§ 110. Geneva Regenerated. Testimonies Old and New.
§ 110. Geneva Regenerated. Testimonies Old and New.
The final result of this long conflict with Libertinism is the best vindication of Calvin. Geneva came out of it a new city, and with a degree of moral and spiritual prosperity which distinguished her above any other Christian city for several generations. What a startling contrast she presents, for instance, to Rome, the city of the vicar of Christ and his cardinals, as described by Roman Catholic writers of the sixteenth century! If ever in this wicked world the ideal of Christian society can be realized in a civil community with a mixed population, it was in Geneva from the middle of the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century, when the revolutionary and infidel genius of Rousseau (a native of Geneva) and of Voltaire (who resided twenty years in the neighborhood, on his estate at Ferney) began to destroy the influence of the Reformer.
After the final collapse of the Libertine party in 1555, the peace was not seriously disturbed, and Calvin’s work progressed without interruption. The authorities of the State were as zealous for the honor of the Church and the glory of Christ as the ministers of the gospel. The churches were well filled; the Word of God was preached daily; family worship was the rule; prayer and singing of Psalms never ceased; the whole city seemed to present the aspect of a community of sincere, earnest Christians who practised what they believed. Every Friday a spiritual conference and experience meeting, called the "Congregation," was held in St. Peter’s, after the model of the meetings of "prophesying," which had been introduced in Zürich and Bern. Peter Paul Vergerius, the former papal nuncio, who spent a short time in Geneva, was especially struck with these conferences. "All the ministers," he says,774 "and many citizens attend. One of the preachers reads and briefly explains a text from the Scriptures. Another expresses his views on the subject, and then any member may make a contribution if so disposed. You see, it is an imitation of that custom in the Corinthian Church of which Paul speaks, and I have received much edification from these public colloquies."
The material prosperity of the city was not neglected. Greater cleanliness was introduced, which is next to godliness, and promotes it. Calvin insisted on the removal of all filth from the houses and the narrow and crooked streets. He induced the magistracy to superintend the markets, and to prevent the sale ofunhealthy food, which was to be cast into the Rhone. Low taverns and drinking shops were abolished, and intemperance diminished. Mendicancy on the streets was prohibited. A hospital and poor-house was provided and well conducted. Efforts were made to give useful employment to every man that could work. Calvin urged the Council in a long speech, Dec. 29, 1544, to introduce the cloth and silk industry, and two months afterwards he presented a detailed plan, in which he recommended to lend to the Syndic, Jean Ami Curtet, a sufficient sum from the public treasury for starting the enterprise. The factories were forthwith established and soon reached the highest degree of prosperity. The cloth and silk of Geneva were highly prized in Switzerland and France, and laid the foundation for the temporal wealth of the city. When Lyons, by the patronage of the French crown, surpassed the little Republic in the manufacture of silk, Geneva had already begun to make up for the loss by the manufacture of watches, and retained the mastery in this useful industry until 1885, when American machinery produced a successful rivalry.775
Altogether, Geneva owes her moral and temporal prosperity, her intellectual and literary activity, her social refinement, and her world-wide fame very largely to the reformation and discipline of Calvin. He set a high and noble example of a model community. It is impossible, indeed, to realize his church ideal in a large country, even with all the help of the civil government. The Puritans attempted it in England and in New England, but succeeded only in part, and only for a short period. But nothing should prevent a pastor from making an effort in his own congregation on the voluntary principle. Occasionally we find parallel cases in small communities under the guidance of pastors of exceptional genius and consecration, such as Oberlin in the Steinthal, Harms in Hermannsburg, and Löhe in Neudettelsau, who exerted an inspiring influence far beyond their fields of labor.
Let us listen to some testimonies of visitors who saw with their own eyes the changes wrought in Geneva through Calvin’s influence.
