Part 1
Paper-11 Module-1 Social Reform Movement and Women's Participation.
Personal Details
Role Name Affiliation Principal Investigator Prof. Sumita Parmar
Allahabad University, Allahabad Paper Coordinator Prof. Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla, Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi and Ex-Vice Chancellor, MGS University, Bikaner Content Writer/Author (CW)
Dr. Preeti Singh Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Vasanta College for Women, Rajghat, Varanasi Content Reviewer (CR) Prof.
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla and Vice Chancellor, MGS University, Bikaner
Chandrakala Padia
Description of the Module
Subject Name
Women's Studies
Paper Name Women, Governance and Politics Module Name
Social Reform Movement and Women's Participation Module Id Paper-11 Module-1 Prerequisites
The reader is expected to have a basic understanding of the 19th century social reform movement. Objectives To make the reader understand how the
social reform movement created a niche for women in the public sphere, and critically analyze the social reform movement from Women's Studies perspective.
Keywords Public-Private; Reformist, Revivalist, Radical, Patriarchy
The Social Reform Movement
Introduction
The 19th century occupies a very significant place in the history of modern India. This was the period when many images of India and Indians were constructed, mis-constructed and reconstructed by the British imperial power as well as the revivalists, radicals and the reformists. In this process, the question of women was at the centre. What is significant to note is that though the question of woman was at the centre during the 19th century reform movement, voices of women remained at the margin. Forbes (1998) rightly writes that "in the 19th century, the 'woman question' loomed large. This was not a question of 'what do women want' but rather 'how can they be modernized". [Forbes, 1998]. In fact, in the early 19th century, as a response to colonial encounter and imperial allegation of backwardness of the Indian society, women were converted from the "object of oppression" to the "site of reform". The issues of social reform movement related to women were mainly determined by the male social reformers. In fact, apart from the revivalist/reformist divide, the social reform movement can be divided into three categories: social reform
movement by upper caste male reformers; social reform movement by low caste male reformers, and social reform movement by women reformers. However, these three categories cannot be understood in total separation with each other, because one created space for the other.
During the early phase of the social reform movement, the male social reformers were the dominant actors. To illustrate, Raja Rammohan Roy raised his voice against the inhuman practice of sati. In his historical article, "A Conference between an Advocate for and an Opponent to the Practice of Burning Widow Alive" he argued that none of the scriptures prescribe the practice of sati. His attempt was widely opposed by the orthodoxy.
However, finally efforts of Roy and many of his supporters led to promulgation of Bengal Sati Regulation, 1829 which declared the practice of Sati illegal and punishable by the criminal court.
Legal abolition of Sati though paved the way for right to life for Hindu widows, but still, the right to a dignified life for widows was a far goal to achieve due to the hardships imposed on them. Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar took up the cause of widows and it led the campaign for legalizing widow remarriage which ultimately resulted in the passing of the Hindu Widow Remarriage Act, 1856. He also challenged the Hindu practice of polygamy and presented a petition to the government signed by twenty five hundred persons to legally prohibit polygamy.
Another major issue taken up by the reformers was child marriage. Social reformers like Behram Malabari and G.H. Deshmukh blamed the practice as responsible for weakness of the Indian nation and race. These reformers fought for raising the age of consent and this time women also came forward to support the cause. A petition signed by sixteen hundred women was sent to Queen Victoria for raising the age of consent in 1890. Amid the oppositions by the orthodox and nationalists, the social reformers kept on fighting for the cause and could get the Age of Consent Act passed in 1891.
Unlike the issues of Sati, child marriage, tonsure of widows, widow remarriage and polygamy, the issue of education for women got acceptance of reformists, revivalists as well as of radicals. However, though all these groups agreed that women should be educated, but there was disagreement on 'what to teach women' and 'why to teach women'. The major issue was whether to educate women as individuals to develop their rational faculty or as wives and mothers to enable them to perform their roles in a
better way. However, the main stress was on educating women to be better wives and mothers.
Unlike the elite upper caste male social reformers who were mostly either conservative or moderate in their approach, Jyotirao Phule, representing the depressed section of the society, unravelled the connection between the subordination of women and caste hierarchy. He openly challenged Brahmin patriarchy through his radical arguments and social reform initiatives.
The above account makes it clear that the male social reformers did not form a homogeneous group. But it cannot be denied that these male social reformers whether moderate, revivalist or radical-knowingly or unknowingly, intentionally or unintentionally created a space for women and hence facilitated their participation.
Women's Participation in Social Reform Movement
Since the question of woman constituted the core of the 19th century social reform movement, there are few questions relating to women's participation which need to be answered, like where were the voices of women in the social reform movement? How did women look upon the woman's question? Was there any difference between the perspectives of female and male social reformers?
So far the matter concerned with the issues, we find that both the male and female social reformers fought for almost similar causes. Few major names of women who played a very significant role in the social reform movement are Francina Sorabjee, Parvati Ayyappan, Ramabai Ranade, Rakhmabai, Pandita Ramabai, Mataji Maharani Tapaswini, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat etc. Like male social reformers, these female social reformers also raised their
voices against social evils, but their main focus was on educating women, to mention a few significant steps taken by women reformers in this direction. Francina Sorabjee founded three schools at Poona and also started a Teachers Training School in 1872; Lakshmi Bayamma from Andhra Pradesh founded Saradaniketan, a residential school for women at Guntur; and Ramabai Ranade, along with her husband Justice Ranade, founded Seva Sadan and the Seva Sadan Nursing and Medical Association.
Further, when we look at the approach of women social reformers, we find that women social reformers may be classified into two different categories: first, those women who did not raise their independent voice rather followed the agenda set by their male counterparts–either reformist or revivalist; second; women who directly challenged patriarchy by raising their voices against female subordination and other social evils in their personal life as well as in public life by leading social campaigns against such practices. The second category of women can be regarded as the forerunners of modern day feminists. But these two categories are overlapping and hence no watertight compartment can be made between the two.
Women's Participation in Social Reform Movement: The
Traditionalist View of Women's Education
Revivalist vision, which was in favour of social reform on Indian
lines, was one of the most dominant views during this phase. One
very significant woman figure who immensely contributed to the
cause of women's education was Mataji Maharani Tapaswini. Her
views on women's education were in full agreement with the
revivalist vision which wanted to educate 'girls on strictly
nationalist lines in the hope that they might regenerate Hindu
society'. [Forbes,1998] Mataji Maharani Tapaswini started her first
school with thirty students with the purpose of educating women in
accordance with the Hindu religion and moral principles. She
founded the Mahakali Pathshala in Calcutta in 1893.The founders
of the school supported the cause of women's education, but their
approach was quite conservative, as they opposed co-education
and advocated the idea of different syllabi for girls to meet the
specific needs of their roles as wives and mothers. Mataji
Maharani Tapaswini was of the opinion that girls' syllabus should
include "knowledge of sacred literature and history, an
understanding of myths and legends that spoke of the duties of the
daughter, wife, daughter-in-law and mother and practical skills
such as cooking and sewing." [Forbes, 1998] The syllabus of the
Mahakali Pathshala, based on the traditional view of women's role
in family and society, was widely praised by the conservative
middle class Hindu men who were of the opinion that any attempt
to educate women on modern lines would ultimately 'demoralize'
and 'denationalize' young Hindu women. Due to its conventional
syllabus, the popularity of the school grew very rapidly and within
ten years of its establishment the school had twenty three branches
with 450 students.
Like Mataji Maharani, Anandibai and Parvatibai also stressed upon
the need of educating women but with a traditional perspective.
