Part 2
in India, the Bharat Stree Mahamandal in Allahabad in 1910. The organization opened several offices in Lahore,Allahabad, Delhi, Karachi, Amritsar ,Hyderabad, Kanpur, Bankura, Hazaribagh, Midnapur and Kolkata to improve the situation of women all over India. In 1904 she opened a swadeshi shop called Lakkhir Bhandar. For her efforts in promoting swadeshi trade, the Indian National Congress gave her a gold medal.
WEBLINKS
www.womensweb.in
www.britannica.com/.../Indian-National...
www.historydiscussion.net/...india/extre..
www.cwds.ac.in/.../womenandindiannat..
https://archive.org/.../panditaramabaisa
www.yourarticlelibrary.com/sociology/..
odisha.gov.in/e-magazine/... /74-76.pdf
Paper-1 Module-4 Women's Participation in Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (A) Personal Details
Role Name Affiliation Principal Investigator Prof. Sumita
Allahabad University, Allahabad Paper Coordinator Prof Chandrakala Padia
Parmar
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor MGS University Bikaner Content Writer/Author (CW)
Associate Professor, Dept. of History Maharaja Ganga Singh University, Bikaner (Rajasthan) Mob. : 09828560739 E-mail : [email protected] Content Reviewer (CR)
Dr. Narayan Singh Rao
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor MGS University Bikaner Language Editor (LE) Prof. Sumita
Prof Chandrakala Padia
Allahabad University, Allahabad Description of Module
Parmar
Subject Name Women's Studies Paper Name Women, Governance and Politics Module Name Women's Participation in Revolutionary Nationalist Movement Module Id Paper-1 Module-4 Pre-requisites The Reader is expected to have a basic understanding of the 20th century Indian society and Indian national movement.
Women's Participation in Revolutionary Nationalist Movement
Dr. Narayan Singh Rao*
It is often argued that women were invisible in history, hidden from
history and consequently were deprived from their legitimate role and space
in history. Questions were also raised very frequently that 'was there a
women's history'1. Such questions are not relevant in the context of India,
because in India right from the inception of human civilization women played
a very vital role in society. Wars could not have been fought, revolutions
could not have taken place had the full support of women not been there in
such human endevours.2 The women wielded weapons, assumed postures, in
the incarnation of Kali, Durga, Amba, Parvati etc. and they restored moral
order and peace by punishing the wrong doers. Our shastras, epics and
chronicles provide data on revolutionary women who struck terror in the
hearts of their foes.3 Rani Durgawati, Tara Bai, Chand Bibi4, Razia Sultana
were the great women warriors of their times who gallantly fought against
their enemies and earned name and fame.5 Kautilya prominently discusses the
role of armed women guards and secret agents in preserving peace and order
of the state.6 Rajput women earned name and fame when they gave up their
lives to preserve their dignity and honour.7 North East India produced a series
of women revolutionaries. These included Kuranganayani who single
handedly killed Ragha the leader of the Moamariya rebellion. When a mass
based armed rebellion took place against the oppressive and exploitative
regime of the Ahom Kings. Women revolutionaries organized themselves
under the command of women leaders such as Chandramala, Rambha, * Associate Professor & Head, Department of History, Maharaja Ganga Singh University, Bikaner (Rajasthan)
Jayanti, Bhanumati, Bhadrawati, Subhadra, Suchala, Jaya Rohini and Sumati.
These women revolutionaries wielded weapons such as bows and arrows;
paraded in cities and towns with a war cry "United in one person we are going
to kill the Mulungs (weak and oppressive). Oh youth hold your bow and
arrows tightly and row your boat carefully". These lady warriors inspired the
successive waves of the revolutionaries who wanted to end the oppressive
Ahom rule.8 Thus it is not the women who are hidden from history. It is the
leading historians of India who could not see through their spectacle the
impressive and equally significant role played by the women in our history.
The Marxist as well as nationalist historians deliberately and
programmatically excluded women from history. Therefore it is the
responsibility of the historians of modern times to provide a healthy
corrective by unearthing the facts on history of women, especially their role in
revolutionary movements.
India's struggle for freedom against colonial resistance, marked by
huge participation of women revolutionary leaders and activists is one of the
longest in history. Right from the advent of British rule in Assam, the Queen
Mother of ex-Ahom rulers Raja Rajeshwar Singha protested against the
British Commissioner Jenkin for the kind of sufferings under the new regime.
In the First War of Independence (1857)9 Begum Hazrat Mahal heroically
defied the mighty British Empire, revolted against the government, took over
the reigns at Lucknow. She openly proclaimed her son Brijis Qadir and
organized regular administration and raised an army of 40,000 soldiers and
officers and offered heroic resistance to the British.10 She inspired people to
rise in revolt against the racist colonial government throughout the province
of Awadh, rode on an elephant to fight the British Army, defeated the British
Army headed by Colin Campbell and compelled him to retire. She occupied
Banaras, Allahabad in November, 1857. Like a Sultana and Supreme
Commander of the army of Awadh she addressed her sardars: "be courageous,
demonstrate your valour and gallantry and fight with our enemy". She
restored the moral and confidence of her people and participated in an armed
attack on Alam Bagh which controlled by the British and continued to fight
against the British till Lucknow was occupied by Colin Campbell on March
19, 1858. Even after the fall of Lucknow she thundered: "Fight against the
British in an open field, keep an eye on river Bridges and Ghats, disrupt the
postal communication of British, destroy their ration depots, military outposts
and do not allow the firangis any moment of rest." In 1858, she ordered
procurement of soldiers and weapons for the defense of Pilibhit. But when she
saw that the revolt of 1857-58 was suppressed and most of her supporters
were killed, she escaped towards the jungles of Nepal rather than surrendering
before the British. Thus Begum Hazrat Mahal was a great revolutionary, lived
as independent person, never thought of submission before the foreign
government and spent rest of her life in jungles of Nepal.11
One of the most outstanding women revolutionary leaders of India was
Rani Lakshmi Bai. Lord Dalhousie, the Governor General had refused to
allow her adopted son to succeed to the throne after her husband died and had
annexed the state by the application of the Doctrine of Lapse. Rani Lakshmi
Bai joined the sepoys and emerged as one of the most formidable enemies
that the British Empire had to contend with. The people of Jhansi revolted on
5 June, 1857 and killed prominent British officials and on 9 June, 1857 Rani
Lakshmi Bai formally became ruler of Jhansi, issued administrative orders,
recruited 14 thousand soldiers, prepared artillery guns and hoisted the flag and
collected taxes. But British regrouped their armies and on March 22, 1858
Jhansi was surrounded and beseiged by the British army headed by General
Hugh Rose. In the ensuing military encounter Hugh Rose saw that even
women soldiers were fighting against the British Army. Lakshmi Bai fought
gallantly and did not give up even when on 28 March, 1858 the British Army
destroyed her ammunition depot and deprived her of the military assistance of
22,000 soldiers of Tantya Tope. Rani Lakshmi Bai miraculously and gallantly
escaped from the cordon of British army and covered the distance of 21 miles
by marching throughout the night. In the morning she challenged the British
troops and also lost 40 soldiers in the battle. But again she escaped and on
April 5, 1858 and arrived at Bhander, and remained without any food for
three days. Subsequently, she came to Kalpi where she could meet Tantya
Tope and the Nawab of Banda. But in the meanwhile General Hugh Rose also
appeared on the scene with a strong British expeditionary force and battle
between the Rani and the British became inevitable. Rani Lakshmi Bai wore
male battle robe, wielded swords, gave a loud battle cry and heroically fought
against the British army. But unfortunately, Kalpi came under the control of
British and the Rani escaped towards the fort of Gwalior. In the meantime,
British General Smith arrived at Gwalior with a strong British Army to
compel her to surrender. With stoic courage, supreme spirit of sacrifice, Rani
came out from the fort and challenged the British army. She heroically fought
at every stage, got wounded her eyes, her right arm was hit by an artillery
shell, her woman attendant got killed, she was surrounded on all corners by
the British troops. But to everyone's surprise she managed to escape from the
British and died as a revolutionary leader far away from the reach of British.
