ening,'' Journal of Presbyterian History 56, no. 4 (winter 1978): 338, points out that Williams
Notes to Pages 229–31 ∑∑∞
Governor (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 144. This account is from ibid., 139–48, and T. H. Breen and Timothy Hall, ''Structuring Provincial Imagination: The Rhetoric and Experience of Social Change in Eighteenth-Century New England,'' American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (1998): 1411–39.
3. These last two paragraphs are based largely on Breen and Hall, ''Structuring Provincial Imagination,'' passim. See also Rosalyn Remer, ''Old Lights and New Money: A Note on Religion, Economics, and the Social Order in 1740 Boston,'' William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 47 (October 1990): 566–73; and Frank Lambert, Inventing the ''Great Awakening'' (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 134–36. Land Bank proponents tended to be from New Light churches, even if there was seldom a direct connection.
4. Batinski, Belcher, 146. 5. New Light clergy were considerably more likely to have subscribed to the Land Bank than were their Old Light counterparts, but still a large majority of New Light clergy were not subscribers. See Harry S. Stout, ''The Great Awakening in New England Reconsidered: The New England Clergy,'' Journal of Social History, 8 (1974): 26. John L. Brooke, The Heart of the Commonwealth: Society and Political Culture in Worcester County, Massachusetts, 1713–1861 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), explores the complexities of the relation between the constituencies of the two movements and suggests that some former Land Bank constituents were drawn to the awakening as a reaction to the ''covetousness'' of the preceding era, p. 70 and passim. According to the survey of the literature in Breen and Hall, ''Structuring Provincial Imagination,'' 141, no causal link has been established between the two movements.
6. Stephen Williams' diary, May 16, 1741, quoted in Sweeney, ''River Gods,'' 300. Jonathan Edwards in his funeral sermon for Williams, The Resort and Remedy of Those That Are Bereaved by the Death of an Eminent Minister (Boston, 1741), remarked, ''It was not many years ago that the country was filled with aged ministers that were our fathers, but our fathers, where are they?'' (p. 22).
7. Philip F. Gura, ''Sowing for the Harvest: William Williams and the Great Awakening,'' Journal of Presbyterian History 56, no. 4 (winter 1978): 338, points out that Williams protected Edwards from Williams' sons.
8. Edwards, Resort and Remedy, 14. Williams' last message to the Hampshire Association, quoted in a note, p. 21n, ended with the advice: ''love your master, love your work, and love one another.'' The note added: ''How very expressive of his own spirit? Like John the beloved disciple.''
9. Ibid., 19. This version of the theme was addressed specifically to the children. 10. George Whitefield, George Whitefield's Journals (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth Trust, 1960), October 25, 1740, p. 480. Whitefield was hosted by ''Mr. Pierpont,'' one of Sarah's brothers.
11. Samuel Hopkins, ''Autobiography,'' in Edwards A. Park, ''Memoir,'' in The Works of Samuel Hopkins, 3 vols. (Boston, 1852), 1: 16. Norman Pettit, ''Introduction,'' Works, 7: 38–39.
12. Louis L. Tucker, Puritan Protagonist: President Thomas Clap of Yale College (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962), 124–25. Elisha Williams resigned as rector in 1739, citing health reasons. Proceedings of the Trustees, October 30–31, 1739, in Franklin Bowditch Dexter, ed., Documentary History of Yale University: Under the Original Charter of the Collegiate School of Connecticut, 1701–1745 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1916), 337.