Anandibai was a child widow who at the age of twenty two got
married to Dhondo Keshav Karve. Parvatibai, Anandibai's sister,
was also a widow who decided not to remarry and to lead a
meaningful life. These two women worked for women's education
under the leadership of Karve who was an advocate of education
for women, especially widows, to make them economically self
dependent. What must be underlined here is that though Karve was
a great supporter of women's education, he was not in favour of
giving same kind of education to all women. His argument was
that the purpose of education for widows should be to make them
economically self-sufficient, but for unmarried girls education
should be a means to make them 'good wives, good mothers, good
neighbours.'[Parvati Athavali, 1930] With these dual goals he
founded the Mahila Vidyalaya. In 1916 Karve established
Women's University with the same goal as an alternative to
Western co-educational university. In this Women's University
focus was on instructions in vernaculars and courses like Home
Science. Karve was of the opinion the women must be educated
like men but they need not be given the same education as both
have different roles to play. To quote him:
" we must recognize that both national and social economy require
that women should occupy a station of their own distinct from that
of men… but that the office they have to fill is different, through
equal – perhaps greater in importance."[D.K. Karve, 1936]
Parvatibai Athavali who became the superintendent of the Mahila
Vidyalaya was in full agreement with Karve's vision on women's
education and was of the opinion that women should be educated
for performing their 'natural roles' more perfectly and not at all for
entering into the public realm. Like Karve, she also considered
'public roles for women as an aberration rather than the norm'.[
Forbes, 1998] It is significant to point out here that Parvatibai's
stand on women's issues was somewhere between reformist and
conservative. On the one hand, she refused to accept the orthodox
view that widows were a worthless section of the society who
could not lead a meaningful life after the death of their husbands
and hence advocated education for widow to make them self
reliant; on the other, she was against the reformist agenda of
widow remarriage. Further, her views on girls' education testify
her conservative position as she argued that the purpose of
education for girls is not to make them self dependent because the
ultimate purpose of a girl's life is to marry and so the education for
girls should be such as would prepare them for their marital and
family responsibilities. Therefore, she supported curriculum of the
Mahila Vidyalaya where emphasis was on training in child care
and home craft.
Thus, efforts of these traditionalist women social reformers
for women's education were based on the principle that though
men and women both have a role to play in betterment of the
society, their roles are different and complementary.
Muslim Women's Education and Contribution of Begum
Rokeya Sakhawat
While Maharani Tapaswini, Anandibai and Parvatibai took up the
task of educating Hindu girls, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat became a
significant figure in educating Muslim girls. She started an
institution for Muslim girls in Bhagalpur, Bihar in 1909. Then in
1911 she founded Sakhawat Memorial Girls' School in Calcutta.
Begum Rokeya understood that any radical move on her part
would be damaging to her goal of educating Muslim girls.
Therefore, Purdah rules were strictly followed in her school while
transporting the girl students. She made it clear that education
would not divert women from their traditional roles, rather would
enable them in performing these roles more efficiently. Keeping
this goal in mind, the curriculum in Rokeya's school included
practical subjects like handicrafts, home Science, gardening etc.
Begum Rokeya, on the one hand, appears to be a moderate who
wanted to educate Muslim girls without intervening into the
practices prevalent in the then Muslim society; on the other she
expressed her radicalism through her writings. She was a prolific
writer who wrote several articles on women's pathetic condition
where she stressed the need to educate women, especially Muslim
women who were deprived of economic means and were
compelled to live a life of deprivation and permanent confinement.
She realized that it is only education which could free women from
this life of permanent deprivation and would help them in playing
their due role in society. Some of her famous essays are – 'Borka',
'Ardhangi', 'Griha' and 'Sugrihini'. Raising her voice against the
practice of seclusion, she boldly wrote that seclusion 'is not a
gaping wound, hurting people. It is rather a silent killer like carbon
monoxide gas.' [Forbes, 1998] For such writings – which were too
radical for the 19th century Muslim society – Rokeya was widely
criticized and was even accused 'of being Pro-Christian and
Europhile'. [Forbes, 1998]
Radical Women Voices and the Social Reform Movement
Unlike Anandiba and Parvatibai whose position was somewhere
between reformist and conservative, there were women who
blatantly took a radical position and directly objected to the
patriarchal structure of the Indian society. They challenged the
beliefs and norms of the Hindu society and thus met with strong
opposition and were projected as women who would 'degenerate'
and 'denationalize' young Hindu women. Representatives of this
radical strand were Pandita Ramabai, Rakhmabai and Savitribai
Phule, who did not confine their efforts only to the cause of
education but directly attacked upon the gendered norms of the
Hindu society.
Pandita Ramabai overtly challenged Hindu patriarchy in her book
The High Caste Hindu Woman. Pandita Ramabai was a great
Sanskrit scholar and had studied the Hindu Shastras and Purans.
She was also an eloquent speaker. Being influenced by her oratory
she was given the title of 'Saraswati' by the Calcutta elite. In
Poona, she started working with the reformers to educate women
through the Arya Mahila Samaj. While presenting evidence before
Hunter Commission, she stressed on the need of educating women
and the need for women doctors and teachers. Gradually her acts
and views turned radical. She decided to learn English and study
medicine and with the financial help of the Anglo Catholic
Community of St. Mary the Virgin, she went to England where she
decided to accept baptism. Her move was harshly criticized in her
native country and her reforms were viewed with much suspicion.
With the goal of educating women for making them self-reliant,
she started Sharada Sadan, a school for widows in Bombay. Her
school was targeted by the revivalists and orthodoxy as a centre to
convert Hindu widows to Christianity. To reject such charges,
Ramabai made it clear at the opening of the school that the school
'would not actively preach Christianity or try to make converts.'
[Radha Kumar, 1993] But despite this, Pandita Ramabai's project
of educating women to make them self-reliant met with much
opposition.
This suspicion was further increased by a news published in the
December 1889 issue of the Christian Weekly which reported that
'at present there are seven young widows in the Sharda Sadan, two
of whom have expressed their love for Christianity' [Radha
Kumar, 1993].This news led to much outrage in revivalist circles.
To stop such criticisms and oppositions, Ramabai formed an
Executive Committee composed of reformers having a staunch
Hindu image. She thought that this step would silence the charge
of Anglicization, but this did not work and the orthodoxy and
revivalists kept criticizing Sharda Sadan as a centre of
degeneration and denationalization of Hindu womanhood. The
nationalist newspaper Keshari charged that Ramabai was
converting widows to Christianity. Finally, the school was shifted
to Poona due to financial crisis. Under the influence of revivalists
and conservatives many families withdrew their girls from the
school. But amid such criticisms and hardships Sharda Sadan did
not deviate from its primary goal of making women self reliant.
Eighty women had been trained by the school, and could earn their
livelihood through nursing and teaching by the year 1900.
In 1897 she established another school 'Mukti' at Kedgaon near
Poona where 2000 women and children were attending school as
well as getting industrial training. This school received funding
from an American Committee and due to financial support of the
committee–which did not have any objection to Ramabai's
innovative and sometimes even radical schemes – Ramabai could
implement her plan of imparting such education which would not
make the inmates only materially self reliant but would lead to
generation of democratic spirit. A glance at the curriculum of the
school – which included Physiology, Botany, and industrial
training in printing, carpentry, tailoring, masonry, wood-cutting,
weaving and needle work and training in farming and gardening –
exemplifies the innovative ideas of Ramabai. When this
curriculum is compared to curriculum of Mataji Maharani
Tapswini's Mahakali Pathshala and D.K. Karve's Women's
University where the focus was on subjects like Home Science and
handicrafts, the difference between the traditionalist and radical
approaches is quite evident. While the former wanted to make
women self-reliant citizens, the latter intended to make them better
wives and mothers. Though, both the groups agreed on the need of
educating women, they had major differences of opinion on the
purpose and content of women's education. Recognizing
Ramabai's unique contribution to the 19th century Social Reform
Movement, Forbes rightly comments: "Ramabai's educational
work impressed contemporaries but her connection with
Christianity has obfuscated her contribution to women's
education. An acknowledged Christian when hatred of the ruling
power was growing daily, her work angered some of the most
powerful men in Western India. [Forbes, 1998]
Ramabai could see the caste dimension of such criticisms and
boldly argued that, this new education is opposed by the high caste
men because it poses challenge to their dominant position.
