§ 129. Two English Bishops.
§ 129. Two English Bishops.
For Hugh of Lincoln: The magna vita, by his chaplain, Adam, ed. by Dimock, Lond., 1864;—a metrical Life, ed. by Dimock, Lond., 1860,—G. G. Perry: St. Hugh of Avalon, Lond., 1879.—H. Thurston (Rom. Cath.): St Hugh of Lincoln, Lond., 1898, transl. from the French, with copious additions.—J. A. Froude: A Bishop of the Twelfth Century, in Short Studies on Great Subjects, 2d series, pp. 54–86.
For Grosseteste: His Epistolae, ed. by Luard, Lond., 1861; Monumenta Franc., ed. by Brewer.—M. Paris, Luard’s ed.—Lives of Grosseteste, by Pegge, Lond., 1793.—Lechler, in his Life of Wiclif, transl. by Lorimer, pp. 20–40.—G. G. Perry, Lond., 1871.—Felten, Freib., 1887.—F. S. Stevenson, Lond., 1899.—M. Creighton: in Hist. Lectt. and Addresses, Lond., 1903.—C. Bigg, in Wayside Sketches in Eccles. Hist., Lond., 1906. — Dict. of Nat’l Biog.
Most prominent among the English
ecclesiastics of the period, as faithful administrators of their sees, are Hugh
and Robert Grosseteste, both bishops of Lincoln.1991
Hugh of Lincoln, or Hugh of Avalon, as he is also called, 1140–1200, was pronounced by Ruskin the most attractive sacerdotal figure known to him in history;1992 and Froude passed upon him the eulogy that he "was one of the most beautiful spirits ever incarnated in human clay, whose story should be familiar to every English boy."
Born near Grenoble, France, he was taken in his ninth year, on his mother’s death, to a convent; afterwards he entered the Grande Chartreuse, and followed an invitation from Henry II., about 1180, to take charge of the Carthusian monastery of St. Witham, which the king had founded a few years before. In 1186 he was chosen bishop of Lincoln, the most extensive diocese in England.1993
Hugh’s friendship with Henry did not prevent him from resisting the king’s interference in the affairs of his diocese. When the king attempted to force a courtier into one of the prebends of Lincoln, the bishop sent the reply, "Tell the king that hereafter ecclesiastical benefices are to be bestowed not upon courtiers but upon ecclesiastics." He excommunicated the grand forester for encroaching upon the rights of the people. The king was enraged, but the bishop remained firm. The forests were strictly guarded so as to protect the game, and also, as is probable, to prevent Saxons from taking refuge in their recesses. The foresters and rangers were hated officials. The loss of the eyes and other brutal mutilations were the penalties for encroachment.
Towards Richard and John, Hugh showed the same independent spirit as towards Henry. At the council of Oxford, 1197, he dared to refuse consent to Richard’s demands for money, an almost unheard-of thing.1994 The king’s wrath was allayed by a visit the prelate paid him at his castle on the rock of Andely. This was the famous castle built in a single year, of which Philip said, "I would take it if it were iron." To which Richard replied, "I would hold it if it were butter." Upon Hugh’s departure, Richard is reported to have said, "If all prelates were like the bishop of Lincoln, not a prince among us could lift his head against them."
Hugh’s enlightened treatment of the Jews has already been referred to. He showed his interest in the lepers, built them a house, cared for them with his own hands, and called them "the flowers of Paradise, and jewels in the crown of heaven." The Third Lateran had ordered separate churches and burial grounds for lepers. His treatment of the tomb of Fair Rosamonde was more in consonance with the canons of that age than agreeable to the spirit of our own. When, on a visit to Gadstow, he found her buried in the convent church, with lamps kept constantly burning over her body, he ordered the body removed, saying that her life was scandalous, and that such treatment would be a lesson to others to lead chaste lives. In his last moments Hugh was laid on a cross of ashes. John, who was holding a council at Lincoln, helped to carry the body to its resting-place. The archbishop of Canterbury and many bishops took part in the burial ceremonies. The Jews shed tears. Hugh was canonized in 1220, and his shrine became a place of pilgrimage.
