example of a polemical writing which presented Luther’
s teaching as a ‘
coherent body of theology erected upon a firm doctrinal foundation’
.
9
Many of these works, however, aimed to align Luther with discredited figures or movements from the past –
a tactic especially evident in Tetzel’
s rebuttal of Luther’
s criticism of indulgences, in which he asserted that Luther repeated discredited ideas on confession and satisfaction
once held by the heretics John Wycliffe and Jan Hus, and subsequently condemned by the Council of Constance.
10
Catholic reactions to Luther began to emerge after he sent three Latin works to the archbishop of Mainz and Magdeburg, Albrecht of Brandenburg
, a prince-elector of the Holy Roman Empire and the sponsor of raising indulgences to offset the costs of constructing St Peter’
s Basilica in Rome. The texts were:
1
A letter, dated 31 October 1517 to Albrecht of Brandenburg aiming to censure and correct the content of Johann Tetzel
’
s preaching on indulgences.
2
A set of Ninety-Five Theses on indulgences, which Luther posted on the door of Wittenberg castle church on 31 October 1517.
3
A theological treatise considering how the church’
s intercession might assist deceased souls through indulgences.
It is important to note that Luther signed the letter which accompanied a copy of the Ninety-Five Theses to Archbishop Albrecht with a new variant of his name –
‘
Luther’
rather than ‘
Luder’
, hinting at the Greek form Eleutherius
(‘
someone who has been freed’
).
11
These three texts came to circulate more widely, coming to the attention of Hieronymus Schulze, bishop of Brandenburg, and Adolph of Anhalt, bishop of Merseburg. Early criticisms of Luther thus tended to concentrate on these texts, none of which explicitly
expound his reforming theology of justification by faith, even though it is arguably implicitly
affirmed at points.
Early Catholic responses to Luther might be expected to focus on the text of the papal bull Exsurge Domine
. However, as Johann Eck
tried to explain to Adrian VI –
Leo’
s successor as Pope –
in 1523, Exsurge
tended to deal with rather obscure theological points on which Catholics differed among themselves, and failed to make a plausible case for rejecting Luther’
s overall position. What was really needed, in Eck’
s view, was a document that focussed on major theological issues, making clear why Luther’
s views had to be contested.
12
Interestingly, Eck also complained that Exsurge
failed to engage Scripture, particularly the Pauline letters, which many saw as particularly important.
13
A much more perceptive account of the significance of Luther’
s theology was due to the English Catholic theologian John Fisher
, bishop of Rochester. In May 1521, Fisher defended the bull Exsurge Domine
not by expounding its individual articles, but rather by focussing on the three
broad themes which he believed to lie at the core of Luther’
s theology: the denial of papal primacy, justification by faith alone
, and the restriction of doctrinal authority to scripture alone.
14
While the first of these three themes is explicitly mentioned in Exsurge
, the remaining two are not. Fisher rightly –
and, as events proved, rarely
–
discerned that these two core theological themes lay at the heart of Luther’
s reforming programme, and that all else was erected on this foundation.
In what follows, we shall consider the main lines of criticism directed against Luther in the period 1518–
25 and attempt to correlate these with Luther’
s emerging view that the doctrine of justification by faith alone was the fundamental article of the Christian faith, which had to be given priority in formulating any programme of reformation. As will become clear, a set of ideas which Luther regarded as fundamentally interconnected were treated as disparate and detached.
1.
Luther’
s rejection of indulgences was widely criticised by those with vested interests in the matter. Konrad Wimpina
developed a series of criticisms against Luther which were publicly defended by Johann Tetzel
at Frankfurt in January 1518. Tetzel that insisted that some form of penance was required on the basis of both church law and divine righteousness after an individual had been absolved from sin, while stressing that indulgences can remit such penances and shorten the purgatorial suffering of departed souls.