William Farel, who knew better than any other man the state of Geneva under Roman Catholic rule, and during the early stages of reform before the arrival of Calvin, visited the city again in 1557, and wrote to Ambrosius Blaurer that he would gladly listen and learn there with the humblest of the people, and that "he would rather be the last in Geneva than the first anywhere else."776
John Knox, the Reformer of Scotland, who studied several years in Geneva as a pupil of Calvin (though five years his senior), and as pastor of the English congregation, wrote to his friend Locke, in 1556: "In my heart I could have wished, yea, I cannot cease to wish, that it might please God to guide and conduct yourself to this place where, I neither fear nor am ashamed to say, is the most perfect school of Christ that ever was in the earth since the days of the Apostles. In other places I confess Christ to be truly preached; but manners and religion to be so seriously reformed, I have not yet seen in any other place besides."777
Dr. Valentine Andreae (1586–1654), a bright and shining light of the Lutheran Church of Würtemberg (a grandson of Jacob Andreae, the chief author of the Lutheran Formula of Concord), a man full of glowing love to Christ, visited Geneva in 1610, nearly fifty years after Calvin’s death, with the prejudices of an orthodox Lutheran against Calvinism, and was astonished to find in that city a state of religion which came nearer to his ideal of a Christocracy than any community he had seen in his extensive travels, and even in his German fatherland.
"When I was in Geneva," he writes, "I observed something great which I shall remember and desire as long as I live. There is in that place not only the perfect institute of a perfect republic, but, as a special ornament, a moral discipline, which makes weekly investigations into the conduct, and even the smallest transgressions of the citizens, first through the district inspectors, then through the Seniors, and finally through the magistrates, as the nature of the offence and the hardened state of the offender may require. All cursing and swearing gambling, luxury, strife, hatred, fraud, etc., are forbidden; while greater sins are hardly heard of. What a glorious ornament of the Christian religion is such a purity of morals! We must lament with tears that it is wanting with us, and almost totally neglected. If it were not for the difference of religion, I would have forever been chained to that place by the agreement in morals, and I have ever since tried to introduce something like it into our churches. No less distinguished than the public discipline was the domestic discipline of my landlord, Scarron, with its daily devotions, reading of the Scriptures, the fear of God in word and in deed, temperance in meat and drink and dress. I have not found greater purity of morals even in my father’s home."778
A stronger and more impartial testimony of the deep and lasting effect of Calvin’s discipline so long after his death could hardly be imagined.
Notes. Modern Testimonies.
The condemnation of Calvin’s discipline and his conduct toward the Libertines has been transplanted to America by two dignitaries of the Roman Church—Dr. John McGill, bishop of Richmond, the translator of Audin’s Life of Calvin (Louisville, n. d.), and Dr. M. S. Spalding, archbishop of Baltimore (between 1864 and 1872), in his History of the Protestant Reformation (Louisville, 1860), 8th ed., Baltimore, 1875. This book is not a history, but a chronique scandaleuse of the Reformation, and unworthy of a Christian scholar. Dr. Spalding devotes twenty-two pages to Calvin (vol. I. 370–392), besides an appendix on Rome and Geneva, and a letter addressed to Merle D’Aubigné and Bungener (pp. 495–530). He ignores his Commentaries and Institutes, which have commanded the admiration even of eminent Roman Catholic divines, and simply repeats, with some original mistakes and misspellings, the slanders of Bolsec and Audin, which have long since been refuted.
"Calvin," he says, "crushed the liberties of the people in the name of liberty. A foreigner, he insinuated himself into Geneva and, serpent-like, coiled himself around the very heart of the Republic which had given him hospitable shelter. He thus stung the very bosom which had warmed him. He was as watchful as a tiger preparing to pounce on its prey, and as treacherous … . His reign in Geneva was truly a reign of terror. He combined the cruelty of Danton and Robespierre with the eloquence of Marat and Mirabeau … . He was worse than ’the Chalif of Geneva,’ as Audin calls him—he was a very Nero!... He was a monster of impurity and iniquity. The story of his having been guilty of a crime of nameless turpitude at Noyon, though denied by his friends, yet rests upon very respectable authority. Bolsec, a contemporary writer, relates it as certain … . He ended his life in despair, and died of a most shameful and disgusting disease which God has threatened to rebellious and accursed reprobates." The early Calvinists were hypocrites, and "their boasted austerity was little better than a sham, if it was not even a cloak to cover enormous wickedness. They exhibit their own favorite doctrine of total depravity in its fullest practical development!" The archbishop, however, is kind enough to add in conclusion (p. 391), that he "would not be understood as wishing to reflect upon the character or conduct of the present professors of Calvinistic doctrines, many of whom are men estimable for their civic virtues."
The best answer to such a caricature, which turns the very truth into a lie, is presented in the facts of this chapter. With ignorance and prejudice even the gods contend in vain. But it is proper, at this place, to record the judgments of impartial historians who have studied the sources, and cannot be charged with any doctrinal bias in favor of Calvinism. Comp. other testimonies in § 68, pp. 270 sqq.