One of the striking stories told of Hugh, the story of the swan, is attested by his chaplain and by Giraldus Cambrensis, who witnessed the swan’s movements. The swan, which had its nest at Stow, one of the bishop’s manors, was savage and unmanageable till Hugh first saw it. The bird at once became docile, and learned to follow the bishop’s voice, eat from his hand, and to put his bill up his sleeve. It seemed to know instinctively when the bishop was coming on a visit, and for several days before would fly up and down the lake flapping its wings. It kept guard over him when he slept.
Robert Grosseteste, 1175–1253, had a wider range of influence than Hugh, and was probably the most noteworthy Englishman of his generation.1995 No prelate of his century was so bold in telling the pope his duty. To his other qualities he added the tastes and acquisitions of the scholar. He was a reformer of abuses, and a forerunner of Wyclif in his use of the Scriptures. Roger Bacon, his ardent admirer, said that no one really knew the sciences but Robert of Lincoln.1996 His great influence is attested by the fact that for generations he was referred to as Lincolniensis, "he of Lincoln."
Born in England, and of humble origin, a fact which was made by the monks of Lincoln an occasion of derision, he pursued his studies in Oxford and Paris, and subsequently became chancellor of Oxford. He was acquainted with Greek, and knew some Hebrew. He was a prolific writer, and was closely associated with Adam Marsh.1997
No one welcomed the advent of the Mendicant Friars to England with more enthusiasm than did Grosseteste. He regarded their coming as the dawn of a new era, and delivered the first lectures in their school at Oxford, and left. them his, library, though he never took the gray cowl himself, as did Adam Marsh.
On being raised to the see of Lincoln, 1235, Grosseteste set out in the work of reforming monastic and clerical abuses, which brought him uninterrupted trouble till the close of his career. He set himself against drinking bouts, games in the churches and churchyards, and parish parades at episcopal visitations. The thoroughness of his episcopal oversight was a novelty. He came down like a hammer upon the monks, reports Matthew Paris, and the first year be removed seven abbots and four priors. At Ramsey he examined the very beds, and broke open the monks’ coffers like "a burglar," destroying their silver utensils and ornaments.1998 To the monks, who were about to choose an abbot, He wrote: "When you choose one to look after your swine, you make diligent search for a person possessing proper qualifications. And you ask the questions, Is he physically capable? Has he the requisite experience? Is he willing to take them into fitting pastures in the morning, to defend them against thieves and wild beasts, to watch over them at night? And are not your souls of more value than many swine?"
The most protracted contest of his life was with his dean and chapter over the right of episcopal visitation.1999 The canons preached against him in his cathedral. But Grosseteste cited the cases of Samuel, who visited Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpeh, and David, who defended his father’s flocks. He was finally sustained by the pope.
In no way did the great bishop win a more sure place in history than by his vigorous resistance to the appointment of unworthy Italians to English livings and to other papal measures. In 1252, he opposed the collection of a tenth for a crusade which had the pope’s sanction. He declined to execute the king’s mandate legitimatizing children born before wedlock. His most famous refusal to instal an Italian, was the case of the pope’s nephew, Frederick of Lavagna. The pope issued a letter threatening with excommunication any one who might venture to oppose the young man’s induction. Grosseteste, then seventy-five years old, replied, declaring, "I disobey, resist, and rebel."2000 Matthew Paris (III. 393), professing to describe the scene in the papal household when the letter was received, relates that Innocent IV., raved away at the deaf and foolish dotard who had so audaciously dared to sit in judgment upon his actions." Notwithstanding this attitude to the appointment of unworthy Italians, the bishop recognized the principle that to the pope belongs the right of appointing to all the benefices of the church.2001
On his visit to Lyons, 1250, Grosseteste’s memorandum against the abuses of the clergy was read in the pope’s presence. "Not in dispensing the mass but in teaching the living truth" does the work of the pastor consist, so it declared. "The lives of the clergy are the book of the laity." Adam Marsh, who was standing by, compared the arraignment to the arraignments of Elijah, John the Baptist, Paul, Athanasius, and Augustine of Hippo.