'Ramabai believed that the intensity of their [high caste men] anger
related to the fact that many of her pupils came from the higher
castes. She argued that these men would have remained
unconcerned if her work were confined to low-caste women.'
[Forbes,1998] .
Rakhmabai, another major radical figure made her life itself a site
for radical social reform. She got married to Dadabhai Bhikaji in
her childhood but when she grew up, she refused to live with her
husband and thus started a fight against the practice of child
marriage. Bhikaji filed a petition for restitution of his conjugal
rights and also won his case in the High Court of Appeal. But even
the decision of the Court could not stop Rakhmabai's radical zeal
for freedom. She refused to obey the order of the Court and rather
preferred to pay the fine imposed by the Court. Her audacious step
was supported by Ramabai who openly condemned the judgment
of the Court and wrote: "Our only wonder is that a defenseless
woman like Ruhkamabai dared to raise her voice in the face of the
powerful Hindu law, the mighty British Government, the
129,000,000 men and the 330,000,000 Gods of the Hindus; all
these have conspired together to crush her into nothingness. We
cannot blame the English Government for not defending a helpless
woman; it is only fulfilling its agreement made with the male
population of India." [Pandita Ramabai,1888]
Thus, Rakhmabai not only opposed child marriage but translated
her ideas into action. Uma Chakravarti addresses her as 'the
recalcitrant wife whose education was the source of her desire for
a companionate marriage and the disavowal of her conjugal
obligations.' [Uma Chakravarti, 2000]. However, her resistance
was not limited to her personal life. She became one of the
strongest voices against patriarchal Hindu institutions and
practices. Opposing the Hindu institution of marriage, she argued
that the Hindu institution of marriage is suffocating for women, as
it is based on total submission of wife to her husband. She was of
the view that this hierarchical marriage should be replaced by
companionate marriage. She was also a staunch critic of the
imposed widowhood. In her letter to The Times of India on
'Enforced Widowhood', Rakhmabai questioned the harsh
treatment given to Hindu windows. Unravelling the double
standards of Hindu Shastras and customs, she raised the point that
while a man is allowed to remarry immediately after the death of
his wife, but a woman after the death of her husband is treated as
sexually and morally dead being. She further charged that while
prescribing the rules to be followed by the widow, the Shastras did
not take into consideration the age of the widow and prescribed
one set of rules for all the widows. Ridiculing the practice, she said
that if a girl of five or six years married for the gratification of her
parents, loses her 'child–husband', this 'child–wife' – who hardly
knows the meaning of the words 'husband' and 'wife', 'wifedom'
and 'widowhood' and 'happiness' and 'misery' – is as much a
widow as an elderly woman who loses her husband at the age of
seventy. Rakhmabai divided widows into three categories: (a) from
the age of 5 to 15 (b) 15 to 25 and (c) 25 to 35. Lamenting the
pathetic state of the widows of the first category, Rakhmabai said
that a widow of tender age 'grows up in blessed ignorance till she
becomes a young woman and is able to comprehend the terrible
future that has been reserved for her by the gentle decree of her
human legislators.' [Chakravarti and Gill, 2001]
Rakhmabai unflinchingly spoke against such double standards and
opined that these inhuman laws have remained unchallenged
because these laws were formulated by men to protect their
interests. In her letter to Ramabai she argued that these laws are
outdated and should be removed. To quote from her letter : "the
learned and civilized judges of the full benches are determined to
enforce in this enlightened age the inhuman laws enacted in
barbaric times, four thousand year ago." [Quoted in Pandita
Ramabai, the High Caste Hindu Woman, 1888]
Like Ramabai and Rakhmabai, a very strong voice against
patriarchy in general and specifically against the upper caste
patriarchy was of Savitribai Phule who posed twin challenge to the
caste system and patriarchy.
Savitribai opened many schools in Maharashtra to educate lower
caste women and girls. Her most radical contribution to the social
reform movement was establishment of a centre 'Balhatya
Pratibandhak Griha' (Infanticide Prohibition Centre), where
unmarried women and widows could give birth to their illegitimate
children. She established this centre with her husband as a mark of
resistance against upper caste patriarchal morality. Continuing
their resistance against the gendered social customs of the Hindu
society, the couple, further, organized a strike to stop the barbers
from shaving the heads of widows as a mark of resistance against
the inhuman practice of tonsure of widows.
Analyzing Social Reform Movement from Women's Studies Perspective
From the above account of women's participation in the social
reform movement, it is quite clear that women who participated in
the social reform movement vary in their approaches and
perspectives. Further, from the above account of women social
reformers, it cannot be and must not be concluded that women
equally participated in the social reform movement. On the
contrary, women were not the actual actors rather were treated as
the objects of reform. In fact, social reform movement was
dominantly a male movement. Sumit Sarkar rightly argues that the
social reform movement was aimed at only 'limited and controlled
emancipation'. [Sumit Sarkar, 1973] Despite the few available
names of women social reformers, it is significant to underline that
'women themselves were not partners in the schemes created for
their regeneration; more often they were portrayed as opposed to
their own liberation'. [Forbes, 1998] It was not at all a movement
for gender equality and gender justice in true sense of the terms. A
scrutiny of the 19th century social reform movement and women's
participation in it from Women's Studies perspective discovers the
point that though women participated in the social reform
movement but the perspective of women was largely missing.
Leela Kasturi and Vina Mazumdar rightly observe: " Barring a
few exceptions, the 'modernists' or the 'revivalists' were not really
concerned with gender equality, women's own desires or their
perspectives on dignity and justice. Nor were they aware of the
inter-relationship between patriarchal controls over women's
freedom, roles and behaviour and the carefully preserved pluralist
hierarchical organisation of Indian society. Issues such as the
radical restructuring of the social order or of bridging the social
gap between different classes/ castes/ communities were very far
from most reformers' aims. There were however some outstanding
exceptions."
Summary
The question of woman was at the centre during the 19th century
social reform movement, but voices of women mostly remained
at the margin.
The major issues during the social reform movement were: child
marriage, Sati, widow remarriage, widow tonsure, polygamy
and women's education.
Women who participated in the social reform movement can be
divided into two categories: women who conformed to the
traditional roles and norms; and women who revolted against
them and were comparatively radical in their approach.
On the issue of women's education there was consensus on the
need of educating women among revivalists, reformists and
radicals but these three groups stand in opposition to each other
on the question of 'why to teach' and 'what to teach'.
Mataji Maharani Tapaswini's Mahakali Pathshala was in
conformity with the revivalist ideal of education.
Begum Rokeya Sakhwat took up the cause of Muslim women's
education.
Pandita Ramabai,Rakhmabai and Savitribai Phule were the
representatives of radical voices of resistance.
Though women participated in the social reform movement but
the perspective of women was largely missing
References
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Karve,D,K. Looking Back, Poona: StreeShikshan
Samsatha,1936.