General Hugh Rose, who fought against her paid very high and rich tribute to
his enemy when he said that, "here lay the woman who was the only man
among the rebels". He also observed that Rani Lakshmi Bai was very
affectionate and large hearted towards her soldiers and possessed all the finest
qualities of a General. Because of her military prowess and individual
gallantry/bravery she emerged as the stalwart competitor of the British in
India. Mallison also praised the heroic deeds of Rani and opined that "in the
eyes of British whatsoever may be the fault of Rani, but her countrymen
would always remember her. He started that "ill treatment and misconduct of
the British government compelled her to rise up in arms against the British".12
Avanti Bai Lodhi was another great revolutionary leader of the revolt
of 1857. When the British authorities dismissed her son Vikramjeet Singh
from the Rajaship of Ramgarh (Dist. Mandla, Tehsil-Dinderi, Madhya
Pradesh). Avanti Bai Lodhi took up arms, expelled British officers,
consolidated and strengthened her hold on administration, reorganized her
army by appointing Umrao Singh Lodhi as the new army commander and
revolted against the government. Avanti Bai proudly refused to meet the
British Commissioner of Jabalpur (August, 1858) and started preparations for
a war against the foreign rulers. She strengthened the fort of Ramgarh,
increased the strength of her army and contacted village head men and
jagirdars of that area. On April 1, 1858 Captain Washington was directed by
the British government to occupy Ramgarh. Rani Avanti Bai Lodhi came out
in the open field with stoic courage and spirit of supreme sacrifice at the altar
of her motherland. She rode on a mounted horse and gallantly fought against
the British Army, which even surprised Captain Washington.
The British troops were badly defeated and the son of Captain
Washington was left behind as he hurriedly returned. But the Rani took care
of the child and restored the child to captain Washington safe and secure. But
the brutal and merciless British authorities dispatched three army contingents
from different directions, which surrounded Rani. She fought gallantly. Later
she retreated to the jungles and waged guerilla warfare against the British and
raided several British Army posts. But ultimately she realized that her arrest
was imminent. Therefore, she ended her life by plunging the sword in her
chest. She preferred to bravely rather than living as prisoner of the racist
foreign rulers. Thus Rani Lakshmi Bai, Zeenat Mahal, Begum Hazrat Mahal
and Rani Avanti Bai Lodhi rose in rebellion against the British as
revolutionaries and sometimes even surpassed their male counterparts in
terms of their military skills, gallantry, courage and spirit of sacrifice for the
motherland.13
Being inspired by Bankim Chandra's Ananda Math (1882) women
revolutionaries recited the famous slogan of Vande Mataram (hail to the
motherland) and came out openly to support the Ilbert Bill that would allow
Indian judges to try cases involving Europeans. In 1905, when the British
partitioned Bengal, the revolutionary Bengali women burnt foreign clothes
and smashed foreign-made utensils. Women extended their full support to
revolutionary organizations. Nanibala Devi (1888-1967), married at eleven
and widowed at fifteen, joined the Jugantar Party (a revolutionary outfit). She
dedicated her life to violent defeat of the British rulers. Nanibala was a
hardcore revolutionary woman who acted as spy, housekeeper, occasionally
posing as wife of a revolutionary. She succeeded in hiding her political
activities from the British. Women revolutionaries also managed to hide
weapons, sheltered fugitive revolutionaries and played domestic roles to cover
their subversive and revolutionary acts. Women revolutionary leaders sang in
praise of Mother India and posed as regenerated Indian womanhood.14
Being inspired by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, Latika Ghosh, an
Oxford educated teacher founded Mahila Rashtriya Sangh (MRS). She
successfully organized an impressive all women's demonstration against the
Simon Commission that aimed at securing self rule. MRS espoused radical
ideology and appealed to take a stock of their country; how India was a very
rich country, but now ruined by the foreign rulers. She asked women to think
and reflect upon the battles between Devis and the Asuras (Demons). Just
when Devis were loosing, the fearsome Goddess Durga appeared as Shakti
(Divine energy) and the Asuras were defeated. She also gave examples of
Rajput Queens who first sent their husbands and sons to the battle and got
prepared themselves for all kinds of sacrifices such as Johar. Seeing her
courage, and commitment, Netaji gave her the rank of a Colonel in 1928 and
motivated her to create a corps of armed women volunteers. Latika Ghosh
beautifully demonstrated the martial qualities of Indian womanhood by
organizing armed drill and parade of women volunteers.
In Calcutta, Urmila Devi, Jyotirmoyee Ganguli, Santi Das, and Bimal
Protiba Devi formed the Nari Satyagriha Samiti and staged protests against
foreign rule. Initially women got influenced by the political ideas of Mahatma
Gandhi, but soon they got disillusioned and started joining revolutionary
groups. The women activists advocated for violent action as the British were
also using violence to suppress the revolutionaries. In 1929, when Kamala
Dasgupta read Sarat Chandra Chatterjee's novel Pather Dabi ("The Right of
the Way"), attracted by romance and heroism, Kamala joined the Jugantar
Party a way to sacrifice herself for India. Most of the women who joined the
extremist organizations/groups were young students at that time.
Revolutionary ideals appealed to them in a big way. They also joined secret
societies. Bina Das who fired a Pistol at Governor Jackson is regarded as one
of the most dreaded and famous acts by the revolutionary women. Bina, her
sister Kalyani, Surama Mitra and Kamala Das Gupta first formed a forum of
students to discuss and debate political issues. The Chhatri Sanga (association
of female students) organized study circles, discussions and sports events and
got accustomed to public life. In 1930, Kalyani led the Chhatri Sangha girls
to organize a massive demonstration in front of Bethune College. Kalyani
wrote that time was ripe for revolutionary movement and called for
spontaneous action without any order from the above: they formed new
organizations, recruited women and planned daring attacks. On 18 April,
1930 Indian Republican Army led by Surya Sen attacked the city of
Chittagong, though the police successfully counter attacked within few hours.
But this daring strike had an electrifying effect on the youth. A large number
of women and girls came forward to join the extremist groups. They started
assisting the revolutionary terrorist groups as housekeepers, messengers,
custodians of arms/weapon depots and even as comrades. Kalyani suffered
police brutalities when arrested for addressing a meeting in Hazra Park. She
was confined in an underground cell without saris, bedding, mosquito net and
sufficient water. Such a torture made women all the more violent. They now
directly started participating in acts of violence and terrorism. Santi and Suniti
(from Comilla) shot Magistrate Stevens to death on December 14, 1931.
Suniti and Santi were taken to Comilla jail where they admitted their guilt
without any hesitation and fear. Both the women revolutionaries wanted to be
the first women martyrs. But they were disappointed when they heard that
they were not going to be hanged but kept in prison.
In February 1932, Bina Das attempted to kill the Governor of Bengal.
She was a well educated Brahman girl belonging to a respectable family,
developed her faith in revolution. In 1928, when she was marching with
Latika Ghosh, members of secret societies contacted her and she accepted
their request instantly. She recruited students for the cause of revolution and
decided to shoot Governor Jackson. During the course of her trial she spoke
about depression caused by indiscriminate police firing, custodial torture and
death of innocents, and police brutalities in Midnapur and Hijli detention
centres. She said in the court, "I would go mad if I could not find relief in
death. I only sought way to death by offering myself at the feet of my
country".