According to Matthew Paris, on the night of Grosseteste’s death strange bells were heard. Miracles were reported performed at his tomb, and the rumor ran that, when Innocent was proposing to have the bishop’s body removed from its resting-place in the cathedral, Grosseteste appeared to the pope in a dream, gave him a sound reprimand, and left him half dead. The popular veneration was shown in the legend that on the night of Innocent IV’s death the bishop appeared to him with the words, "Aryse, wretch, and come to thy dome."
In the earlier part of his life, Grosseteste preached in Latin; in the latter he often used the vernacular. He was the greatest English preacher of his age. He was not above the superstitions of his time, and one of his famous sermons was preached before Henry III. at the reception of the reputed blood of Christ.2002 His writings are full of Scriptural quotations, and he urged the importance of the study of the Scriptures at the university, and the dedication of the morning hours to it, and emphasized their authority.2003 Wyclif quoted his protest against the practices of Rome,2004 and he has been regarded as a forerunner of the English Reformation.
Of Grosseteste’s writings the best known was probably his de cessatione legalium, the End of the Law, a book intended to convince the Jews. With the aid of John of Basingstoke, he translated the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, which Basingstoke had found in Constantinople.2005 He seems to have been a man of sterling common sense, as the following counsels indicate. To a friar he said:, Three things are necessary for earthly well-being, food, sleep, and a merry heart." To another friar addicted to melancholy, he prescribed, as penance, a cupfull of the best wine. After the medicine had been taken, Grosseteste said, "Dear brother, if you would frequently do such penance, you would have a better ordered conscience."2006
Matthew Paris (V. 407) summed up the bishop’s career in these words:—
"He was an open confuter of both popes and kings, the corrector of monks, the director of priests, the instructor of clerks, the supporter of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of the incontinent, the unwearied student of the Scriptures, a crusher and despiser of the Romans. At the table of bodily meat, he was hospitable, eloquent, courteous, and affable; at the spiritual table, devout, tearful, and contrite. In the episcopal office he was sedulous, dignified, and indefatigable."
Jus canonicum or ecclesiastica constitutio, in distinction from the civil code, jus civile. See Decr. Grat. Dist., III. Friedberg’s ed., I. 5. The term "canones" was the prevailing term till the 12th century when the expression jus canonicum came into general use.
See Schulte, I. 2 sq.
Döllinger-Friedrich, Papstthum, p. 403, says, "Leaving out the execution of the death penalty, I do not know a single function of the state which the Church did not assume. Is it, therefore, strange that the thought should arise, that the state is really superfluous or that its only significance is to act as a dumb executioner of the will of the Church?"
Bridges’s ed., I. p. Ixxxiii.
For full list see Friedberg, p. 126; Schulte, I. 43 sqq.; Hergenröther, p. 179.
Peter the Lombard drew heavily from Gratian, especially in the fourth book of his Sentences, where he reproduced many of Gratian’s distinctiones entire. See Baltzer, D. Sentenzen des P. Lombardus, pp. 10 sq., etc.
Perpetuo integrum et incorruptum conservetur. See Schulte’s remarks on Gratian’s influences I. 69-71.
Quia extra Decretum Gratiani vagabantur.
Friedberg’s ed., Quinque compilationes antiquae, Leip., 1882. The first, made by Bernard of Pavia, 1191 in his Breviarium extravagantium, distributes the materials under five heads,—judge, sentence, clergy, marriage, crime.
Gregory’s bull is given in Wetzer-Welte, III. 1146-1450.
Friedberg gives the text, II. 6-927, and also Gregory IX,’s letter transmitting the decretals to the university of Bologna.
Dist., XIX. 3, Friedberg, I. 61. Romana ecclesia, cui nos Christus preesse voluit, posita est, omnibus, quicquid statuit, quicquid ordinat, perpetuo, irrefragabiliter observandum est.