Kaur, M,M. The Role of Women in the Freedom Movement
(1857-1947), New Delhi: Sterling, 1968.
Cowan,Minna, S. The Education of the Women of India,
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Kosambai, Meera. "Woman Emancipation and Equality:
Pandita Ramabai's Contribution to Women's Cause", EPW
23,No.44, October 29, 1988.
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compiled by Sister Geraldine, (ed.) A.B. Shah, Bombay:
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Women, 2000.
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Delhi: Inter – India Publications, 1888.
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on Widowhood, Delhi: Kali for Women, 2001
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Description of Module
Subject Name Women's Studies
Paper Name Women's Studies as an Academic Discipline
Module Name/Title Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement: Moderate Phase
Module Id
Pre-requisites The Reader is expected to have the knowledge of British Colonialism and Indian freedom struggle Objectives To make the reader understand the condition of Indian women, their issues and participation in public life Keywords Nationalist Movement, Indian National Congress, Moderates, Women Participation
Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement : Moderate Phase. Personal Details
Role Name Affiliation Principal Investigator Prof. Sumita Parmar
Allahabad University, Allahabad
Paper Coordinator Prof Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla, Ex. Vice Chancellor MGS University, Bikaner & Professor of Political Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi Content Writer/Author (CW)
Dr. Afreen Khan Assistant Professor Department of Political Science & Public Administration Dr Harisingh Gour Vishwavidyalaya (A Central University) Sagar, Madhya Pradesh Content Reviewer (CR) Prof Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla, Ex. Vice Chancellor MGS University, Bikaner & Professor of Political Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi Language Editor (LE) Prof Chandrakala Padia
Chairperson ,IIAS, Shimla, Ex. Vice Chancellor MGS University, Bikaner & Professor of Political Science, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi
Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement: Moderate Phase
1.1 Nationalist Movement of India 1.2 Foundation of Indian National Congress 1.3 Moderate Character of Indian National Congress 1.4 Women Participation in nationalist movement 1.5 Women's Organizations and activists 1.6 Moderate Phase of Congress and Womens Participation 1.7 Conclusion 1.8 References 1.1 Nationalist Movement of India
The national movement covered a time span of sixty two years starting with the birth of the Indian National Congress in 1885 up to 1947. But before that the freedom struggle against British rule started with the great revolt of 1857. Though this revolt did not succeed the way was planned yet it helped in raising the socio-political consciousness of the people of India and it made them realize the need to be free from an alien rule. The failure of this Revolt and its aftermath convinced Indian people that the method of `blood and bomb' without proper organization and adequate preparedness would not be sufficient to challenge the might of the British Empire. The educated Indians realized that the political revolution in the country could not be brought about without psychological revolution. With this aim in view, concrete and far reaching steps were taken in the post-revolt years to generate among the masses a genuine desire to liberate themselves from the age-old customs, traditions and dogmas and ultimately to bring about their political, social and economic development.
After 1857, political nationalism developed in India as a result of several forces working simultaneously or in close succession. It is important to note that the birth of nationalism in India was as a reaction to selfish interests of the British rulers. As these interests came into conflict with those of the Indian people, and the British rulers sacrificed the interests of the Indians for their own sake, discontent and resentment grew. This naturally led to the growth of political nationalism. This new phase of national consciousness was manifested in the emergence of Provincial Political Associations. The Provincial Associations brought nineteenth century India on the threshold of modern politics though they had limited scope and programme. However, during the course of the century, a number of associations came to be established in different parts of the country by groups of men united by secular interests. The factors which held them together were common education, common skills and functions, common aspirations and resentment against the policies of the British rulers. They drew their support from certain sections of the society such as students, professionals, landlords, merchants and others. Their activities were limited to narrow geographical areas. But gradually more ambitious political organizations began to emerge extending beyond the narrow considerations. These were the Provincial Associations which began to search for ways and means of working together in India as a whole. This trend provided education to
the Indians in the politics of associations which culminated in the establishment of the Indian National Congress. Between the years 1843 and 1850, there were only two political associations in the whole of India, the Bengal British India Society and the Zamindar Association. (Sen, 1997) There was some attempt to organize branch associations in other parts of the country but without much success.
The British Indian Association with its exclusive character could not meet the aspirations of the rapidly growing middle class community in Bengal and failed to secure any substantial advantages for them. The middle class was developing new ideas of patriotism and politics. This new phase of political consciousness was manifested in the emergence of political Associations. Like Bengal there were some other associations established in Maharastra and Madras. They were the British Indian Associations, the Indian Association, the Bombay Association, the Bengal British India Association, the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, the Mahajan Sabha of Madras and the National Conference. Due to these associations the All India National Congress was established on 28th December, 1885 at Bombay.
1.2 Foundation of Indian National Congress
The foundation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 was not an isolated, sudden event or a historical accident. It was the result of the evolution of long drawn political ideas and organizations. The politically matured intellectuals broke the shackles of narrow groupism and regional interests and projected themselves as representatives of national interests. The all-India nationalist organization that eventually emerged served as the platform, the organizer, the headquarters and the symbol of the new national spirit and politics.
Allan Octavian Hume was the founding father of the Congress. Emphasizing the need to form an organization, Hume said, 'Scattered individuals, however capable and however well-meaning, are powerless singly. What is needed is union, organization, and to secure these, an association is required, armed and organized with unusual care, having for its object to promote the mental, moral, social and political regeneration of the people of India'. (Pandey 1997) The First Session of the Congress took place in Mumbai on 28th December, 1885, in the presence of 72 all India delegates. (Sen 1997: 60) W.C. Bannerjee, the President of the first session declared the aims and objectives of the Congress and passed several resolutions in the same session. The speeches of the delegates at the first session of Indian National Congress were characterized by moderation and loyalty to the British Crown. In his Presidential address W.C. Bannerjee expressed his belief that the Congress would be equally advantageous to the authorities and to people. (Mookerjee 1974)
With the establishment of the Indian National Congress, the national movement and the struggle for freedom from the British rule was launched in an organized manner. For more than twenty years following the foundation of the Indian National Congress, the political life of the country was completely dominated by Moderates. It also gave shape and form to the ideas of administrative and constitutional reforms which were the main aspects of the political programme of the nationalists. However, it is not historically correct to say that the history of the freedom struggle in India is nothing but the history of the Indian National Congress. In fact there were other forces and undercurrents also which contributed to a
considerable extent to the freedom struggle of the country. Nevertheless, it must be noted that the Indian National Congress was the paramount nationalist organization which led the country to its final liberation from the British yoke. (Suguna 2009) 1.3 Moderate Character of Indian National Congress