Pritilata Waddedar, a Chittagong School teacher, emerged as a dreaded
revolutionary due to her heroic deeds. She led fifteen patriots who organized a
miraculous raid on Chittagong Club of Europeans. In the shooting and firing
10-15 people got injured and a European woman got killed. Like a suicide
bomber Pritilata escaped from the club and consumed poison to offer herself
as a gift to mother India for her liberation. She left a statement : 'I wonder
why there should be any distinction between males and females in a fight for
the cause of the country's freedom? If our brothers can join a fight for the
cause of motherland why can't the sisters? Instances are not rare that the
Rajput ladies…. fought bravely in the battle fields and did not hesitate to kill
their country's enemies. The pages of history are replete with high admiration
for the historic exploits of these distinguished ladies. Then why should we the
modern Indian women be deprived of joining this noble fight to redeem our
country from foreign domination? If sisters can stand side by side with the
brothers in a Satyagraha movement, why are they not so entitled in a
revolutionary movement".
By 1933, the number of women revolutionaries rose to 60-70, who
assisted and added revolutionary terrorist organizations. These were all young
women patriots who worked for arousing the masses to action and prove that
women could be as brave as men. Jyotimoyee Ganguli addressed 300 women
and 700 men at Naraghat defying warnings from the police. However, there
was lot of discontentment among the women leaders of Congress as the party
did not bother about women's issues and rights. Saraladevi Chaudhrani
contended that women were treated as separate and inferior and discriminated
at every stage of their life. She also expressed doubt about the men that
whether they really cared for improving the lives of women. She said that
Congress assigned to women the position of law breakers and not the law
makers. Thus, because of the paternalistic attitude of Congress leaders many
of its women cadres preferred to join revolutionary terrorist organizations or
remained with Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.15
Women Revolutionaries of North East India :
In the first half of 20th century Rani Gaidinliu emerged as one of the
greatest revolutionary women of North East India. She was born on January
26, 1915 in Langkao village of Tamenglong district of Manipur in Rongmei
Tribe. Though deprived of education, Gaidinliu joined the Jadonong
movement at the age of 13 and aimed at uprooting the foreign religion and
culture, and even the British rule. The British government hated the Jadonong
movement which aimed at restoration of the indigenous culture of the Nagas,
and protection of the traditional rights of the tribals. The British government
arrested Jadonong and hanged him to death without any trial. At this hour of
mourning Gaidinliu did not shed tears but stoically resolved to fight against
the foreign masters. To everyones surprise she took leadership of the
Jadonong movement and emerged as spiritual and political leader of the Naga
people of North East India at the age of 13. She composed patriotic and
revolutionary songs, mobilized Naga people to wage an unequal but heroic
struggle to eliminate the British regime. She appealed the Nagas to not to pay
taxes. Thousands of men and women joined her movement. People got
inspired by the strong moral character of Queen Gaidinliu. No male could
compete with her with regard to her extraordinary courage and military
leadership skills. The Nagas readily accepted her leadership. But above all she
was a God fearing woman.
British authorities were alarmed over the growing popularity of the
Jadonong movement which was weakening British authority in the North East
India as armed struggle was launched by the Naga Queen against British
authorities in the villages. The British officials complained to the higher
authorities in 1932 that her armed followers had challenged the British
Government. Consequently, an operation was launched against the young
freedom loving revolutionary woman who was just 17 year old. The British
Government ordered the 3rd and 4th battalion of Assam Rifles to eliminate the
young Naga Queen. J.P. Mills, Deputy Commissioner of Naga Hill District,
personally supervised this military operation to arrest the young girl dead or
alive. He declared a reward of Rs. 500/- and tax rebate/remission for 10 years
to anyone who could provide information about her. Rani Gaidinliu evaded
her arrest, gallantly waged guerilla warfare against the British army of 2000-
3000. Like a true General she moved from village to village and mobilized
her people to uproot the British regime. She attacked Assam Rifle's troops at
Hongrum on March 18, 1932 and shook the very foundations of the British
Empire. The British troops got nervous and fearful, and committed horrible
atrocities on the innocent Nagas. In 1932, Gaidinliu moved to Pulomi village
to construct a fort. Meanwhile, Captain Mac Donald of Assam Rifles
suddenly entered the village with 100 soldiers. He organized a surprise attack
on the village and arrested the Naga Queen on October 17, 1932. She was
brought to Kohima Jail and after two months she was taken to Imphal and
tried in the court of Political Agent and sentenced to life imprisonment. From
1933 to 1947, she spent her time in jails at Guwahati, Shillong, Aizwal and
Tura. Rani Gaidinliu was released from jail in 1947. Subsequently, she played
a vital role in promotion of indigenous culture and tradition of the people of
north east India. She died on February 17, 1992 at the age of 78. Both
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru praised the historic role of Queen
Gaidinliu in arousing the nationalist consciousness among the people of north
east India.16
Revolutionary Assamese Women :
Right from 1857, the women of northeast India jumped into India's
struggle for freedom. The songs of Manipuri girl Parwati, Raktima Bora and
Pushpa Uzir motivated the youth of Brahamaputra valley to fight against the
British rule. Revolutionary women leaders such as Chandraprova Saikiani,
Hemoprova Das, Amol Prova Das, Rajbala Das were the early women
freedom fighters of Assam, who promoted Swadeshi and opposed British
rule.17
In 1930, prominent women leaders Guneshwari Devi and Mukteshwari
Devi of Nowgong were the first batch of ladies of Assam to be arrested by the
British police. Girijabala Gupta organized women at Karimganj, and
Chandraprova Saikiani in Gauhati against the British rule. More than 80
women activists were arrested in 1932 by the police.18 In Chaiduar area of
Assam, women joined Mrityu Bahini under the leadership of Jogeshwari
Borah, Lokeshwari Mahanta, Chenimai Bhuyan, Rambhawati Bhuyan, Taruni
Mahanta, Labanya Bora and Swarnalata Singha. They toured villages and
motivated the women and men folk to fight against the alien rule of British. A
13 year old Revolutionary girl Kanaklata Barua became volunteer of Mritu
Bahini. She insisted on leading a big procession of freedom fighters on
September 20, 1942 and said that she was not afraid of bullets of the British
military police and was ready to die to uphold the national flag. She was
given the leadership of the procession of freedom fighters which targeted the
British Police Thana of Gohpur. When elderly leaders advised her to go back
she argued that "girls cannot be taken so lightly, we are not tame, women's
history is full of heroism and bravery. How anyone expects us to live when
our young men have laid down their lives? We will not allow them to die
alone. We will do or die together". When the procession reached to the gate of
Gohpur Thana, Kanaklata Barua, the youngest freedom fighter rushed to the
gate to hoist the national flag on top of the Thana. The policemen on duty
warned her and a heated argument ensued. In the meanwhile OC of the Thana
ordered firing. Several bullets pierced the heart and shoulder of Kanaklata
Barua. Thus Kanaklata Barua laid down her life, and overnight she became
the heroine of northeast India. At a very tender age when she was supposed to
be in school and playgrounds, she took up a vow to end the British rule and
became the youngest martyr in the annals of India's struggle for freedom.19
Women revolutionaries responded enthusiastically to the call of Netaji
Subhash Chandra Bose when he announced the formation of a strong armed
unit of brave Indian women. He called upon the Indian women on July 9,
1943 to join an all women regiment of Indian National Army (INA). Women
accepted this challenge and call for duty at the altar of motherland. Thousands
of Indian women gathered in Singapore and organized a procession on July
12, 1943. Netaji formed the Rani Jhansi regiment and even the Japanese
military officials were surprised when they saw huge response from brave
Indian women. Dr. Lakshmi Swaminathan was appointed as head of this
regiment with the rank of Captain and CO. Janaki Davar was appointed as
head of nursing department at the age of just 17. The women soldiers of Rani
Jhansi battalion were posted at Singapore, Rangoon and Bangkok with 1000
women soldiers and few nurses. They wore the same uniform used by males,
took hair cuts like male recruits, and appeared as smart and fit as their male
counterparts. They heroically participated in the Burma campaign, but later on
they were withdrawn due to British occupation of Burma. Women soldiers of
Rani Jhansi Brigade saw Netaji for the last time on August 14, 1945 when
they staged a drama on the life of Rani Jhansi. The women soldiers and
officers of INA boldly faced the British officers who interrogated them. They
reported in full uniform, smartly saluted, announced their identity of being
members of INA. The romantic tales of these women soldiers demonstrated
that Indian women were ready to take up arms to liberate their motherland
from the foreign rulers.20
The impact of the enrolment of revolutionary women cadets in INA
and deployment on the war front, their extraordinary military skills, acts of
bravery and the revolutionary terrorist activities organized by them had deep
psychological impact. Each and every woman of India felt greatly empowered
and got thrilled by hearing tales of these brave women. It was unique
experiment that proved that women were as capable as men; they played
equal roles and sometimes even surpassed their male counterparts, like Rani
Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi. The extraordinary courage and fortitude displayed by
Indian women was one of the reasons for the success of India's struggle for
independence.