Causa, XXV. I. 16; Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 55 sqq. Gratian misquoted the 36th canon of the Sixth Oecumenical council which, giving to the patriarch of Constantinople equal rights with the patriarch of Rome, made it say the very opposite. Misquoting the synod of Carthage of 418, which forbade appeals across the sea, Gratian made the synod say the very opposite. Causa, II. 6, 37. Leaning upon pseudo-Isidore, Gratian allows the transfer of bishops from one see to the other with the assent of the pope. Causa, VII. I. 34.
See Causa, XXIII. 4, 5, 6, Friedberg’s ed., I. 899-950.
Ranke wrote, Weltgesch., VIII. 410, that at Rome the authorities put him on the Index because he did not regard the papacy as a divine institution. Nevertheless, he said, "I hold the papacy to be one of the mightiest of all institutions that have appeared in history, and one that is most worthy of inspiring us with wonder and admiration."
See Innocent’s letter in Decr. Greg., III. 8, 5, Friedberg’s ed., II. 489.
Sedes apost. a nemine judicatur. For Bernard, see Ep., 213; de consid., III. 4
See Gee and Hardy, Doc. of Engl. Ch. Hist., p. 53.
See Schwane, p. 531.
Causa, XXV. I, 11, Friedberg’s ed., I. 1009. Anathema apud deum, qui censuram Rom. pontificum violat.
Christi vicarius in totam eccles. univ. praelationem obtinet ... Pontificem pertinet quae fidei sunt determinare. C. errores Graec., II. 32, 36. Also Th. Aq., Summa, II. 2, q. I. 10.
Brevil., VI. 12, Peltier’s ed., VII. 327. Christi vicarius fons, origo, et regula omnium principatuum eccles., etc.
Ep., 49. See Luard’s ed., p. x.
Ad quem plenaria de omnibus totius orbis beneficiis eccles. pertinet, etc. Lib. Sext., Friedberg, II. 102.
So Thomas Aquinas in his c. errores Graec. Bernard, Epp., 187. 341, 356, 396, etc.
The Dictatus papae of Deusdedit. Mirbt, p. 113.
Deus nullum excepit, nihil ab ejus potestate subtraxit. Reg., IV. 2.
Petro non solum universam eccles. sed totum reliquit seculum gubernandum. Ep. I. 401, Mirbt, p. 130.
Hauck, p. 1.
Mirbt, Quellen, pp. 99 sq.
Reg., I. 63, Migne, 148. 569.
Reg., II. 51.
Bréholles, IV. 914-923.
See Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 67, 404. Leo X,’s bull against Luther reaffirmed this fiction of the transfer of the empire from the Greeks to the Germans by the pope. See copy of the bull in this Hist., VI. 233.
De consid., IV. 3, Migne, 82, 776. Uterque Ecclesiae et spiritualis gladius et materialis; sed is quidem pro Ecclesia, ille vero et ab Ecclesia exserendus: ille sacerdotis, is militis manu, sed sane ad nutum sacerdotis, et jussum imperatoris.
Bishop Reinkens, of the old Catholic Church, in his annotated translation of Bernard’s treatise, de consideratione, argues for the other view namely, that Bernard does not present the theory of the "Caesar-pope." He also argues, pp. vi sq., that Bernard regarded the bishops as receiving their authority not from the pope but directly from God. His edition was issued at the time of the Vatican council of 1870 and as a protest against the dogma of papal infallibility. The position taken above is the position of most writers, both Protestant and Catholic.
Rom. ecclesiae obediendum est tanquam domino J. Christo. Reusch’s ed., p. 9.
Rom. episcopus dici potest rex et sacerdos .... Sicut corpus per animam habet virtutem et operationem ita et temporalis jurisdictio principum per spiritualem Petri et successorum eius. De regim., II. 10.
See Werner, D. hl. Thomas, I. 760 sqq., 794 sqq.; and especially Reusch and Leitner.
De sacr., II. 1, 2, Migne, 176. 141, etc.
Migne, 210. 613.
Reg., II. 44, Migne, 148. 392.
Reg., I.7; I. 29, VIII. 10; II. 32; II. 51; II. 73; I. 70, Migne, 148. 290, 312, 387, 405, 423, 345.