The Congress provided a common platform for the nationalist leaders from different parts of the country to meet and voice their grievances and place their demands before the British Government. The early Indian leadership was represented by people like Dadabhai Naoroji, Justice M. G. Ranade, Sir Pherozshah Mehta and Gopal Krishna Gokhale and came to be described as 'Moderates'. These and other such moderate leaders, fascinated by British parliamentary institutions, hoped to introduce such kind of institutions in India gradually and through constitutional methods. They were reformers and not revolutionaries. The beneficence of British rule was the foundation of their political philosophy, but they laboured ceaselessly for the liberalization of that rule. The moderates voiced the demands of the English educated class which was drawn mainly from Bengal, Bombay and Madras, where English education was first introduced. (Ghose 1984) It was the above method of political work of the early nationalists that earned them the epithet of 'moderates'. These methods can be summed up briefly as 'constitutional agitation' within the four corners of the law. They believed that their main task was to educate people in modern politics and arouse national consciousness and to create a united public opinion on political questions. For this purpose the moderates adopted several methods. They held public meetings, made speeches, passed resolutions setting forth popular demands. Through the press, the moderates carried on a daily critique of the government. They also sent a number of memorials and petitions to high government officials and even to the British Parliament. A second objective of the early nationalist leaders was to influence the British Government and the British public opinion to introduce the necessary reforms in various fields of administration. The moderates believed that the British were unaware of the real conditions of India. They therefore made all efforts to enlighten the British public through memorials and petitions and by carrying on an active political propaganda in England. The moderates have been considered the pioneers of nationalism in India. They tried for the first time to weld India into a nation. The British government created a geographical unity and the moderates created a 'we-sentiment' in India. (Stein 1998)
1.4 Women's Issues and Participation in Nationalist Movement
In Indian society, the coming of British rule led to the upsurge of women's question which figured prominently in their colonial discourses. While British rule projected the pitiable position of women in India to highlight their role of Civilizing Mission, the Indian reformers used the analogy of female goddesses to free Bharat Mata from the colonial rapists. The colonized society was considered to be 'effeminate' in character, as opposed to 'colonial masculinity', which was held as a justification for its loss of independence. But women's role vis-a-vis the family was looked through the patriarchal lens. However this journey of confluence and conflict of gender and colonialism in India was multidimensional and multi the layered. (Singh 2015) Traditional histories of nationalism have largely been written from
male perspective. Although mining of new kinds of sources – women's writings, correspondences, biographical literature, interviews as well as the reworking of more standard historical document: organizational and private papers, official reports and correspondence widened the ambit and scope of women's history. (Davis 1997) In the Great Uprising of 1857, some Indian women boldly contributed, directly or indirectly, to the cause of freedom. Maharani Lakshmibai 'the bravest of all rebels' shines like a bright star on the horizon of that mass movement. She was, among others, very ably and wholeheartedly assisted not only by the Hindu women but also by the Muslim women. Nevertheless, the number of such dauntless women crusaders was very few. Thereafter came a period of Orthodoxism among both the Hindus and Muslims, particularly with regard to their womenfolk. The mobility of women was by and large restricted to the four walls of their dwellings. An average Indian woman had no access to school, college and other public places. A fairly large majority of them lived as deaf and dumb driven cattle. In a way it was Dark Age for the Indian women. It has been very often and correctly said that India's struggle for independence has also been a struggle for Indian woman's emancipation.
It reveals a story of movement within a movement. Indian women contested for their legitimate space in society challenging the overarching patriarchal set up and also participated in the National Struggle for independence. It was a unique balancing act, wherein they had at times to compromise and console themselves with the partial fruits of their long and ardours struggle and other times to sacrifice it altogether. Women's participation in the Indian national movement expanded base of women's movement in India. Their participation in freedom struggle strengthened not only the national struggle for freedom, it also provided them a forum to bring forth the contestations and contractions of the patriarchal society. The freedom struggle saw the participation of women move from a passive to active to an activist's role. The basic form of women's movement was triggered by nineteenth century male reformers. Colonial social reform of the nineteenth century tried to abolish abuses of social life and tried to usher in more progressive gender relations. (Sarkar 2007)
In the early nineteenth century, the liberal reformers or the revivalists, made women as the recipient of social change. Brahmo samaj and Prarthana samaj especially did valuable work in educating women and gave them their first experience with public work. By the end of the nineteenth century women themselves took the role of emancipators and fought cudgels for personal reforms and political rights. The number of women in public sphere increased considerably. The novels of Nirupama Devi and Anurupa Devi were appreciated and being referred in Bengali literary circle. Maharashtra's first woman novelist kashibai Kantikar, started writing in 1890 and first woman doctor, Anandibai Joshi qualified at the same time. In 1882, Tarabai Shinde, known as the first Indian feminist (Guha 2012), wrote the book 'Comparison between man and woman' and despite the fact that the book was greeted with hostility the reformist organizations and many reformers like Phule defended this book. According to Gail Omvedt, to Phule 'the issue was the formation of a new and equalitarian husband-wife relationship; the goal was the breakdown of the old authority structure within the family.' Many other women like Ramabai and Mai Bhgwati started working as a reformer and preachers in public meetings. It was in these years that women began to get involved in nationalist campaigns and organizations. (Kumar 2009)
Apart from the achievement of political independence, the second best benefit that flowed out of our nationalist movement has been the liberation of our women, particularly those hailing from urban settlements. However, the path shown by them is continuously being followed by the rural women also. Many of the enlightened women then plunged into India's freedom movement.
1.5 Women's Organizations and activists
Urvashi Butalia (1998), Ritu Menon and Kamala Bhasin (1998) have alleged that there was deliberate absence of a record of women's voice and contribution to political situations in pre-independence India and of the patriarchal nature of our documented history. Given the fact that in our history there is sufficient evidence that women were excluded from the formal education system, it is not surprising that their voices have not been reflected in the written texts that stand as testimonies of our history. We do not argue, therefore, about the general gender-biased nature of our history, but take that as given. There are records, however, of cases of 'exceptional' women, women who challenged the norms of the times such as Swarnakumari devi, sister of Poet Rabindranath Tagore, an author in her own right and a novelist of distinction, who organized the Shakti Samiti in 1882. Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, that remarkable woman from Poona, founded the Arya Samaj and went on to set up a series of woman's association in various towns of Bombay presidency. She also started the Sharda Sadan to provide employment and education to women, particularly to young widows. Women's organization were also started in Madras, Mysore, Bombay, Calcutta and Gujarat. Initially, these associations were confined to a locality or a city. The credit for starting the first All-India women's organization, the Bharat Stri Mahamandal (1901) must go to Sarladevi Chaudhrani. Being Conscious of their political rights and influenced by democratic values, all of these organizations worked actively to generate political consciousness among contemporary women during the early decades. In a few reform efforts, issues of caste and class were also taken up. For example, Satyashodak Mandal was set up by Jotibha Savithribai Phule. It was meant to promote alliance between sudras and women of the upper caste. They built school for lower caste girls. This led to a questioning of upper-caste values based on the wisdom of the Vedas, as well as the callous treatment of women, irrespective of caste. The late nineteenthcentury writings of women such as Muktabai and Tarabai Shinde can be quoted as instances of some early feminists' perspectives, appearing at the time of first attempts at reforming women's education, especially among the lower caste. (O'Hanlon 1994) Reform movements in different regions lead by the Brahmo Samaj, the Parthana Samaj, and the Theosophical Society supported female education and also marked a turning point for its growing acceptance and development. Major development tooks place in North India when member of Arya Samaj opened the Arya Kanya Pathshala and the Kanya Mahavidyalaya in Jallundher. In Bengal, the Bramho Samaj supported female education and progressive organization for women.