Gieseler, one of the coolest and least dogmatic of church historians, says (K. G. III. P. I. p. 389): "Durch Calvin’s eiserne Festigkeit wurden Genf’s Sitten ganz umgewandelt: so dankte die Stadt der Reformation ihre Freiheit, ihre Ordnung, und ihren aufblühenden Wohlstand."
From the Article "Calvin" in La France Protestante (III. 530): "Une telle Organisation, un pareil pouvoir sur les individus, une autorité aussi parfaitement inquisitoriale nous indignent aujourd’hui; c’était chose toute simple avec l’ardeur religieuse du XVIe siècle. Le consistoire atteignit le but que Calvin s’était proposé. En moins de trois générations, les moeurs de Genève subirent une métamorphose complète. A la mondanité naturelle succéda cette austérité un peu raide, cette gravité un peu étudiée qui caractérisèrent, dans les siècles passés, les disciples du réformateur. L’histoire ne nous offre que deux hommes qui aient su imprimer à tout un peuple le cachet particulier de leur génie: Lycurgue et Calvin, deux grands caractères qui offrent plus d’une analogie. Que de fades plaisanteries ne s’est-on pas permises sur l’esprit genevois! et Genève est devenue un foyer de lumières et d’émancipation intellectuelle, même pour ses détracteurs."
Marc-Monnier.
Marc-Monnier was born in Florence of French parents, 1829, distinguished as a poet and historian, professor of literature in the University of Geneva, and died 1885. His "La Renaissance de Dante à Luther" (1884) was crowned by the French Academy.
From "La Réforme, de Luther à Shakespeare"(Paris, 1885), pp. 70–72.
"Calvin fut done de son temps comme les papes, les empereurs et tons les rois, méme François 1er, qui brûlèrent des hérétiques, mais ceux qui ne voient dans Calvin que le meurtrier de Servet ne le connaissent pas. Ce fut une conviction, une intelligence, une des forces les plus étonnantes de ce grand siècle: pour le peser selon son mérite, il faut jeter dans la balance autre chose que nos tendresses et nos pitiés. Il faut voir tout l’homme, et le voir tel qu’il fut: ’un corps frêle et débile, sobre jusqu’à l’excès,’ rongé par des maladies et des infirmites qui devaient l’emporter avant le temps, mais acharné à sa tâche, ’ne vivant que pour le travail et ne travaillant que pour établir le royaume de Dieu sur la terre; devoué à cette cause jusqu’à lui tout sacrifier:’ le repos, la santé, la vie, plus encore: les études favorites, et avec une infatigable activité qui épouvantait ses adversaires, menant de front, à brides abattues, religion, morale, politique, législation, littérature, enseignement, prédication, pamphlets, oeuvres de longue haleine, correspondance énorme avec le roi et la reine de Navarre, la duchesse de Ferrare, le roi François 1er, avec d’autres princes encore, avec les réformateurs, les théologiens, les humanistes, les âmes travaillées et chargées, les pauvres prisonnières de Paris. Il écrivait dans l’Europe entière; deux mille Églises s’organisaient selon ses idées ou celles de ses amis; des missionnaires, animés de son souffle, partaient pour l’Angleterre, l’Écosse, les Pays-Bas, ’en remerciant Dieu et lui chantant des psaumes.’ En même temps cet homme seul, ce malade surmené s’emparait a Genève d’un peuple allègre, raisouneur, indiscipliné, le tenait dans sa main et le forçait d’obéir. Sans étre magistrat ni même citoyen (il ne le devint qu’aux dernières années de sa vie), sans mandat officiel ni titre reconnu, sans autre autorité que celle de son nom et d’une volonté inflexible, il commandait aux consciences, il gouvernait les maisons, il s’imposait, avec une foule de réfugiés venus de toute part, à une population qui n’a jamais aimé les étrangers ni les maîtres; il heurtait enfin de parti pris les coutumes, les traditions, les susceptibilités nationales et il les brisait. Non seulement il pesait sur les consciences et les opinions, mais aussi sur les moeurs, proscrivait la luxure et même le luxe, la bijouterie, la soie et le velours, les cheveux longs, les coiffures frisées, la bonne chère: toute espèce de plaisir et de distraction; cependant, malgré les haines et les colères suscitées par cette compression morale, ’le corps brisé, mais la tête haute,’ il gouverna longtemps les Genevois par l’autorité de son caractère et fut accompagné à sa tombe par le peuple tout entier. Voilà l’homme dont il est facile de rire, mais qu’il importe avant tout de connaitre.