Hefele, V. 565. The permanent nuntiatures at Catholic courts were first established in the 16th century. Such are now maintained at Munich, Vienna, Lisbon, Madrid, and Brussels.
De consid., IV. 5.
Coulton, From St. Francis to Dante, pp. 252 sqq.
See Döllinger, Papstthum, p. 76.
Quale est istud demane ad vesperam litigare, aut litigantes audire? Utinam sufficeret diei malitia sua! non sunt liberae noctes.
De consid., I. 4-6; III. 2.
John of Salisbury, Polycrat., VI. 64, qui a doctrina vestra dissentit aut hereticus aut schismaticus est.
Quoted by Jensen, p. 42.
See Hurter, Innocent III., III. 121-149. One is amazed at the extent and variety of the articles and at the curious names of the coins derived from different countries.
Tangl, pp. 7 sqq. The full treatment of the subject of the papal finances belongs to the period of the Avignon exile. It has called forth a distinct body of literature, beginning with the work of Woker and including the careful works of Tangl, Kirsch, Goeller, Gottlob, Baumgarten, and others.
Monies from these sources were called "monies of the college," pecuniae colegii, and were often entered into the books of the college of cardinals under the head of servitia, census, visitationes, and proventus. Kirsch, Finanzverw., p. 5, Baumgarten, p. xcvi.
The terms servitia and annatae were used more or less interchangeably, but the former was usually applied to the gifts of prelates, the latter to the payments of the lower clerics. Gottlob, Servitientaxe, p.1.
Such a visit was called a visitatio ad limina apostolorum, and was not limited to the city of Rome. The visits upon which a tax was paid were called visitationes reales in distinction from other visits called visitationes verbales. Kirsch, pp. 22 sq.
For the meaning and history of the word, see Gottlob, Servitientaxe, pp. 14-17. They were called servitia communia in distinction from the servitia pro familia or servitia minuta, which were smaller fees given to the officials of the papal household and officials of the body of cardinals, called familiares. These lesser fees were also matter of exact regulation, and usually amounted to one-fourteenth or one-twentieth of the servitium commune. Up to 1298 we hear of only two distinct fees for the members of the papal household. In 1299 we hear of three, and in the fourteenth century the number of the servitia minuta was increased to five. Gottlob, Servitientaxe, pp.101 sqq.; Kirsch, pp. 12 sqq.
Kirsch, p. 12, gives the documents in which appeals were made for a reduction of the tribute by the archbishops of Narbonne, 1341, and Cashel, 1332, and the abbot of Amiens, 1344. In the case of the abbot, the amount was reduced from 4000 to 2500 gold florins.
See the cases from which Kirsch deduces the rule, p. 9.
The case of the abbot of St. Edmundsbury seems to belong here. In 1248 he paid to the Roman see 800 marks. M. Paris, Luard’s ed., V. 40; Tangl, p. 6.
The promises to pay were called obligationes. Receipts, quitationes, were given by the papal treasurer, or the treasurer of the college of cardinals, or by both. Kirsch gives original documents. He was the first to clear up the subject of the servitia.
Kirsch, p. 32.
Hurter, III. 136.
Jensen, p. 36.
See O’Gorman, Hist. of the Cath. Ch. in the U. S., p. 6. Nicolas Breakspear, Adrian IV., as cardinal legate, secured the promise of Peter’s Pence from Norway and Sweden at the synod of Linkoping, 1152. Jensen, p. 12.
Kirsch, pp. 22, 23, 25. Nicolas IV., 1288, was the first to establish an equal division of the census in the bull coelestis altitudo.
Such a formula dating from 1296 is given by Kirsch, p. 58. The number of the cardinals is distinctly stated in the ledger-books and also the names of cardinals who had forfeited their rights by deposition.
camerarius collegii dominorum cardinalium. The first treasurer whose name is known was William de Bray, cardinal-priest of St. Marks, 1272-1282. For a list of his successors to 1401, see Kirsch, pp. 44-46, and Baumgarten, pp. xliii sqq.
Kirsch, p. 66. Baumgarten, p. xxiii, is of a different opinion and puts the first systematically kept ledgers in 1295.