References :
1. Aparna Basu and Anup Taneja (ed.); Breaking out of Invisibility,
Women in Indian History, ICHR, New Delhi, 2002, pp. Preface and
Introduction.
2. Ibid.
3. Biswanarayan Shastri (ed.); Kalika Purane Murtivinirdesah, Indira
Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 5-109.
4. A.L. Srivastava; The Mughal Empire, 1526-1803 A.D., Agra, 1994, pp.
145, 157, 411.
5. Mohammed Habib & K.A. Nizami; Comprehensive History of India,
Vol. V, Part-I, New Delhi, 1970, pp. 237-44.
6. L.N. Rangarajan (ed.); The Arthshastra, New Delhi, 1987, pp. 65-71,
153-156, 499-540.
7. See Reference No. 4, pp. 140-148.
8. S.L. Barua; Last Days of Ahom Monarchy, History of Assam from 1769
to 1826, New Delhi, 1993, pp. 70, 97.
9. S.L. Barua, Comprehensive History of Assam, New Delhi, 1997, pp.
485-486.
10. Bipin Chandra; India's Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947, New
Delhi, 1988, p. 32.
11. L.P. Mathur; Bharat Ki Mahila Swatantra Senani, Jaipur, 2010, pp. 14-
19.
12. Ibid, pp. 7-14. Also see Bipin Chandra, Op.cit., p. 37-39.
13. Ibid, pp. 20-22.
14. See, Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India, New Delhi,
Cambridge University Press, 2015.
15. Ibid, pp. 135-143.
16. K.S. Singh; Resurrection, Demystification and Gender Struggle,
Breaking Out of Invisibility, Women in Indian History, Basu Aparna &
Taneja Anup, Op.cit., p. 206-231.
17. Sheila Bora; The Role of Education in Fashioning Women in
Brahamaputra Valley in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century,
Presidential Address, Twenty Sixth Session, Proceedings of North East
India History Association, Kokhrajar Session, 2005, pp. 24-26.
18. Ibid, p. 28-29, Also see S.L.Barua; Comprehensive History of Assam,
Op.cit., pp. 539-541, 546, 551, 602, 615.
19. Ajit Kumar Kanwar; The Quit India Movement in Assam : A Study of
Kanaklata Barua and Other Leading Women of Chaiduar Area of
Assam, Proceedings of North East India History Association, 2005, pp.
35-43. Also see Sharma, Dipti; Assames Women in the Freedom
Struggle, Guwahati, 1993, pp. 235-36.
20. Geraldin Forbes, Op.cit., p. 135-42, 212-14, Sarkar Sumit; Modern
India, New Delhi, 1983, pp. 410-411, Gupta Asha; Subhash Chandra
Bose, New Delhi, 2011, pp. 133, 143, Chandra Bipin, Op.cit., p. 470-
472.
Paper-11 Module-5 Gandhian Era and Women's Participation in National Movement (A) Personal Details
Role Name Affiliation Principal Investigator
Allahabad University, Allahabad Paper Coordinator Prof. Chandrakala Padia
Prof. Sumita Parmar
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor, MGS University, Bikaner Content Writer/Author (CW)
Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Vasanta College for Women, Rajghat, Varanasi Content Reviewer (CR)
Dr. Preeti Singh
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor, MGS University, Bikaner Language Editor (LE)
Prof. Chandrakala Padia
Allahabad University, Allahabad Description of Module
Prof. Sumita Parmar
Subject Name
Women's Studies
Paper Name Women, Governance and Politics Module Name
Gandhian Era and Women's Participation in National Movement.
Module Id Paper-11 Module-5 Prerequisites
The Reader is expected to have a basic understanding of the 20th century Indian society and Indian national movement. Objectives To make the reader understand how the national movement became a mass movement under the leadership of Gandhi, how a new space was created for women who became an integral part of the national movement, and to critically analyze the contribution of Gandhian era to the cause of women's political participation.
Keywords Public-Private, Swadeshi, Satyagraha, Nonviolence
Gandhian Era and Women's Participation in National
Movement.
Introduction
Arrival of Gandhi and the New Dimensions of National Movement
The national movement had taken an organized form by the 20th century
and gradually had extended its scope and base. While in the moderate era it
was dominantly limited to a small Western educated elite class, its scope
was extended with the advent of extremist leadership. The Partition of
Bengal proved to be a crucial event which brought a major shift in the nature
of the national movement. With the launch of the Swadeshi movement, the
national movement gradually started penetrating into the different sections
of the society. But it truly took a mass character only after the arrival of
Gandhi, who had rich experience of working with masses and hence was
aware of their power. Gandhi had a clear vision of connecting the 'ordinary
men' with the national movement. He brought the issues of the poor,
illiterate and downtrodden in the mainstream national movement, perhaps, as
a part of his strategy of enlarging the base and scope of the national
movement. In the beginning, he focused on the local issues affecting the
poor peasantry and working class, e.g. he started his experiment of
Satyagraha from Champaran in Bihar (against the exploitation of local
farmers by European Indigo planters) in 1917. Then he chose Kheda in
Gujarat where he launched a movement in support of the local peasants. In
Ahmedabad, he started a movement to support mill workers and even kept a
fast unto death for their cause. Through such movements, he made these
local issues a matter of national concern and also created a base for the
national movement at the grassroot level. His strategy bridged the gap
between the elite and the masses, urban and rural, and national and local,
hence the national movement which was hitherto dominantly an elite-urban
movement and a distant reality for the masses reached the remote corners of
the country. Issues and concerns of the peasants and working class became
the part of 'national question' and thereby these deprived groups saw a new
role for themselves in the national movement. Gandhi's principle of non-
violence and strategy of Satyagraha made it clear that in order to be a part of
the national movement, one is not expected to do 'big things' and undertake
'big sacrifices', rather one can be a part of the movement through any given
role, space and occupation. Through this approach, Gandhi could connect
every role, space and occupation with the cause of nation and could make
the national movement everyone's movement. 'Brown has argued that
Gandhi appealed to a variety of groups not established in the system of
associational politics which resulted in the increased participation of
Muslims, low caste Hindus, and commercial men in the national movement'
[Everett, 1995]. But scholars like Brown and Omvedt also argue that though
this mass mobilization facilitated the entry of the masses in the national
movement, leadership still remained in the hands of the elite class.
Brown and Omvedt consider this mass mobilization a vertical mass
mobilization which is different from or in fact in contrast to the 'Chinese
Communist Party strategy of horizontal mass mobilization. In India power
remained in the hands of the educated elite or the "sub – contractors" if they
could retain a sufficient number of supporters. Mass mobilization in India
was also sporadic. There were periods of political quietude between
Gandhian campaigns when earlier patterns of elite representation returned"
[Everett, 1995]. However, though there can be differences of opinion on the
nature of mass mobilization during the Gandhian era, the one point which
cannot be denied is that mass mobilization was a unique contribution of the
Gandhian era.