"Calvin détruisit Genève pour la refaire à son image et, en dépit de toutes les révolutions, cette reconstitution improvisée dure encore: il existe aux portes de la France une ville de strictes croyances, de bonnes études et de bonnes moeurs: une ’cité de Calvin.’ "
A remarkable tribute from a scholar who was no theologian, and no clergyman, but thoroughly at home in the history, literature, manners, and society of Geneva. Marc-Monnier speaks also very highly of Calvin’s merits as a French classic, and quotes with approval the judgment of Paul Lacroix (in his ed. of select Oeuvres françoises de J. Calvin): "Le style de Calvin est un des plus grands styles du seizième siècle: simple, correct, élégant, clair, ingénieux, animé, varie de formes et de tons, il a commencé à fixer la langue française pour la prose, comme celui de Clement Marot l’avait fait pour les vers."
George Bancroft.
George Bancroft, the American historian and statesman, born at Worcester, Mass., 1800, died at Washington, 1891, served his country as secretary of the Navy, and ambassador at London and Berlin, with the greatest credit.
"A word on Calvin, the
Reformer." From his Literary and Historical Miscellanies (New York,
1855), pp. 405 sqq.
"It is intolerance only,
which would limit the praise of Calvin to a single sect, or refuse to reverence
his virtues and regret his failings. He lived in the time when nations were
shaken to their centre by the excitement of the Reformation; when the fields of
Holland and France were wet with the carnage of persecution; when vindictive
monarchs on the one side threatened all Protestants with outlawry and death,
and the Vatican, on the other, sent forth its anathemas and its cry for blood.
In that day, it is too true, the influence of an ancient, long-established,
hardly disputed error, the Constant danger of his position, the intense desire
to secure union among the antagonists of popery, the engrossing consciousness
that his struggle was for the emancipation of the Christian world, induced the
great Reformer to defend the use of the sword for the extirpation of heresy.
Reprobating and lamenting his adhesion to the cruel doctrine, which all
Christendom had for centuries implicitly received, we may, as republicans,
remember that Calvin was not only the founder of a sect, but foremost among the
most efficient of modern republican legislators. More truly benevolent to the
human race than Solon, more self-denying than Lycurgus, the genius of Calvin
infused enduring elements into the institutions of Geneva, and made it for the
modern world the impregnable fortress of popular liberty, the fertile seed-plot
of democracy.
"We boast of our common schools; Calvin was the father of popular education, the inventor of the system of free schools. We are proud of the free States that fringe the Atlantic. The pilgrims of Plymouth were Calvinists; the best influence in South Carolina came from the Calvinists of France. William Penn was the disciple of the Huguenots; the ships from Holland that first brought colonists to Manhattan were filled with Calvinists. He that will not honor the memory, and respect the influence of Calvin, knows but little of the origin of American liberty.
"If personal considerations chiefly win applause, then, no one merits our sympathy and our admiration more than Calvin; the young exile from France, who achieved an immortality of fame before he was twenty-eight years of age; now boldly reasoning with the king of France for religious liberty; now venturing as the apostle of truth to carry the new doctrines into the heart of Italy, and hardly escaping from the fury of papal persecution; the purest writer, the keenest dialectician of his century; pushing free inquiry to its utmost verge, and yet valuing inquiry solely as the means of arriving at fixed conclusions. The light of his genius scattered the mask of darkness which superstition had held for centuries before the brow of religion. His probity was unquestioned, his morals spotless. His only happiness consisted in his ’task of glory and of good;’ for sorrow found its way into all his private relations. He was an exile from his country; he became for a season an exile from his place of exile. As a husband he was doomed to mourn the premature loss of his wife; as a father he felt the bitter pang of burying his only child. Alone in the world, alone in a strange land, he went forward in his career with serene resignation and inflexible firmness; no love of ease turned him aside from his vigils; no fear of danger relaxed the nerve of his eloquence; no bodily infirmities checked the incredible activity of his mind; and so he continued, year after year, solitary and feeble, yet toiling for humanity, till after a life of glory, he bequeathed to his personal heirs, a fortune, in books and furniture, stocks and money, not exceeding two hundred dollars, and to the world, a purer reformation, a republican spirit in religion, with the kindred principles of republican liberty."
Principal Tulloch of the University of St. Andrews, in Luther and other Leaders of the Reformation, p. 203 (3d ed. 1883).