15
Tetzel’
s defence of the propriety of post-confession penance on the basis of iustitia divina
marks a significant point of tension with Luther’
s doctrine of justification; however, Tetzel’
s defence of indulgences –
which was seen as the real point of contention –
does not depend on an appeal to God’
s righteousness. Cajetan, perhaps one of the most theologically sagacious interpreters of the notion of an ‘
indulgence’
,
16
offered a formal assessment of Luther’
s writings on this topic which found them to include innovations and departures from the theological consensus of the time or papal documents; he did not, however, consider Luther’
s views to be heretical.
2.
In his 1520 work The Babylonian Captivity of the Church
, Luther affirmed the priesthood of all believers, and subsequently made this an increasingly important theme of his preaching and reflection on church structures.
17
Although this did not lead Luther to propose
abolishing a professional ministry within the church, it clearly entailed a reappraisal of the status of clergy. All believers had a share in the corporate priesthood of the community of faith; some were called to exercise this in various forms of ministry. Catholic critics of Luther saw this as a rejection of the de iure
foundation of the priesthood, leading to a reduction in priestly power and distinctiveness.
3.
Luther rejected the cult of the saints –
particularly the practice of the invocation and veneration of saints.
18
For Luther, this was a natural and legitimate outcome of his theology of justification, in that God dealt directly with individual believers through Christ, rather than through the mediated or indirect influence of the saints. This deeper theological rooting of this concern on Luther’
s part was not, however, appreciated by his critics, who tended to portray it as an inappropriately censorious attitude to popular religious piety.
4.
Luther’
s insistence on the use of the vernacular was regarded with intense suspicion, not least because of its implicit democratisation of the Christian life. Particular concern, however, attached to Luther’
s translation of Romans 3:28, which introduced the term ‘
only’
or ‘
alone’
into a sentence without any basis in the original Greek.
19
Where existing translations rendered this verse as speaking of justification by faith, Luther’
s translation glossed this as justification ‘
by faith alone’
.
20
Many criticised Luther’
s translation as inaccurate, and argued for a reversion to the Vulgate
Latin text –
a decision subsequently endorsed by the Council of Trent
.
21
Yet beneath the surface of these criticisms lies a fear that control over the reading and interpretation of the Bible might slip away from the clergy towards the laity.
Luther’
s ‘
new’
understanding of the doctrine of justification is not singled out for criticism by most of his critics, who may well have assumed, in the absence of any indications to the contrary, that Luther offered a traditional understanding of justification as ‘
making righteous’
. For example, Luther’
s German translation of the New Testament (1522) translates iustificari
as gerecht werden
–
to ‘
become righteous’
. At this stage, Luther was somewhat equivocal about purgatory, affirming his
belief in the idea in 1518, but moving away from it in later writings.
22
Luther gradually came to see the idea as lacking biblical warrant, and as being inconsistent at points with his doctrine of justification by faith alone
,
23
particularly the sufficiency of the righteousness of Christ as a guarantor of final salvation. Yet at this early stage, it was not a significant topic of debate.
This brief survey of early Catholic responses to Luther suggests that his theology of justification was generally not understood, nor were its wider implications appreciated, in the opening phase of the Reformation. This observation is more important than might at first sight appear, as it suggests that Catholicism’
s delayed capacity to grasp Luther’
s theology of justification blunted its capacity to understand the appeal of this way of thinking to early modern groups who were looking –
and hoping –
for a more accessible and personally engaged account of the Christian faith. The appeal of what might loosely be described as ‘
evangelical’
approaches to justification and the Christian life which gained traction in urban communities in Italy point to both the deep social changes taking place around this time, and the perceived need to engage them.
24
The rise of ‘
evangelical’
groups suggests that certain groups of people experienced an existential deficit in contemporary Catholicism, and found ways of relieving this situation without entailing a rejection of the Catholic church. As attitudes hardened during the 1530s, however, this became more difficult to manage.
1
Text in D
1451–
92. The most famous of these forty-one censured propositions (and also the most important for a theology of justification) is thirty-six (D
1486): ‘
Liberum arbitrium post peccatum est res de solo titulo; et dum facit, quod in se est, peccat mortaliter.’