For a list of the strange coins paid into this fund and a computation of their value in gold florins, see Kirsch, pp. 56 sq. Kirsch estimates the gold florin as equivalent in face value to 10 marks or $2.50 and the mark in the 14th century as having four times the purchasing power of a mark to-day.
De consid., III.1, 3. Bernard returns again and again (in his de consid., I. 11; IV. 4, etc., and his Letters) to the venality of the curia. He even suggested that Eugenius might have to leave Rome to get away from its corruption, De consid., IV. 3.
Luard’s ed., V. 96.
Coulton’s ed., pp. 261 sq.
Bernard of Cluny in his de contemptu mundi has the following lines:—
Roma dat omnibus omnia, dantibus omnia Romae
Cum pretio: quia jure ibi via, jus perit omne
Ut rota labitur, ergo vocabitur hinc rota a Roma
Roma nocens nocet, atque viam docet ipsa nocendi
Jura relinquere, lucra requirere, pallia vendi
The Latin Poems of Walter Mapes, ed. by T. Wright, London, 1841, p. 218.
De consid., II. 8; III. 4; IV. 8. After the resurrection, Peter went to Jesus on the lake. The lake signified the world and Peter has charge over the world, and each Apostle charge over his own little boat. James was satisfied with jurisdiction over Jerusalem and acknowledged Peter’s authority over the entire Church.
Letter 23, Luard’s ed., principes ecclesiastici qui vicem Petri tenent.
In a vigorous letter to Innocent, Bernard complained that bishops were deprived by the curia of the power to right wrongs in their own dioceses and to exercise the function of the keys. Ep., 178, Migne, 182. 310.
See Döllinger, Papstthum, pp. 73, 409 sq. Innocent referred back to Leo I., who had written to a bishop of Thessalonica, vices enim nostras ita tuae credidimus charitati, ut in partem sis vocatus sollicitudinis, non in plenitudinem potestatis. Ep., VI. Migne, LIV. 671.
Lib. Sextus, I. 6, 16, Friedberg’s ed., II. 954 sqq.
Stubbs, Const. Hist., III. 303 sq., refers to "the shadowy freedom of election."
Third Lat., can. 3.
Hauck, III. 28 sqq.
capitula clausa. Hurter, III. 355, pronounced the change a sign of decay.
The prospective occupants of stalls were called canonici in herbis, canons on the commons; the actual incumbents, canonici in floribus et fructibus. The Third Lateran forbade the appointment of canons to stalls not yet vacant, but Alexander IV., 1254, sanctioned the appointment of as many as four such expectants. See Art. Kapitel, Herzog, X. 38.
Third Lat., can. 6, Friedberg, pp. 188 sqq. Innocent III. recognized the archdeacon as the bishop’s representative. Hurter, III. 362 sq.
Hauck, IV. 10 sqq. Metz, Toul, Mainz, etc., also employed a number of archdeacons.
Third Lat., can. 19, Fourth Lat., can. 46. This principle was recognized by Frederick II., 1220. Also Narbonne, 1127, can. 12; Toulouse, 1229, can. 20 sq., etc.
Third Lat., can. 15.
Epp., 112, 121.
Subsidium charitativum. Third Lateran.
Ethica, 25, Migne, 178. 672 sq.
See Hurter, III. 292 sqq., for a list of warrior prelates.
Gregorovius, IV. 610.
Stubbs’ ed. of Hoveden, II.58.
Coulton’s ed., p. 264 sqq.
Dial., II. 27, Strange’s ed., I. 99.
Innocent III. Ep., II. 142. "Hundreds of times," says Harter, III. 388, does this pope insist upon obedience from the priest to his superior and says ’the evil of disobedience is the crime of idolatry,’ inobedientiae malum est scelus idolatriae.
Fourth Lateran, can. 15.
The practice of usury so frequently forbidden to priests was also forbidden to the laity, laicis usura dampnabilis est. Gratiani Decr. causa, XIV. 4, 9, Friedberg’s ed., I. 737.
Ep., I. 231.