1.6 Moderate Phase of Congress and Women Participation The early Indian National Congress, because it claimed to speak for all groups and all classes in India, decided to avoid issues which would foster antagonism. This meant that issues of women's status, education, child marriage, polygamy, purdah and widowhood were discussed on the platform of the National Social Conference. (Gordon 1973) Indian women played a role in the meetings from the very beginning. Attitudes towards social reform, development of educational institutions for women, women's journalism, and clubs for women had all contributed to the emergence of a new group of women in India. Although this was a small group and its members were not representatives of Indian women as a whole, their numbers were growing, as was their interest in women's issues and in political and social transformation. All the earliest women's organizations had some connections, either through their members or their parent organization, with Congress, and it is this connection that has bequeathed history the notion of the inseparability of the women's movement with that of the Indian National Congress. Unfortunately, the most active women worked with the support of their husbands and families and generally the women in the women's movement were the same who involved themselves with politics. To see them as puppets (came out of purdah into political agitation) or dupes (tricked or coerced into abandoning feminism for nationalism) ignores the legacy of the nineteenth century and denies both the intelligence of these women as well as the complexity of their relationship with Congress. It also overlooks the way in which consciousness and ideology developed. For many women, political involvement spurred their feminism, while commitment to improving the status of women encouraged their involvement in the freedom struggle. (Forbes, 1988p 56)
Right since its inception the Indian National Congress had no reservations about women becoming its members. Though there were no women delegates among those who entered their names in the register at the inauguration of the Indian National Congress (Ali 1991), in the fourth session of the Congress at Bombay in 1889 ten female delegates graced the assembly, one elected by men at a public meeting, the other by various women's associations. Among these ten women who attended the fourth session were Europeans, Christians, one Parsi, one orthodox Hindu and three Brahmos. Pandita Ramabai, a social reformer, educationalist and noted Sanskrit scholar, Swarnakumari Devi, a well-known Bengali writer and editor of Bharati; Kadambini Ganguli, Bengal's first woman doctor; and a number of Bombay women were other participants. In fact the participation of women in this congress session appears to have been chiefly due to Ramabai's initiative. She responded to the suggestions of Charles Bradlough that women should join the congress from this time on. However, though the women delegates were allowed to sit on the platforms, they were not allowed to speak or vote on resolutions. (Kumar 2009)
The following year, when the Congress met in Calcutta, both Swarnakumari Devi and Kadambini Ganguli attended as delegates and Miss Ganguly was allowed to present a vote of thanks to the President and she thanked him for allowing her to speak (Basu 1976). In 1901 a song, 'Hindustan', written by Swarnakumari's younger daughter Saraladevi, was performed by a chorus of fifty-six girls representing all regions of India. The following year the National Congress anthem was sung in Gujarati by Lady Vidyagauri Nilkanth and her sister Sharda Mehta (Mazumdar and Mazumdar 1967). This remained the Congress anthem
until 1905 when Saraladevi sung Bankim Chandra Chatterjee's 'Bande Mataram' at the Banaras session. Sarojini Naidu attended the first session of Congress in 1904 in Bombay where she was invited to recite her poem, "Ode to India" before Congress. When Congress met in Calcutta in 1906 Sarojini's fiery speech so impressed Gokhale that he urged her to dedicate her life to the country. By this time she was clearly established as a forceful public speaker who linked the cause of India's freedom with the need to improve women's status. Later she emerged as a strong woman leader of the Congress.
In addition to providing Congress with a few observers and delegates and the spirit of song, a number of Bengali women organized meetings and social events to encourage women to participate in political and social issues. Saraladevi introduced festivals and rituals to celebrate Bengali heroes and arranged a swadeshi exhibition for the Bombay Congress in 1904. Kadambini Ganguli arranged a Mahila Sammelan (Women's Conference) in Calcutta for the wives of Congress members gathered at the Annual Session in 1906 (Bagal 1954).
On a larger scale the protest movement against Lord Curzon's partition of Bengal gained the support of many women. The boycott agitation, begun earlier, finally received Congress approval at the Banaras session of 1905. While some of the Swadeshi movement actions fit the traditional pattern of meetings, speeches and petitions, the press and the platform were used 'to preach the new creed, of radical nationalism' and reach an audience previously untouched by political action (Sarkar 1973). And this new audience included Bengali housewives who were neither formally educated nor had the autonomy or leisure to attend political gatherings with any regularity. The moderate phase begins with the formation of the Congress in 1885 and continued till the 1907 Surat congress where the extremists appeared on the political scene.
1.7 Conclusion
However, despite the contributions made by the women, it would be fair to say that in the early stages of the Congress, though women played a significant role in agitation politics, they did not develop their own political organizations nor were they integrated into decisionmaking bodies in Congress. The impact of their activities was primarily symbolic both for the British and for Indians. They neither placed any demands before the Congress, nor did they express any independent opinion on any issue. They were thus symbols rather than full fledged political participants. Moreover, in view of the fact that the Congress proceedings during the moderate phase were mostly conducted in English, most of the Indian women could not identify themselves with these meetings. Only some well educated urban women initially took part in the early Congress sessions. Furthermore, the constraints of physical mobility, financial resources and knowledge of English were factors which discouraged the middle class women to actively associate themselves with the Congress in its early stages. Significantly, out of a hundred delegates who participated in 1904 session, only 20 were women. But at Banaras Congress session of 1905, as many as 600 women representing different parts of the country assembled with the purpose of 'demonstration of female solidarity across India and the mobilization of women's support for the nationalist movement.'(Borthwick 1984)
Thus notwithstanding the fact that women's participation in the moderate phase of Congress was symbolic rather than active involvement, yet their very presence at Congress sessions served as a great source of inspiration for women of future generations who were more actively involved in the later period of nationalist movement. 1.8 References
Ali, Aruna Asaf. 1991. Resurgence of Indian Women. Delhi, Radiant Publishers
Basu, Aparna. 1976. The Role of Women in the Indian Struggle for Freedom' in B. R. Nanda (ed) Indian Women: From Purdah to Modernity. New Delhi, Vikas Publication House
Borrthwick, M. I984. The Changing Role of Women in Bengal, 1849-1995. Delhi, Princeton Publisher. P 344
Davis, Neera Yuavl. 1997. Gender and Nation. London, Sage Publication
Forbes, Geraldine, 1998, Women in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Ghose, Sankar. 1984. Modern Indian Political Thought. Michigan, Allied Pub. Pvt. Ltd.
Gordon Johnson. 1973. Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism: Bombay and the Indian National Congress, 1880-1915. London, Cambridge University Press
Guha, Ramchand. 2012. Makers of Modern India. New Delhi, Penguin Books
J. C. Bagal. 1654. Jattiya Andolane Bangla Nari. Calcutta, Vishva-Bharati, Bhadra
Kumar, Radha.1999. A History of Doing: an Illustrated Account of Movements for Women's Rights and Feminist in India 1800-1990. London, Verso
Majumdar, Bimanbehari and Majumdar, Bhakat Prasad. 1976. Congress and Congressmen in the Pre-Gandhian Era, 1885-1917. Calcutta, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay
Menon, Ritu and Bhasin, Kamala. 2000. Borders and Boundaries: Women in India's Partition. New Delhi, Kali for Women
Mookerjee, G.K. 1974. History of the National Congress (1832-1947). Delhi
O'Hanlon, Rosalind. 1996. A Comparison between Men and Women: Tarabai Shinde and the Critique of Gender Relations in Colonial India. New Delhi, Oxford University Press
Pandey, B.N. (ed) 1991. A Centenary History of the Indian National Congress (1885-1985)
Sarkar, Sumit and Sarkar, Tanika (ed.), 2007, Women and Social Reform in Modern India Volume I, Permanent Black, New Delhi
Sarkar, Sumit. 1973. The Swadeshi Movement in Bengal 1903-1908. New Delhi, People's Publishing House
Sen, S.N. 1997. History of Freedom Movement in India (1857-1947). New Delhi, New Age International (P) Limited Publishers
Singh, Namrata. 2015. The Women's Question: Participation in the Indian National Movement and its impact. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), Volume 20, Issue 4, Ver. 1. Apr. PP 23-26
Stein, Burton. 1998. A History of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. PP. 254–255
Suguna, B. 2009. Women's Movement. New Delhi, Discovery Publishing House Pvt. Ltd.