3
For the general issues, see Laursen, Histories of Heresy in Early Modern Europe
; McGrath, Heresy
. For the refinement of the notion within Catholicism in response to the rise of Protestantism, see Bagchi, ‘
Defining Heresies’
.
4
See the excellent account of the social construction of heresy within the Reformed community at Zurich around this time: Loetz, Mit Gott handeln
, 83‒
141.
5
Thomassen, ‘
Orthodoxy and Heresy in Second-Century Rome’
. Yet the perception that heresy might designate a movement or an alternative vision of the church can be found even in the patristic era: see Humfress, ‘
Citizens and Heretics’
.
6
Recent studies of the alleged ‘
heresies’
of John Wycliffe
have noted how he treats Scripture as an ‘
ideologically empowering concept’
: Ghosh, The Wycliffite Heresy
, 22. By insisting that the Bible should be translated into English, Wycliffe was expanding the circle of those who had access to this text, and those who believed they had the right to interpret it. The effect of the Wycliffite ‘
heresy’
was thus to weaken the church’
s control of how the Bible was to be interpreted.
8
The best study remains Bagchi, Luther’s Earliest Opponents.
For some helpful supplementation, see Laube and Weiss, Flugschriften gegen die Reformation (1518–1524)
. For further comment on the rhetorical framework within which both sides conducted their disputes, see Matheson, Rhetoric of the Reformation
, 157‒
214. Luther was, of course, the subject of often strongly reductive criticism elsewhere at this time, especially in England: see Rex, ‘
The English Campaign against Luther in the 1520s’
.
9
Rex, The Theology of John Fisher
, 117.
10
For Luther’
s original document and Tetzel’
s response, see Laube and Weiss, Flugschriften gegen die Reformation (1518–1524
), 51–
71.
11
Moeller and Stackmann, Luder ‒ Luther ‒ Eleutherius
, 172, 197.
12
Eck later offered such a document himself in his Enchiridion locorum communium adversus Lutherum et alios hostes ecclesiae
, which appeared in 1525, making abundant references to biblical and patristic sources.
13
‘
Totus enim orbis solidam scripturam audire desiderat’
; in Acta Reformationis Catholicae
, ed. Pfeilschifter, vol. 1, 143.
14
Rex, Theology of John Fisher
, 80.
16
For a careful assessment of Cajetan’
s theology on this theme, see Felmberg, Die Ablasstheologie Kardinal Cajetans
, 72–
186.
17
For Catholic criticisms of this aspect of Luther’
s theology, see Bagchi, ‘
Eyn mercklich underscheyd’
.
19
Luther’
s translation reads: ‘
So halten wir nun dafür, dass der Mensch gerecht werde ohne des Gesetzes Werke, allein durch den Glauben.’
Luther bases this translation on Erasmus
’
s amended version of the Vulgate text of Romans 3:38: ‘
arbitramur igitur fide iustificari hominem absque operibus legis’
.
20
For Luther’
s interpretation of this section of Romans 3, see Bluhm, ‘
Bedeutung und Eigenart von Luthers Septembertestament’
.
21
For a good discussion of the politics of this decision, see François and Gerace, ‘
Trent and the Latin Vulgate’
.
23
For a good summary of the basic motivations which lay behind the increasingly decisive Protestant rejection of purgatory, see Malý, ‘
Early Modern Purgatory’
, 246–
51. One of the most important biblical texts cited in its support by Catholic writers refers to Judas Maccabeus paying 2,000 drachmas to placate God’
s wrath against the sins of fallen soldiers (2 Maccabees 12:39–
45). Protestants came to regard this work as being Deuterocanonical, whereas the Council of Trent affirmed it as properly and fully canonical. See Bedouelle, ‘
Le canon de l’
Ancien Testament dans la perspectif du Concile de Trent’
.
24
See further Russell, ‘
Dangerous Friendships’
; Firpo, Juan de Valdés
and the Italian Reformation
, 59–
121.