Creation of New Space for Women
This major shift in the nature of the national movement created a new space
for women. This does not mean that earlier women were totally invisible in
the national movement. On the contrary, when Gandhi came to India,
women had already emerged as a strong force in the Indian National
Congress. Moreover, by this time the scattered attempts of different women
groups and leaders to protect women's interests had taken the shape of an
organized women's movement. In order to make women's voices audible at
the national platform, the Women's Indian Association had already been
established in 1917. Besides, the presence of leaders like Sarojini Naidu and
Annie Besant in the Indian National Congress made women's presence felt,
and their role stronger. But it should be pointed out here that though women
were visible, these women mostly represented the elite class, and the
illiterate, poor, rural and working class women and their issues were still
invisible. The major contribution of the Gandhian era was the inclusion of
this 'excluded' section of women in the national movement. Gandhi made
women realize that they had immense potential to contribute to the
movement. To quote his words:
"Since resistance in Satyagraha is offered through self-suffering. It is a
weapon pre-eminently open to women... She can become the leader in
Satyagraha which does not require the learning that books give but does
require the stout heart that comes from suffering and faith." [Young India,
14 January 1930]
Hence, Gandhi made it clear that there is a special role to be played by
women in Satyagraha and in fact Indian women's special ability of self-
suffering would prove them to be the best soldiers of non-violence. Knowing
the nature of Indian society, Gandhi made it clear that in order to take part in
the movement, women need not necessarily come out of their private
domain but could contribute to the movement even through their roles within
the family. He suggested that 'Do what you can' because every act is
significant. [Forbes, 1998] Through this message, Gandhi ,on the one hand,
gave a new agenda to women who were ,so far, unable to see any role for
themselves in the world outside the 'private realm', on the other, he did not
demand any major change in the Indian social values where the private
realm was seen as the centre of women's lives. Thus, his scheme of
bringing women into the national movement was not against the traditional
structure of Indian society and hence was not opposed. Referring to the
uniqueness of Gandhi's scheme of creating a new space for women, Sucheta
Kriplani commented: 'Gandhi's personality was such that it inspired
confidence not only in women but in guardians of women, their husbands,
fathers and brothers.' [Sucheta Kriplani, Oral History Transcripts, NMML]
What is significant to note here is that Gandhi dismantled the barrier
between the public and private. Though he did not make it essential for
women to come out of the private realm, he changed the very character of
the private by transporting public concerns and issues to the private realm.
The private realm did not remain anymore the dull sphere where household
chores had to be performed in a routine manner, but rather a politically
conscious and vibrant space where these household chores had to be
performed keeping in mind the broader nationalist goal. Thus, he politicized
the private. In fact, by giving this new character and significance to the
private sphere, a new space was created for ordinary women in the national
movement.
However, Gandhi's appeal to women for agitation against the Rowlatt Act
can be regarded as the formal entry of ordinary women in the national
movement. The Rowlatt Act of 1919 was an open attack on individual
liberty and legally enabled the government to arrest and to detain Indians
only on the ground of suspicion and to keep them in prisons without trial.
The Act was fiercely opposed through out the country with the popular
slogan: 'Na Vakil, Na Dalil, Na Appeal'. [N. N. Mitra, 1920] Opposing the
Act, Gandhi declared April 6, 1919 as the date for general strike. He
appealed to women of all classes and communities to take part in
Satyagraha against the draconian Act. [CWMG, 1964] Women actively
came forward to take part in protests organized in different parts of the
country. The massacre at Jallianwala Bagh on April 13, 1919 resulted in
increased anger among women against the British rule, especially in the
province of Punjab, where women were the major sufferers they had lost
their husbands, sons, fathers, and other relatives. The massacre and brutality
inflicted upon women by the police under the Martial Law played a very
significant role in raising women's consciousness against British rule.
Women actively worked for collecting funds to help the victims of the
Jallianwala Bag massacre. Lado Rani Zutshi set up a stall at the Congress,
selling goods made by members of the Kumari Sabha to help the victims.
"According to Lado Rani, the Indians and English were completely
polarized in both Amritsar and Lahore in 1919; the open and ugly racism of
the English was met by intense resentment..... Recounting one such
encounter with an English woman in a bus, she said she was so furious that
when she got off the bus, she warned the Punjabi woman who was getting on
at the same time to keep out of the Englishwoman's way. The woman
retorted that if 'they' said anything to her. She would throw them out of the
window" [ Radha Kumar, 1993].
This incidence speaks of the fact that gradually ordinary women had learnt
the language of resentment and had become politically conscious to perceive
and challenge British racism. This anger paved the way for active
participation of women in the Non-Cooperation movement.
Non - Cooperation Movement and Women's Participation
In August 1920 Gandhi decided to launch the NonCooperation Movement
and his proposal was accepted by the Indian National Congress at the
special session held on August 20, 1920. The major programmes of the Non
- Cooperation Movement were : surrender of titles and honorary positions;
resignation from local bodies; boycott of government functions, courts,
government schools and colleges; boycott of foreign goods; and promotion
of Swadeshi goods and Khadi. In these programmes women actively
participated. Women who participated in this movement can be broadly
divided into two groups: first those women who worked for the promotion
of Swadeshi and boycott of foreign goods from within the domestic
sphere; second those women who came out in the public sphere to support
the movement. Women even started making their own organizations. For
example, Rashtriya Stree Sangh (RSS), an independent women's
organization, was formed with the aim of connecting women to the cause of
nation. The members of the organization were required to be members of
Congress. It worked for promotion of Khadi in Bombay and organized
strikes against the visit of Prince of Wales in November, 1921. However,
women who were active in this movement and working to mobilize women
were mostly relatives of the prominent male nationalist leaders. Urmila
Devi, widowed sister of C. R. Das, appealed to women to come out of their
domestic spaces to serve the nation. The female members of the Das
family–Basanti Devi, Urmila Devi and Suniti Devi–actively took part in
promotion of Khadi and picketing shops selling foreign cloth and got
arrested . Their detainment 'had an electric effect on the people.
Immediately, more than a thousand young men offered themselves for
arrest'. [Radha Kumar, 1993] Gandhi appreciated this brave act of women
of the Das family and appealed to women from other parts of the country to
follow the example set by these women. Forbes argues that the electrifying
impact of arrest of women made Gandhi realize the significance of women
picketers. 'The arrest of respectable women was viewed as an appropriate
tactic to shame men into joining the protests.' [Forbes, 1998]
Women's participation increased rapidly in the movement. The All Indian
Ladies Conference at Ahmadabad was attended by 6000 women who came
to listen to Bi Amma who appealed to women to join Congress as
volunteers. The participation of women was not limited to any specific
province. It was a nationwide feature, but the nature of participation varied
from province to province. In Bombay and Calcutta, women actively
picketed liquor shops but in Punjab the nature of women's participation was
a little different. The following excerpt from Radha Kumar's History of
Doing, where she refers to the view of Lajjavanti – who was one of the
prominent figures among women leaders in Lahore, throws light on the
distinct nature of women's participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement
in Punjab:
"The nationalist sympathies of all women 'who were even a little educated'
were intense though there were restrictions on the nature of their
participation. Hundreds of women went hawking Khadi and Charkhas from
lane to lane in the city and took out procession to popularize Khadi at which
they sang songs mocking 'fashions' and collectively burnt their foreign
clothes. But they did not go picketing liquor shops nor did they court
arrest."[ Radha Kumar, 1993]
Thus, women from all parts of India took active part in the movement but
there was regional variation in the nature of their participation and the
activities they were involved in. Moreover, it was not only that women from
all provinces participated but there are accounts which prove that women
from every section, even the so called 'fallen women', participated in the
movement. During Gandhi's visit to Kakinada in April 1921 and with the
efforts of Durgabai, a separate meeting for Devadasis was arranged, where
around one thousand women came to listen to Gandhi and who, after
listening to him, gave up their jewellery and contributed a sum of Rupees
20,000. Similarly, in Bengal, a group of prostitutes influenced by Gandhi's
call collected funds for the Congress in 1922. [Forbes, 1998] These incidents
show how women became an essential part of the movement and a new
space was opened up for them which filled them with a sense of self worth
and freedom. This new sense of freedom among women is beautifully
captured in the following poem 'Dance of Liberation' written by the Tamil
Nationalist Poet Subramanya Bharati:
Dance! Rejoice! Those who said it is evil for women to touch books are
dead; the lunatics who said they would lock women in their houses cannot
show their faces now. They showed us our place in the home as if we were
bullocks bred and beaten to dumb labour. We have ended that ring and
dance! [taken from Radha Kumar, 1993]
The above lines speak of the changing self perception of women during this
era. During this phase the numerical strength of women in the Indian
National Congress was also increasing. A hundred and forty four women
delegates attended the 1921 Congress Session. In 1922, the Bengal
Provincial Congress Committee Session was presided over by a woman,
Basanti Devi. In addition to this, a special Girl Volunteer Corps' under the
headship of Durgabai Deshmukh was formed.
After suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement, Gandhi turned his
focus to a constructive programme where he saw a special role for women.
He projected spinning as the key solution to the Indian problems as well as
to the women's problem. [CWMG, XXV] He was of the opinion that
educated women should turn their attention to the problems of their rural and
poor sisters and should work for their upliftment. He appealed to educated
women to 'descend from their Western heights and come down to India's
plains' and argued that 'these questions of the liberation of women,
liberation of India, removal of untouchability, amelioration of the economic
condition of the masses, and the like, resolve themselves by penetrating
into the villages and reconstruction, or rather reformation of village life'.
[ taken from Radha Kumar, 1993]
Women's Participation in Civil Disobedience Movement
The Civil Disobedience Movement, launched by Gandhi in 1930,
gave a new momentum to women's participation. The movement
started with Gandhi's historic Dandi March from Ahmadabad to
Dandi to make salt in defiance of the British rule. Initially, Gandhi
was a little reluctant to allow women to participate in the Dandi
March, but his decision was widely opposed by women
organizations and Women leaders like Khurshed Naoroji, Margaret
Cousins and Sarojini Naidu. Ultimately due to mounting pressure
of women leaders and organizations, Gandhi wrote to the Congress
Committee to allow women to participate in the movement. After
removal of the restriction, women from different parts of the
country, beating all previous record of women's participation, took
active part in the movement. While on his way to Dandi, Gandhi
talked to women at every stop and suggested various ways to them
to contribute to the movement viz. 'picketing liquor and toddy
shops, boycotting taxed salt and spinning and wearing Khadi.'
[Radha Kumar,1993] Responding to Gandhi's call many women
groups were formed. The Congress Working Committee, which
was earlier against women's participation in Salt Satyagraha,
started giving them major responsibilities. Highlighting the
increasing share of women in the movement, Radha Kumar writes
that many women were entrusted with the responsibility to lead the
Cells which were formed to organize Satyagraha. Sarojini Naidu,
Lado Rani Zutshi, Kamala Nehru, Hansa Mehta, Avantikabai
Gokhale, Satyavati, Parvatibai, Rukmini Lakshmipaty, Perin and
Goshiben Captain, Lilavati Munshi, Durgabai Deshmukh,
Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya were main among those who took up
the leadership role.[Radha Kumar,1993]
Further a number of women organizations like Mahila Rashtriya
Sangha, Desh Sevika Sangha, Nari Satyagraha Samiti, the Ladies'
Picketing Board, Stree Swarajya Sangha and the Swyam Sevika
Sangha were set up by women to mobilize women for political
participation. These organizations had twin goals: political
mobilization of women, and training them in constructive
programmes. Thus, these organizations had a very wide agenda. To
illustrate, the Ladies' Picketing Board in Bengal was divided into
five sections: the Boycott and Picketing Section, the
Constructive Worker's Section, Swadeshi Prachar Section ,
Prabhat Pheri Section and a General Section in order to meet
broad objectives of the Board which were 'to struggle against the
use of foreign goods; to popularize home industries, especially of
spinning and weaving Khadi; to arrange processions and
meetings demonstrating the greatness of liberty and equality of
nations ; to preach to the people the need for removal of
untouchability; to enlist as many people as possible as members of the
Congress; and to work in accordance with the direction of the Indian
National Congress and in affiliation with the Bengal Provincial Congress
Committee.' [Radha Kumar, 1993]
Organized participation of women in the Civil Disobedience Movement
made it clear that women's participation was not only a matter of giving
some concession to the weaker sex, rather it was essential to strengthen the
voice of the nation against the imperial power. In fact, brutality inflicted by
the police upon women Satyagrahis who were nonviolently opposing unjust
laws unmasked the 'civilizing mission claim' of the imperial power. British
officials themselves accepted that it was participation of women in the
movement which put the British government in a tough position. The
movement got wide national and international attention and sympathy due to
their participation. One of the officials accepted that 'there is no doubt that
but for them [women] the movement would never have gained the force it
has had. It is due to them that the sympathy of many not otherwise likely to
have been in sympathy has been evoked'. [Government of India, Home
Department, Political File No. 253/30/1930].
Thus, women's massive participation in the nonviolent movement gave
validity to the movement and shifted moral authority from the British rulers
to 'the unarmed, non violent [Indian] subjects.' [Forbes, 1998] Besides,
women's unconditional participation gave validity to women's claims that
women have equal potential and commitment to serve the cause of the
nation which make them fit to demand their equal share in the political
sphere. Forbes rightly comments: "The participation of women in the
freedom movement also shaped the movement for women's rights. Most
important, it legitimized their claim to a place in government of India".
[Forbes, 1998]
Nonviolent women soldiers proved that if a citizen is a person who has
commitment to the country, and who gives priority to the cause of country
over the self and can even embrace death for the cause of country, then
women are equally capable to be citizens of the country and thus should not
be denied the right to vote anymore. Sarala Devi Chaudhurani suggested to
women that the best way of attaining rights is through 'the strength of our
agitation. We must force men folk to concede to our demands and at the
same time carry on propaganda among ourselves'. [Forbes, 1998]
Women's Participation in the National Movement during Gandhian era
and Movement for Women's Rights
During the Gandhian phase movement for women's rights and national
movement were running parallel. A major demand of the women's
movement was women's franchise. In 1917 Sarojini Naidu led the
delegation to meet Montague for women's suffrage. In 1918 due to her
efforts a resolution was passed at the Special Congress Session in support of
women's suffrage. The arguments she made in support of women's rights
were not based on sameness principle rather on the complementarity ideal.
Pleading the case for women suffrage, she ensured that right to vote would
never deviate women from their traditional roles. To quote her:
"Never, never, for we realize that men and women have their separate goals,
separate destinies and thus just as man can never fulfill the responsibility of
a woman, a woman cannot fulfill the responsibility of man .... We ask for the
vote, not that we might interfere with you in your official functions, your
civic duties, your public place and power , but rather that we might lay the
foundation of national character in the souls of the children that we hold
upon our laps, and instill into them the ideal of national life". [Quoted in
Forbes, 1998]
But unlike the moderate tone of Sarojini Naidu, women leaders like Sarala
Devi supported the cause of women's equal share in the public realm
arguing that women can perform same roles as 'the fellow workers of men in
politics and other spheres.' [Forbes, 1998]
During this phase, on the one hand, awareness among women, especially
among the educated women, regarding franchise was taking a concrete
shape, on the other nationalist leaders like Gandhi were in favour of
postponing the demands of women's franchise and to turn the focus solely
on the fight against the common enemy . Some women leaders were also
of the similar opinion. To quote Madame Cama: "Work for Indians freedom
and independence women will get not only the vote but all other rights."
["Madam Bhikaji Cama", Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. I].
