Works, 16: 581–86, outlines this plan. Edwards also recommended that the Ashleys be
∑∫∂ Notes to Pages 403–6
26. Wright, Colonel Ephraim Williams, 68–69. Gideon Hawley, ''A Letter from Rev. Gideon Hawley of Mashpee, Containing an Account of His Services among the Indians . . . ,'' Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser., 4 (Boston, 1794), 55, says ''There were many persons who supposed, with some grounds, that this house was set on fire by design.'' Edwards does not mention the accusation.
27. Edwards to Hubbard, March 19, 1753, Works, 16: 572. Edwards said that the Onohquaga Indians, who left at the same time, made clear that their disillusionment was with Dwight and Kellogg and not with Edwards or any of his supporters. Edwards to Thomas Prince, May 10, 1754, Works, 16: 633.
28. Edwards to Mauduit, March 10, 1752, Works, 16: 455. 29. Hawley, ''Letter from Rev. Gideon Hawley,'' 61. Edwards to Oliver, April 12, 1753, Works, 16: 581–86, outlines this plan. Edwards also recommended that the Ashleys be included. The Ashleys, despite their family relationships (Benjamin was a brother of the Reverend Jonathan Ashley of Deerfield), were loyal to Edwards, had assisted Hawley at his school, and were popular with the Indians. Benjamin was accused of being a ''separatist and great enthusiast'' by Joseph Dwight (Dwight and Ashley, Report to General Court, November 22, 1752, MA), and even Hawley regarded him as ''a fanatick,'' in Hawley, ''Letter from Rev. Gideon Hawley,'' 56. On Hawley's career see ''Gideon Hawley,'' Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 12: 392–411.
30. Hawley, ''Letter from Rev. Gideon Hawley,'' 57–65, provides an account of the trip, drawing directly from a diary he had kept at the time.
31. Edwards to Dwight, July 5, 1753, Works, 16: 597–98; Edwards to Major Ephraim Williams Jr. et al., September 11, 1753, September 18, 1753, and November 19, 1753, Works, 16: 601–5, 611–17, deal with these issues. See also Williams Jr. to Edwards, May 2, 1753, in RIHS, George Claghorn transcription.
32. Edwards to Thomas Gillespie, October 18, 1753, Works, 16: 610. A glaring defect in the mission was that so many agencies were involved in its oversight that it was seldom clear who had what authority in Stockbridge. The ine≈cient arrangements also protected Edwards because it was di≈cult to control all the agencies.
33. Edwards to Willard, March 8, 1754, and Edwards to Prince, May 10, 1754, Works, 16: 626–27, 629–43. 34. Edwards to Prince, May 10, 1754, Works, 16: 637. 35. Ibid., 638–39. 36. There probably had been some earlier tensions between the Mahicans and the Mohawks. At first the Mahicans had welcomed their old enemies as needed allies and had lent a 200-acre tract of land on a beautiful bow of the river for the boarding school. The honeymoon between the two peoples soon was over and the fiasco in the English management of the boarding school or schools, and the preferential treatment of the Mohawks, cooled the Mahicans on the project. Since the school began in Newington, Captain Kellogg had always had some Mahican boys under his care. In Stockbridge, however, he did little for them. Eventually, as things were falling apart, their sachem warned Kellogg to stay o√ their land. They also drew up a lengthy petition to the government on this and other points, complaining of Dwight's unwillingness to entertain their complaints. This latter event indicates that Edwards' Mahican parishioners shared Edwards' and Woodbridge's view of Kellogg and Dwight. Edwards to Prince, May 10, 1754, Works, 16: 630–33.