Hauck, IV. 29 sqq.
The Gregorian Decretals discuss chapels controlled by monks. Friedberg’s ed., II. 607 sqq.
Hauck, IV. 47 sq. In some dioceses priests were said to receive only one-sixteenth of the tithes due them, the rest being appropriated by the lay patron or bishop. So the synod of Mainz, Hefele, VI. 75.
The last claim, made by the archbishop of Bergen, was rejected by Innocent III. Ep., I. 217.
Piacenza, 1095; London, 1138, 1175; Oxford, 1222; Treves, 1227, etc. Caesar of Heisterbach, Dial., II. 7, tells of priests who for bribes gave burial to unchurched persons.
First Lat., can. 9; Second Lat., can. 10; Third Lat., can. 17; synods of Nismes, 1096, Troyes, 1107, Rheims, 1119, etc. The Gregorian Decretals are full on the subject of patrons and their rights. Friedberg’s ed., II. 609-622. Innocent III. laid down the rule, quod beneficia non possint conferri per saeculares. Ep., I. 64, IX. 234, quoted by Hurter, III. 381.
Hurter, III. 395.
Third Lat., can. 13; Fourth Lat., can. 29; Paris, 1212, etc.
Hauck, IV. 40. Cruel, Deutsche Predigt, etc., expresses a less favorable judgment and estimates that one-half of the German clergy in the 13th century were uneducated and unable to preach. Coulton, p. 277, referring more especially to Italy, speaks "of the abyss of ignorance among the clergy at which we may well stagger."
The Constitutions of Otho, 1237. Grosseteste, Letters, LII., Luard’s ed., p. 154 sqq.
So the synods of Cashel, 1171, Narbonne, 1127, Rouen, 1231, etc.
Ep., VI. 199, etc. Writing to the abp. of Pisa, he expressed amazement that the abp. should have declared a cleric, receiving injury from a layman, might submit his case to a lay tribunal. Ep., IX. 63.
Clermont, 1095, 1130; Rheims, 1131, 1148; Second Lat., Third Lat., can. 12, etc.
Innocent III. Ep., V. 79; M. Paris, IV. 578; Hauck, IV. 83 sqq.; M. Paris, IV. 496; vita Norberti, 18. Salembene(sic) reports the murder of a bishop of Mantua in a political quarrel. Coulton’s ed., p. 35.
Greg., Decret., II.1, 10, Friedberg’s ed., II. 242.
Third Lat., etc.
Fourth Lat., can. 16; Soissons, 1079, London, 1102, 1175; Rheims, 1171; Paris, 1212; Montpellier, 1215, etc. Innocent III.’s letters also make reference to the worldly garb of the priests. See Hurter, III. 391.
M. Paris, an. 1238.
Rouen, 1083; Soissons, 1079; Clermont, 1095; Fourth Lateran; Treves, 1227; Rouen, 1231. The Constitutions of Otho, 1237, etc.
De consid., III. 5. habitu milites, quaestu clericos, actu neutrum exhibent.
Chart. univ. Paris, I. No. 470.
Coulton’s ed., 272 sqq.
See text; Rashdall, Universities, II. 690.
Ep., I. 469, VI. 103, etc., Migne, 214. 436; 215. 110.
Libellus apologet. and Quare fratres Minores praedicant.
Hergenröther, Kathol. Kirchenrecht, p. 342, speaks of the rarity of synods from 900-1050 as a sign of the laxity of Catholic discpline.
Döllinger-Friedrich, D. Papstthum, p. 88 sqq.
Summa, supplem., VIII. 4, Migne, IV. 946, etc.
Anglia plena jocis. William Fitzstephen (quoted by Traill, I. 377 sq.) dwells upon the Englishman’s love of sports that day,—football, boating, archery, etc.
Haller, Papsttum, p. 27.
Maitland, p. 123; Jessopp gives many cases of these appeals.
Stubbs, III. 322 sq.
Fitzstephen, as quoted by Traill, I. 383.