But despite patriarchal oppositions and paternalistic suggestions pro-
franchise women continued their fight. Such women leaders questioned the
policy of Indian National Congress relating to women's role in the Indian
National Congress and national movement. In fact, the roots of
contemporary demands for equal participation and representation of women
in politics can be traced during this phase. Resenting the Indian National
Congress's neglect of women's issues, a meeting was called by women
leaders in Bengal to form a separate Congress. [Amrita Bazar Patrika, April
29, 1931] Sarala Devi Chaudhurani stressed the need of a separate Congress
for women and gave a call to women to join the worldwide women's
movement. Commenting on the limited role given to women by Congress in
the national movement, she said Congress 'assigned to women the position
of law-breakers only and not law makers. Therefore, women must demand
equal treatment and equal status.' [The Hindu, May 3, 1931]
Some of the profranchise women activists and leaders advocated equal
rights for women using nationalist arguments. Radha Kumar gives an
account of such views, she writes:
"They [women] used nationalist argument to defend demands for women's
rights to equality with men.... A series of questions were put to male
nationalists who either opposed women's rights or counselled caution in the
matter of fighting for them. Those who said women would be given their
rights in due course were reminded of their own arguments that rights had
to be fought for; those who advised a gradual method of gaining these rights
were reminded that the Congress moderates had been criticized precisely for
advocating this, and so on. Moreover, some women now began to express
that women, in order to be free, had to engage in a struggle with
men."[Radha Kumar, 1993]
Such strong views gradually resulted in some success in securing limited
right to vote for women at the level of provincial legislatures. But the goal of
universal franchise was still a far goal to achieve. Women's organizations
and women leaders continued their fights for the right to vote but gradually
women leaders themselves got divided on the issue. While leaders like
Begum Shah Nawaz and Mrs. Kamala Subbaroyan agreed on special
reservations for women in place of universal franchise as an interim
measure at the Round Table Conference, women leaders of Women's
Indian Association , All India Women's Conference and National Council
of Women in India were against it and were demanding nothing less than
universal franchise.
Thus, the women's movement during this phase was uniform neither on
issues nor strategies. It was divided into multiple groups like nationalist and
feminist; moderates and extremists; and supporters of sameness principle
and complementarity ideal. Further, the women's organizations during this
phase did not represent the interests of all Indian women. The ordinary poor,
working, rural, illiterate women actively participated in the nationalist
movement but women's organizations led by western educated elite women
could not integrate these women and their issues into the women's
movement. Thus, women's movement remained 'too Hindu, too middle
class, and too urban to appeal to or adequately represent all Indian women'.
[Forbes, 1998]
Quit India Movement and Women's Participation
After the active participation of women in the Civil Disobedience
Movement, participation of women became an accepted fact and in fact
essential for the success of the movement. Being disappointment by the
British war policy and their neglect of Indian demands, All India Congress
Committee in Bombay Session on August 8, 1942 passed the historic 'Quit
India' resolution and urged for a mass nonviolent struggle. But this time it
was made clear that people should be prepared for all odds including the
arrest of Congress leaders. After the arrest of Congress leaders on August 9,
1942, the outrage of people resulted in a country–wide protest wherein
women's participation was remarkable. They were involved in this
movement in different capacities–from participating in mass protests, strikes
and demonstrations to running parallel government and conducting secret
underground activities:
"The women not only took out processions and held demonstrations but also
organized camps in which women were given training in Indian constitution,
civic duties, first aid, democracy and women's organizations. Training in
Lathi and Drill was also imparted in these camps". [Hindustan Standard,
1942]
Women Self Defence Committees were set up to impart training in self
defence in Barishal, Hooghly, Bally, Chinsurah and Maheshtala in 24
Pargana district, Bengal. To coordinate these self defense committees
Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti was formed. Thus, Gandhi's 'Do and Die'
speech had an electrifying impact on all women – ruralurban, illiterate –
literate, working class and peasant.
Women leaders like Usha Mehta, Aruna Asaf Ali, Matangini Hazra, Sucheta
Kriplani and Sarojini Naidu led campaigns in a very strategic manner
which proved that by this time women were fully capable of not only
participating in the movement, but rather of leading the movement. Apart
from these big names there were a large number of women who led
campaigns at the local levels. Usha Mehta, who joined the movement as
volunteer, set up a radio transmitter 'Voice of Freedom' to broadcast news of
protests and arrests which became a major medium of spreading patriotic
feelings. Aruna Asaf Ali along with Jaiprakash Narayan, Ram Manohar
Lohia, Achyut Patwaradhan and Sucheta Kriplani went underground with
the objective of avoiding detainment and hence to control and direct the
movement. Sucheta Kriplani relentlessly worked to maintain contact with
different groups engaged in the movement to keep their moral high and to
prevent these groups from turning violent. She wrote that her aim 'was to
bring the government to a standstill by any method, excluding violence
against individuals.' [Forbes, 1998]
Thus, during the Quit India Movement women participated with new vigour
as self-disciplined soldiers who could take their own stands in absence of
leaders. In the movement women's role was beyond the complementarity
ideal advocated by Gandhi. Unlike the previous movements, this time there
was no demarcation like men's role and women's role, they almost took up
the same responsibility and roles. Further, the cause of the nation took a lead
over the cause of women and hence barring a few exceptions women leaders
and organizations got united on the point that this was the high time for
thinking in terms of the nation and so to put a temporary stop on the feminist
agenda. Analyzing the nature of women's participation in the Quit India
Movement and highlighting how it differed from women's participation in
earlier movements of Gandhian era, Forbes writes:
"In contrast to 1930, when women were asked to wait until men completed
the March to Dandi and then assigned special duties, in 1942 women fought
along side men and suffered the same consequences. Activist women were so
caught up in the struggle; they ignored gender issues or, like Sucheta
Kriplani, put them aside until independence had been achieved". [ Forbes,
1998]
Women and Gandhian Movements: An Appraisal
On the basis of the above account it can be concluded that the Gandhian era
created a wide space for women in mainstream national movement. This
time their participation was neither limited nor symbolic. But the scholars
have shown their reservations on the nature of women's participation in
Gandhian movements and on Gandhi's view on women's role in the
movement. Everett criticizes Gandhi's idea of complementary sex roles
which supports different set of duties and roles for men and women and
argues that 'he was not always so supportive of women's participation in
public life.' She, further, charges that though Gandhian movements
encouraged women's participations but he was not in favour of giving them
leadership roles. Though there were women like Sarojini Naidu and Anasuya
Sarabhai who held leadership position, they were not independent leaders, as
'Gandhi was always the supreme commander. He included women in most
of his Satyagraha campaigns but he carefully orchestrated their participation
and responded angrily when women wanted to step over the limits he set'.
[Everett, 1995]
Further, most of the women holding leadership positions in Gandhian
movements were allowed to assume leadership positions only when their
male relatives got arrested. Everett even argued that most of women leaders
who joined Gandhian campaigns were relatives of prominent male leaders
and were acting as representatives of these male leaders and not as
independent leaders. She argues: "The encouragement of female relatives to
participate in the Gandhian campaigns appears to have been motivated in
part by the desire of the leaders to maintain their positions of influence."
[Everett, 1995]
Similarly Gail Omvedt argues that Gandhi, though an advocate of political
revolution, wanted to keep the Indian social structure and relations intact and
thus appeared to be a conservative in the social realm. To quote Omvedt:
"...the social function of Gandhian nonviolence in Indian history has been to
allow India to achieve a political revolution without having a social
revolution." [Gail Omvedt, 1973]
However, despite the above criticisms, it cannot be denied that the Gandhian
era unfolded new vistas for women in the political and public realm and
created a niche for women in postindependence Indian politics. Madhu
Kishwar writes that Gandhian movements created 'for women a new dignity
in public life, a new confidence, and a new self-view' and thus transformed
women 'from passive object' to 'active subjects or agents of reform'.
[Madhu Kishwar, 'Gandhi on Women', here taken from Radha Kumar,1993]
SUMMARY
Gandhian era transformed Indian national movement into a mass
movement and women across region, class and caste became a major force of the national movement.
In the non-violent Gandhian movements women's qualities of love
and nurturance were projected as their major strengths making them
the most perfect candidates for Satyagraha.
