grapes is indicated by the fact that Edwards deplored the contentions of these two parties
Notes to Pages 120–25 ∑≥≥
20. Ibid., 14. 21. Stoddard, Question Whether God Is Not Angry, 8. 22. See, for instance, Wicked Men's Slavery to Sin (summer 1721–summer 1722), Works, 10: 339–50, and other references to hell, see index, Ibid., 653. 23. Warnings of Future Punishment Don't Seem Real to the Wicked (1727), Works, 14: 200– 212. Another hellfire sermon, The Torments of Hell Are Exceeding Great, from late 1728 or early 1729, Works, 14: 301–28, is one of Edwards' most e√ective attempts prior to Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God (1741) to excite a vivid sense of the torments of hell.
24. Faithful Narrative, Works, 4: 146. This account closely follows Kenneth P. Minkema, ''Preface to the Period,'' Works, 14: 32–34, and Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 177–79. See also Erik R. Seeman, Pious Persuasions: Laity and Clergy in Eighteenth-Century New England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 149–54, who finds no mention of fear of the judgment day among the laity, although they did say they feared going to hell, which would seem to amount to the same thing.
25. Faithful Narrative, Works, 4: 146. 26. Impending Judgements (1727), Works, 14: 216–27. Conceivably Edwards attributed the ''opinion'' to ''some'' because of his reservations regarding reading the exact meanings of special providences, as expressed earlier in his Diary. In his later Northampton ministry, however, he regularly interpreted the special meanings of calamities for his people.
27. He was also wrestling with Stoddard's teachings on the ''utter despair'' of humiliation that must precede conversion, part of his ongoing problem with this part of the Puritan heritage. See esp. Miscellanies nos. 317, 325, 335, 338, and 345 (all written probably in late 1727 or 1728), Works, 13.
28. ''The Spiritual Blessings of the Gospel Represented as a Feast'' (August 1728– February 1729), Works, 14: 290.
29. Timothy Edwards, All the Living Must Surely Die (New London, Conn., 1732), 23. Jonathan's earlier views seem to have been those of his father. In New York he wrote in a Miscellany no. qq, Works, 13: 189, that '' 'tis their [ministers'] business to instruct who are worthy of the name of Christians among them and who not. . . . If Christ has given to him the administration of the sacraments, he has given to him the administration of them to them that he thinks Christ would have him.'' Cf. Miscellany no. 40 (ca. summer 1723), 222.
30. Trumbull, History of Northampton, 2: 45, 47–48. Trumbull is quoting from town records.
31. Sewall to Stoddard December 10, 1723, in ''Letterbook of Samuel Sewall,'' 259–60. 32. Faithful Narrative, Works, 4: 146. Obituary, Weekly Newsletter (Boston), no. 112, February 13/20, 1729, p. 2.
33. William Williams, The Death of a Prophet Lamented and Improved (Boston, 1729), 23; Benjamin Colman, The Faithful Ministers of Christ Mindful of Their Own Death . . . (Boston, 1729), 2.
34. Obituary, Weekly Newsletter, no. 112, p. 2. 35. Ibid. Cf. the helpful account in Tracy, Jonathan Edwards, Pastor, 13–20. 36. To Thomas Gillespie, July 1, 1751, Works, 16: 381–83. That this was not just sour grapes is indicated by the fact that Edwards deplored the contentions of these two parties also in Faithful Narrative, Works, 4: 146. On court and country parties as well as views of the monarchy, see Benjamin Lewis Price, Nursing Fathers: American Colonists' Conception of English Protestant Kingship, 1688–1776 (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 1999).