The king entered the chapter and forced the election. The pope yielded, but to prove "he had not sown on a barren coast without reaping benefit of harvest, at once made a demand of 5000 marks for a favorite." M. Paris, V. 179 sqq.
Hurter, III. 331 sqq., speaks of the English bishops in the time of Innocent III. as most corrupt. Stubbs, III. 327 sq., finds it to the credit of the bishops that there were so few instances of "removal from their sees for any penal reason."
Stubbs, II. 180.
Upon the valuation of 1291, the clerical tax should have amounted to £20,000. Stubbs, III. 360.
Jensen, D. englische Peterspfennig, Heidelb., 1903, and Liebermann, The Peter’s Pence and the Population of Engl. about 1164, in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1896. The Saxon designations of Peter’s Pence were romfeoh and heordpfennig. The Normans called it romascot, and the popes usually referred to it as denarius, census, or res beati Petri, and "gift," eleemosyna.
Jensen, pp. 60-64, with elaborate list of authorities.
M. Paris, IV. 580.
M. Paris, IV. 32. This chronicler says that Edmund, archbishop of Canterbury, was so harassed by these demands that in despair he exiled himself from the kingdom.
M. Paris, IV. 285, 443.
Stubbs, III. 348.
M. Paris, II. 229, IV. 60, 100, 136, 160, 284, 626, etc.
M. Paris, II. 210, IV. 610, says of Geoffrey, bishop of Bethlehem, legate to Scotland, that it was hoped that as "adamant attracts iron, so he would draw to himself the much coveted monies of Scotland."
V. 233.
III. 245.
III. 283.
M. Paris, III. 170. See Stubbs, III. 383, note.
John of Salisbury, Ep. 27, Migne, 199. 18.
See Maitland, p. 18.
Stubbs, I. 306 sq., III. 353 sqq.
1991 Stubbs, Const. Hist., II.313, in pronouncing the thirteenth century "the golden age of English churchmanship," has reference more particularly to the influence the bishops had upon the formation of the English constitution.
1992 Praeterita III. 1.
1993 Cencio’s register gave the number of households owing Peter’s Pence, as 10,080 for Lincoln, 4160 for Winchester, 3960 for London, and 1896 for Canterbury.
1994 Stubbs, ed. of Hoveden, IV. p. xcii, calls this a "landmark of English constitutional history, the first clear case of a refusal of a money grant demanded directly by the crown."
1995 His name is spelt Grossetete, Grosthead, Greathead, etc. The Latin forms, Grossum Caput and Capito, were also used. Fuller, with more quaintness than authority, says he got his name from the bigness of his head, "having large stowage to receive and store of brains to fill it." Stevenson, p. 337, adduces three lines along which Grosseteste did conspicuous service; namely, as an ecclesiastical reformer, a friend of learning, and a statesman.
1996 Solus ... novit scientias. Bridges’ ed., I. 67. Gower, in his confessio amantis, praises the "grete clerke Grosseteste."
1997 The Mon. Francisc. gives sixty of Marsh’s letters to Grosseteste.
1998 M. Paris, V. 226. The methods the bishop resorted to for determining the fidelity of the nuns to their vows is also recorded by M. Paris.
1999 Letter 127. See Luard’s Introd., p. 114.
2000 Ep. 128. Adam Marsh referred to the letter "as that fearless answer written with so much prudence, eloquence, and vigor, which will, with God’s aid, benefit all ages to come." See Stevenson, p. 312. M. Paris, V. 257, states that Grosseteste declared he would be acting like the devil if he were to deliver the cure of souls over to the Romans, "whom he hated like poison."
2001 De omnibus beneficiis eccles. libere potest ordinare. Ep., 49, Luard’s ed., p. 145.
2002 M. Paris, IV. 643 sqq., VI. 138-144.
2003 ·Ep. 2. auctoritas irrefragabilis scripturae.
2004 Bishop Hall quoted Grosseteste for his scriptural views, and Field, Of the Church, IV. 384 sqq., quoted him against the pope’s claim to supreme authority, but wrongly.
2005 Pegge devotes twenty-five closely filled pages with the list of the bishop’s books.
2006 Mon. Franc., p. 64.