Butalia, Urvashi. 1998. The Other Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India. New Delhi, Penguin Books
e-pathashala
Description of the Module
Subject Name Women's Studies Paper Name Women, Governance and Politics Module Name Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement: Extremist Phase Module Id Pre-requisites The Reader is expected to have a basic understanding of the 19th century feminist movement, literature and nationalist movement in India. Objectives To make the Reader understand how the nationalist movement in extremist phase made way for women in the public sphere, and analyze the changing nature and patterns of women's political participation in India during the nationalist movement. Keywords Personhood, Emboldened, Feminist Movement and literature, Self Reliance.
1.1 Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement
Studies on women's role in the nationalist movement or of the implications social or political-of their momentous entry into the public sphere are scant. Important works on the national movement mostly fail to examine the significance of women's participation in the freedom struggle. The history of national movement would be incomplete without mentioning the contributions of women. Women shouldered critical responsibilities in India's struggle for freedom. The sacrifice made by the women of India occupies the foremost place. They fought with true spirit and unafraid courage and faced various tortures, exploitations, and hardships to earn us freedom. When most of the men freedom fighters were in prison, the women came forward and took charge of the struggle. The list of great women whose names have gone down in history for their dedication and undying devotion to the service of India is a long one.
1.2 Women's Participation in Nationalist Movement: Extremist Phase
The closing decade of the nineteenth century and early years of the twentieth century witnessed emergence of a new and younger group within the Indian National Congress who were sharply critical of moderate policy of loyalty to British and advocacy of the constitutional means. The younger group alias extremists demanded for more vigorous political actions and methods than those of the meetings, petitions, memorials etc. If we focus over the social composition of moderate leadership, we can underline two specific
features; firstly the moderate leaders were very successful in their professions so politics was only a part time affair for them. Secondly, almost all of them were English educated people. So, they were not sharing social base with common people. On the other hand, the new, extremists, emerged appealed to a wider circle of the lower middle class, students and sections of peasants and workers. Instead of prayers and petitions, self reliance and constructive work became the new slogan, self help, passive resistance, use of vernaculars, utilization of traditional popular customs like village fair came to be recognized as the best way of bridging the gulf between have and have not's.
With the beginning of the extremist phase, the nature and focus of the national movement took a major shift. In this phase, women's interests and concerns started taking a concrete shape. Unlike the late 19th century, when women organizations were mostly formed by men, in this phase, many such organizations were established by women themselves. Four reasons can be underlined behind this phenomenon:
a) Feminist Movement.
b) Feminist Literature.
c) Swadeshi Movement.
d) Organizations established by women.
Unlike the western Feminist movement, India's movement was initiated by men, and later joined by women. The efforts of these men included abolishing sati, abolishing the custom of child marriage, abolishing the disfiguring of widows, introducing the marriage of upper caste Hindu widows, promoting women's education, obtaining legal rights for women to own property, and requiring the law to acknowledge women's status by granting them basic rights in matters such as adoption. The nineteenth century was a period that saw a majority of women's issues come under the spotlight and reforms began to be made. Much of the early reforms for Indian women were conducted by men. However, by the late nineteenth century, they were joined in their efforts by their wives, sisters, daughters, protégées and other individuals directly affected by campaigns such as those carried out for women education. Emboldened women gained greater autonomy through the formation of independent women's own organizations. Likewise, women writers by actively entering the scene and shifting attention from social perspective to personal ones provided a new direction for both social and fictional development. They focused on women's freedom, their rights to health and were in general critical of those practices which denigrated women.
The work of women writers is different from the work of their male predecessors. There is a shift from married or abandoned women to questions which relate to the formation of female self. Women are beginning to be seen as active agents of the making of their selves (an unfinished story, Swarnkumari Devi) and as an individual endowed with psychological perceptions (Sattnianadhan's novel). The novels reflect upon moral values, the question of right and wrong and to say about religious strictures which confine women with their rigid practices. Tarabai Shinde made fun of the reformist zeal and labeled it as male self indulgence. She advocated speeding up of processes of enabling women so that they could define their own directions. By beginning to focus attention on
questions like choice and freedom, Swarnakumari Devi and Karupa Bai Sattnianadhan drew attention to the personhood of women. Not only this affects the work of later male writers and their construction of womanhood but also called attention to the intellectuals being a woman. In this line Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain went a step further and created an imaginary utopian world which offered comment on both the reality and aspirations of women. Belonging to an orthodox muslim family, she was able to learn both English and Bengali through sheer determination. Besides playing a dominant role in the women's movement in writing fiction, Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain also wrote two fictional worksPadmaraga in 1903 and Sultana Dreams in 1905. Both of them have stronger gender statements. Moreover she founded an education institution for the Muslim girls in Bhagalpur (Bihar) in the year 1909. Later in the year 1911, she also founded Sakhawat Memorial Balika Vidyalaya in Calcutta. There are many other female writers in the line, the writing of whom made woman emboldened enough to become a part of mainstream of life and National Movement.
In 1890's the women constantly participated in congress activities. Among them women activists like Pandita Ramabai ( who was awarded by the medal of Keiseri- Hind for community service in 1919. On 26th October, 1989, in recognition of her contribution to the advancement of Indian women, the Government of India issued a commemorative stamp.) and female professionals like Dr. Kadambini Ganguly who organized the women's conference in Calcutta on the partition of Bengal in 1905, were notable.
The early twentieth century, further active political female participation occurred with the increase in nationalism, mass strife for self rule including the boycott of British goods and events such as the arrest of extremist leader B.G. Tilak led to the strike in bombay. Women joined the agitation, organized Swadeshi meetings, boycotted foreign articles and donated money. Swarnakumari Devi founded 'Sakhi Samiti' with the aim of educating widows to be self-reliant. She also started organizing Mahila Shilpa Melas which served three major purposes: Fund raising for Sakhi Samiti; Making women self reliant; and Promoting indigenous cottage industry as a mark of Swadeshi. These fairs created a new role for women in the national movement and also made self-reliance of women and national interest as complementary to each-other. Further, Sarala Debi Chaudharani stressed upon the need of a permanent women's organization. This stand of hers was widely opposed by her male counterparts. But in reply to her opponents, she blamed them for still living in the 'shade of Manu' who could not accept women's independent voices and actions. [Sarala Devi, 'A Women's Movement, Modern Review, October, 1911] She founded 'Bharat Stree Mahamandal' which mainly focused on women related social and political issues but also enabled and trained women in putting their demands to the government.
During this phase, on the one hand, INC with it extremist policies wanted to involve masses in the national movement, on the other, women through participation in organizations like Sakhi Samiti and Bharat Stree Mahamandal were quite prepared to adopt the new role of active participants in the national movement. However, women's active participation during this phase in the national movement - especially in the programmes of Swadeshi and boycott - was not a nationwide feature rather region specific. Since Bengal was the major sufferer of the hostile policy of British, as a part of
which it had undergone partition, the outrage against the British Rule was much stronger in the region and so women's participation in Swadeshi Movement in Bengal was remarkable. For example, about five hundred women assembled in Jenokard Village in the district of Murshidabad to protest against partition of Bengal and also to advocate use of Swadeshi goods. Many women belonging to nationalist families formed support groups for the movement. Besides, middle class women contributed their jewelry and money for the cause of Swadeshi.
Though Bengal stood first in women's participation in Swadeshi Movement but in other parts also there were few instances of women's participation. In Maharashtra, one hundred twenty high caste Brahmin women took part in a meeting on Swadeshi presided over by Parvati Bapat, where they adopted a resolution to boycott the foreign goods. Similarly in Punjab, women organized a Ladies Meeting at the Industrial and Agricultural Exhibition of 1909 where they spoke for promoting Swadeshi at Lahore.