Inst. IV. ch. I. § 4; Comp. §§ 2 and 3.
"Ut semperexitialis sit ab ecclesia discessio."
· Ibid. IV. ch. 1, §§ 18, 19.
See § 91, pp. 404 sqq.
Supplex exhortatio ad Caesarem Carolum V. de necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae, 1543, in Opera, VI. 453-534. English Version by Henry Beveridge, Calvin’s Tracts, I. 123-237. The Strassburg editors call it a "libellus et ab argumenti gravitate et a stili elegantia prae caeteris commendandus, hodieque lectu dignissimus." Proleg., p. xxviii. Calvin wrote this book at the request of Bucer, who urged him to do so in a letter of Oct. 25, 1543. It appeared also in French.
Opera, VI. 518 sqq.; Beveridge, l.c., 211 sqq. Compare the Institutes, IV. ch. II. §§ 6-12.
Dedication of his Institutes to Francis I.
Briefe, De Wett’s ed. IV. 354. Still more striking is Luther’s judgment on the Roman Church (in his book against the Anabaptists): "Ich sage, dass unter dem Papst die wahre Christenheit ist; ja der rechte Ausbund der Christenheit, und viel frommer grosser Heiligen." Werke, XXVI. 257, Erlangen ed. Möhler (in his Symbolik, pp. 421, 437) sees in such expressions so many self-refutations of the Reformers in separating from the Catholic Church, and forgets that they were cast out with curses and anathemas.
Matt. 13:24-30; 47-49.
· Rom. 2:14, 15, 28, 29; Col. 2:11.
Corpus Christi merum, and corpus Christi mixtum. De Doctr. Christ. III. 32; De Baptismo contra Donatistas, IV. 5. The Donatist Tichonius used the less suitable designation of a twofold body of Christ (corpus Christi bipartitum).
See Wiclif’s tract De Ecclesia, published by Loserth, 1886. Hus, in his tract on the same subject, literally adopted Wiclif’s view.
He speaks of the ecclesia invisibilis in his second Commentary on the Galatians, vol. III. 38. Erlangen ed. The Lutheran symbolical books do not use the term, but teach the thing.
The Ninth Article of the Augsburg Confession expressly condemns the Anabaptists for rejecting infant baptism and maintaining the salvation of unbaptized infants.
See Westminster Confession of Faith, ch. X. 3.
· Expos. Christ. Fidei (written in 1531, and published by Bullinger, 1536): "Credimus et unam sanctam esse, h.e. universalem ecclesiam. Eam autem esse aut visibilem aut invisibilem. Invisibilis est, juxta Pauli verbum, quae coelo descendit, hoc est, qua Spiritu Sancto illustrante Deum cognoscit et amplectitur. De ista ecclesia sunt quotquot per universum orbem credunt. Vocatur autem invisibilis non quasi qui credunt sint invisibiles, sed quod humanis oculis non patet quinam credant; sunt enim fideles soli Deo et sibi perspecti. Visibilis autem ecclesia non estPontifex Romanus cum reliquis cidarim gestantibus, sed quotquot per universum orbem Christo nomen dederunt." Opera, IV. 58. Niemeyer, Coll. Confess., p. 53. Zwingli teaches the same distinction, but without the terms, in his earlier Confession to Charles V. See Niemeyer, p. 22.
See above, pp. 95, 177, 211. Bullinger probably agreed with the liberal view of his revered teacher and friend, as we may infer from his unqualified commendation of the last Confession of Zwingli, in which he most emphatically teaches the salvation of the pious heathen. Bullinger published it five years after Zwingli’s death, and said in the preface that in this book Zwingli surpassed himself ("hoc libello sese superans de vera fide nescio quid cygneum vicina morte cantavi ").
Inst. Bk. IV. ch. I. § 7.
Inst. IV. ch. I. § 10.
He concludes his Institutes with this sentence: "Since this edict has been proclaimed by that celestial herald, Peter, ’we must obey God rather than men,’ let us console ourselves with this thought, that we truly perform the obedience which God requires of us, when we suffer anything rather than deviate from piety. And that our hearts may not fail us, Paul stimulates us with another consideration: that Christ has redeemed us at the immense price which our redemption cost him, that we may not be submissive to the corrupt desires of men, much less be slaves to their impiety " (1 Cor. 7:23).