The credit of including the illiterate, poor and rural women in the
mainstream national movement goes to Gandhian movements.
Gandhi initially did not assign the same role to men and women.
Rather, he appealed women to support the cause of Swadeshi
through their traditional roles as wives and mothers.
During the Non-Cooperation Movement women actively participated
throughout the country, but the nature of their participation had
regional variations.
During the Civil Disobedience Movement women's participation
took a very organized shape.
Nationalist movement and women's movement were running parallel
during this phase.
The nature of women's participation in Quit India Movement was
different from previous movements as they took up the same activities like their male counterparts and were not expected to perform a different set of duties.
The Gandhian era gave a new dimension to the private realm by
giving it a political character.
The greatest contribution of the Gandhian era is that it transformed
women from 'passive objects' to 'active agents'.
References
Forbes, Geraldine. Women in Modern India, U.K.:Cambridge
University Press, 1998.
Kumar, Radha. History of Doing, New Delhi: Zubaan, 1993.
Bala, Usha. Indian Women Freedom Fighters, New Delhi: Manohar,
1986.
Everett,Jana, Matson. Women and Social Change in India, New
Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1995.
Kriplani , Sucheta. Oral History Transcripts, NMML.
Mitra,N, N. The Indian Annual Register, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1920.
Gandhi,M.K. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi , Vol. XV, New
Delhi: The Publication Division, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting , 1964.
Omvedt,Gail. "Gandhi and the Pacification of the Indian Nationalist
Movement", Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, 1973.
Government of India, Home Department, Political File No.
253/30/1930.
Hindustan Standard, 1942.
'Bengal Women's Conference', The Hindu ,May 3, 1931.
'Future of Indian Womanhood', Amrita Bazar Patrika, April 29,
1931.
"Madam Bhikaji Cama", Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. I.
Young India, 14 January 1930.
Paper-11 Module-4 Defining Political Participation. Personal Details.
Role Name Affiliation Principal Investigator Prof.SumitaParmar University of Allahabad Paper Coordinator Prof. Chandrakala Padia
MGS University Bikaner
Content Writer/Author (CW)
Asst. Professor, Vasanta College, Varanasi
Ms. Manisha Misra
(B) Description of Module Items Description of Module Subject Name Women's Studies Paper Name Women, Governance & Politics Module Name/ Title, description
Content Reviewer (CR)
Prof. Chandrakala Padia
MGS University Bikaner
Language Editor (LE) Prof.SumitaParmar University of Allahabad
Defining Political Participation
Module ID Paper-11 Module-4 Pre-requisites Some awareness of the political processes of the country Objectives To show the nature of political participation of women Keywords Participation, feminism, election, representation
DEFINING POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Women, Governance and Politics
Women's Political Participation: Theories and DebatesUnit-II – Defining Political Participation
Introduction
Meaning of 'Political' According to Aristotle (Politics, 1), 'Man is by nature a political animal'. The term 'political' is inextricably linked to the phenomena of conflict and cooperation. The activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which they live is known as politics. The study of government, the state and politics, the application of empirical theory and scientific methods to the analysis of political matters comes under the gamut of 'political'. There are several views on politics. It is considered as :-
1. The art of government 2. As public affairs 3. As compromise and consensus 4. As power and the distribution of resources Disagreement about the nature of political activity is matched by controversy about the nature of politics as an academic discipline. One of the most ancient spheres of intellectual enquiry reveals that politics was originally seen as an arm of philosophy, history or law.
Its central purpose was to uncover the principles upon which human society should be based. It is essentially social activity, inextricably linked on the one hand, to the existence of diversity and conflict, and on the other to a willingness to cooperate and act collectively. It is better seen more as a search for conflict resolution than as its achievement, as not all conflicts are, or can be, resolved. There is considerable debate about the realm of 'the political'. Conventionally, politics has narrowly been seen as embracing institutions and actors operating in a 'public' sphere concerned with the collective organization of social existence. However, when politics is understood in terms of power-structured relationships, it may be seen to operate in the 'private' sphere as well.
The shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines politics as 'the art and science of government' and as 'that branch of moral philosophy dealing with the state or social organism as a whole'. In this tradition of thought, 'politics' and 'the political' are linked to public life, the state; and political parties.
Women, Governance and Politics
Women's Political Participation: Theories and DebatesUnit-II – Defining Political Participation
But there is widespread recognition of broader and more historically and culturally variable connotations. Vicki Randall identifies the common ground in its relationship to scarce resources and conflict over their distribution. She differentiates the concepts of politics as activity and as relationship. In relation to the arena of public life, feminism has been concerned to expose the gendered nature of political activity, and to win full political participation for women. Basically, feminism is a political project to understand and therefore to change women's inequality and exploitation.
Understanding Participation
Participation is the involvement and consultation of those affected by decisions in the process of decision making. Involvement may include a right to elect representatives, to vote on issues, to campaign and canvass, to decide matters, to veto etc. Participation is related to one's status, education, occupation, income and membership of organization. Participation by both men and women is a key cornerstone of good governance. Participation could be either direct or through legitimate intermediate institutions or representatives. It is important to point out that representative democracy does not necessarily mean that the concerns of the most vulnerable in society would be taken into account in decision making. Participation needs to be informed and organized. This means freedom of association and expression on the one hand and an organized civil society on the other hand. The idea of this participation, assumes greater importance in a democratic system which, indeed, demands it. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, H. McClosky defines participation as "the principal means by which consent is granted or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are made accountable to the ruled."
However, in case of female participation, one can find a severe political apathy. Women have remained marginalized and disadvantaged group throughout the globe. The sphere of world politics is no exception to it. J. Ann Tickner, one of the "Scholar-come-Mother Thinker" of the feminist stream of International Relations, is surprised by non-recognition of women's participation and less number of women active in this sphere. Women are not only excluded as active political participators and
Women, Governance and Politics
Women's Political Participation: Theories and DebatesUnit-II – Defining Political Participation
researchers but also as subjects of study. In the practical political arena, the supremacy of men and subjection of women exist in most of the societies. After the adoption of democracy in the 20th century by most of the countries in Asia, Africa and Latin American Continent, there is some progress in women's participation in politics. Still, this is not satisfactory.
Studying Political Participation :-
One of the most important ingredients of every political system is 'Political Participation'. It is a known fact that political power in every society is monopolized by a few selective persons. By involving the common people in the affairs of the state, political participation fosters stability and order by reinforcing the legitimacy of political authority.
A society in which a major part of the population is denied any participation whatsoever, is likely to be highly vulnerable. That is why even in modern non-democratic political systems, the idea of political participation seems to be well-established. A modern fascist or a modern dictator, notwithstanding whatever power he is free to exercise; will certainly try to cloak his arbitrary decisions with the veil of a mass approval secured through some forms of political participation by the people.
This, however, does not mean that the rate of political participation is always high in modern stable democracies. Indeed a democracy like the U.S.A. reveals a rather poor rate of political participation in comparison with the corresponding rates in other democracies like Australia, New Zealand, Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries.
Women's empowerment and their active participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of life, especially participation in politics, governance, in the decision-making process and policy-formulation are vital for the overall development of society. Let us first of all understand what do we mean by political participation in order to spotlight the problem of women's under-representation in politics. Participation in electoral processes involves much more than just voting. Political participation derives from the freedom to speak out, assemble and associate; the ability to take part in the conduct of public
Women, Governance and Politics
Women's Political Participation: Theories and DebatesUnit-II – Defining Political Participation
affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate, to campaign, to be elected and to hold office at all levels of government. There is no such thing as a free choice in politics. People's preferences are influenced and conditioned by the social and political context in which they live. One can distinguish three kinds of political participation: Voting, Electoral campaigning and Non-partisan lobbyingparticularly on local community affairs or even particularized contacts with officials to achieve some personal benefit.
Political participation denotes a series of voluntary activities which have a bearing on the political process that involves issues like the selection of rulers and the various aspects of the formation of public policy. These activities are –