Thus, during the extremist era, the Swadeshi Movement provided a new opportunity to women outside the elite circle to participate in the national movement. It cannot be denied that during this phase women moved ahead from their symbolic presence to substantial presence. Referring to this changing nature of women's participation, Forbes has rightly commented:
The activities of these Bengali women sympathetic to the Swadeshi movement were quite different from their representative roles in the INC. There the delegates appeared as the equals of men, but their true significance was symbolic … In the protest movement against the partition of Bengal, women did not do the same things as men. Instead they used their traditional roles to mark a range of political activities. While the public and the private continued to exist as distinct categories, usual definitions of appropriate in each sphere were redefined and given political meaning. [Forbes, 1998]
Even the wives of Governor Generals and British administrators also contributed in the emancipation of women during those days like lady Dufferin, lady Curzon, lady Harding. Lady Dufferin founded a national organization with its regional offices in order to provide medical help to women. Later in 1914, this organization gave way to formation of Indian Woman Medical services. Similarly, lady Curzon, in order to give training to maids established Victoria Memorial scholarship fund in 1903. In 1916, it was the efforts of lady Harding which were culminated into the formation of Lady Harding Medical College in Delhi to provide medical education to women.
Anjuman-e-khawateen-e-Islam, a Punjab-based Muslim women organization was formed in 1914. It's founder member was Amir-u-Nisha. In 1914 Annie Wood Besant's influence increased in the Congress. Under her mediation the door of Congress was opened for the Extremists in 1915 resulted into famous Lucknow Session of 1916. Annie Besant also advocated emancipation of Indian women. In fact, many Indian women
joined her Home Rule Movement. According to her, the Home Rule Movement was rendered tenfold more effective by the involvement of large number of women, who brought to it the uncalculating heroism, the endurance, and the self sacrifice of the feminine nature (Meera Desai, p. 135). She became the first chairperson of the Women's Indian Association formed in the year 1917. It was the first national women's organization founders of which were Margret Kugins and Dorothy Jinarajadasa. These along with Malati Patwardhan, Ammi Swaminathan, Mrs. Dadabhai and Mrs. Angujmal were its secretaries. The organization had its monthly magazine called Stri Dharma. Its main works were to build up education, religion, politics and equity bases society. W.I.A. joined itself with self respect movement in Madras. Dorothy De La Hey helped in establishing Madras's first Women's College known as Queens Mary College. It was opened by government in 1914 as the Madras College for Women. But in 1917 it was renamed Queen Mary College after the Queen Empress. It was the third oldest Women's college in the country, the second oldest in the south and the oldest in Madras city. Under Dorothy De La Hey the college was not only to play a major role in the emancipation of woman in the south but also encouraged many of its brighter students to join its neighbor, Presidency College, for higher studies. Another forerunner of women's participation in the National Movement was Sarojini Naidu. She worked as an active politician and freedom fighter. In 1917, she led the delegation to meet Mr. Montagu for women's suffrage and played a major role in decision making in whole of the National movement.
It is thus significant to underline here that the extremist phase resulted into double advantage for women. One, increase in participation of ordinary women in Swadeshi movement; the other, substantial role of women in INC in place of mere symbolic role .It was the extremist period which provided army of trained female volunteers to Gandhi to launch national movements like NCM ,CDM, QIM .Thus, one can unequivocally claim that there was a major shift in the nature of women's participation in the national movement during the extremist phase.
1.3 Summary
The lives and conditions of the large majority of women, or their response to
changing historical forces have consistently been unexplored and thus marginalised in history.
The issues of child marriage, Sati, denial of remarriage to widow, widow tonsure,
polygamy and restrictions on women's education dominated during extremist phase of national movement.
Women who participated in the extremist era of national movement revolted
against their traditional roles and thus exhibited their radical approach.
Extremist Movement expended the base of national movement and to some extent
enlarged the scope for women's participation.
A large number of women took part in the Swadeshi Movement especially in
Bengal.
References
Aparna Basu, 'The Role of Women in the Indian Struggle for Freedom", in
B.P. Nanda (ed.). Indian Women: From Purdah to Modernity, Delhi, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML) and Vikas/Radiant Publishers, 1976/1990.
Charles H. Heimsath, Indian Nationalism and Hindu Social Reform, Princeton,
NJ Princeton University Press, 1964.
Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India, Cambridge, Cambridge University
Press, 1889.
Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi, Heritage
Publishers, 1995.
Kumar, Raj Rameshwari Devi and Romila Pruthi. Annie Besant: Founder of
Home Rule Movement, Pointer Publishers, 2003.
Manmohan Kaur, Women in India's Freedom Struggle, Delhi, Sterling Publishers,
1985.
Radha Krishna Sharma, Nationalism, Social Reform and Indian Women, New
Delhi Janaki Prakashan, 1981.
Radha Kumar, History of Doing, New Delhi, Zubaan, 1993.
Sandip Bandopadhyay, "Women in Bengal Revolutionary Movement", Manushi,
No. 65, July-August, 1991.
Susie Tharu and K. Lalitha, (ed.), Women Writings in India, Vol. I, New York,
The Feminist Press, 1991.
Usha Bala, Indian Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi, Heritage
Publishers, 1995.
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GLOSSARY
Extremist Movement: The period of time when voices of dissents emerged
within INC against ideologies and methods of moderates was known as the era of extremism in the Indian National Movement. The extremists or the aggressive nationalists believed that success could be achieved through bold means. The Extremists had no faith in the British sense of justice and fair play. They pointed
out the forceful means by which the British had taken control of India and believed that political rights will have to be fought for. They had the spirit of selfreliance and self determination. The methods used by the extremists were not cooperating with the British Government by boycotting government courts, schools and colleges, promotion of Swadeshi and boycott of foreign goods, introduction and promotion of national education.
National Movement: The period of time i.e. 1885-1847 is known as the Indian
National Movement which is divided into three phases: Moderate, Extremist and Gandhian era.
INTERESTING FACTS
In Bengal, Swarnakumari Devi's Sakhi Samiti (1886), a women's association,
was concerned with traditional women's handicrafts.
Annie Wood Besant founded the Theosophical Society of India. She was the
President (First Woman President) of Indian National Congress for one term at Calcutta in 1917. She also edited 'New India' and 'Commonwealth'. Sarojini Naidu was known as "Cuckoo of India". She was a distinguished poet;
renowned freedom fighter. Her father was principal in Nizam College. Sarla Debi Chaudhurani together with her husband Rambhuj Dutt Chaudhari (an
Arya Samaji leader) founded'Hindu Sahayak Sabha' in Lahore in 1906. Later branches of this Sabha were founded inMultan, Jhang, Sialkot, Lyallpur and Gujranwala.
DID YOU KNOW?
Most of the accounts of women's role in the national movement are descriptive
not critical or analytical. Apart from a few autobiographies of women leaders, mostly from elite groups, we
know little about the lives, the beliefs or the social background of the mass of women who entered the movement in the different regions, as virtually no work has been done in this area, except in the last few years. Analysis of the records of women's organisations has already yielded valuable
insights into the extremist phase of national movement. Rewarding sources such as the journals of women's organisations which were mouthpieces and/or forums in which debates on women's issues were conducted; women's autobiographies: collections of speeches and essays by women leaders (e.g. Besant, Naidu, Cousins); regional literature, reflecting variations in social perception and the response of specific societies and communities to the movements; proceedings of
local women's associations etc. certainly need further analysis for understanding role of women in national movement. Sarla Devi Chaudhurani was the founder of the first women organization