Reg. du Conseil, in Annal. vol. XXI. 287. Comp. vol. X. Pars I. 125
In the Grand Ducal Library of Gotha are preserved several drafts of Calvin, in his own handwriting, on the various departments of civil government, especially the reform of judicial proceedings. They are published in Opera, X. Pars I. 125-146. "Nicht ohne Bewunderung," says Kampschulte (I. 416), "sehen wir in ihnen den gelehrten Verfasser der Institution selbst den untergeordneten Fragen der städtischen Verwaltung und Polizei seine Aufmerksamkeit zuwenden. Da finden wir ausführliche Instructionen für den Bauaufseher, Anordnungen für den Fall einer Feuersbrunst, Anweisungen für den Aufseher des städtischen Geschützwesens, Verhaltungsregeln sogar für den Nachtwächter, für die Ketten-, Thor-, und Thurmhüter."
"Resoluz quil luy soyt donnéung bossot de vin vieulx de celluy de l’hospital." Registre du Conseil, Nov. 17, 1542, quoted in Annal. vol. XXI. 305, and in Opera, X. P. 1. 125.
On the Colladon family see La France Protestante, IV. 510 sqq. (second ed. by Bordier). Another distinguished member was Nicolas Colladon, who published a Life of Calvin in 1565, and succeeded him in the chair of theology in 1566.
The Spanish censorship was applied to the vernacular versions of the Bible, the works of Erasmus, all Protestant books, the Mystics and Illuminati, the Molinists and Quietists. The natural consequence of this tyranny was the decadence of intellectual and literary activity. See H. C. Lea, Chapters from the Religious History of Spain connected with the Inquisition, Philadelphia, 1890.
The Bibles in the Caxton Exhibition, London, 1878, p. 95.
"De necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae" (Opera, VI. 459 sq.): "Regimen in ecclesia, munus pastorale, et reliquus ordo, una cum sacramentis, instar corporis sunt, doctrina autem illa, quae rite colendi Dei regulam praescribit, et ubi salutis fiduciam debeant hominum conscientiae ostendit, anima est, quae corpus ipsum inspirat, vividum et actuosum reddit; facit denique, ne sit mortuum et inutile cadaver."
Inst. IV. ch. III. § 1.
Acta 14:23, Ceirotonhvsante", voting by uplifting the hand.
Inst. IV. Ch. III. § 15; comp. ch. IV. § 11 sqq., where he quotes the old rule: "Let him who is to preside over all, be chosen by all.’
In his Commentary on Phil. 1:1, he correctly infers from the plural ejpivskopoi, that "nomen episcopi omnibus Verbi ministris esse commune, quum plures uni ecclesiae Episcopos attribuat. Sunt igitur synonyma Episcopus et Pastor. Atque hic locus ex iis unus est, quos Hieronymus ad illud probandum citat, in Epistola ad Evagrium, et in expositione Epistolae ad Titum." In his Commentary on Acts 20:28 (comp. with verse 17), he says: "Omnes Ephesinos Presbyteros indifferentur a Paulo sic [episcopi] vocantur, unde colligimus secundum Scripturae usum nihil a Presbyteris differre Episcopos, sed vitio et corruptela factum esse, ut qui primas tenebant in singulis civitatibus Episcopi vocari coeperint." Comp. also his commentaries on the relevant passages in the Pastoral Epistles, and his Inst. IV. ch. III. § 8, and ch. IV. § 2 (where he quotes Jerome in full). The Lutheran symbols likewise teach the identity of the episcopate and presbyterate (see the second Appendix to the Smalcaldian Articles, p. 341, ed. J. T. Müller); but the Lutheran Churches in Germany have Superintendents and General Superintendents (called "Bishops" in Prussia, "Prelates" in Württemberg). Sweden, Norway, and Denmark retained or reintroduced episcopacy (jure humano, not jure divino). The church government of the Lutheran Churches in America is a compromise between the Presbyterian and synodical system and congregational independency.
Melanchthon in this respect went much further and was willing to submit to a papacy, provided the pope would tolerate the free preaching of the gospel. He subscribed the Smalcaldian Articles with the restriction: "De pontifice statuo, si evangelium admitteret, posse ei propter pacem et communem tranquillitatem Christianorum ... superioritatem in episcopos ... jure humano etiam a nobis permitti."
He says in this letter, dated Geneva, 5th Dec., 1554: "The ancient Church indeed instituted patriarchates, and to different provinces assigned certain primacies, that by this bond of concord the bishops might remain more closely united among themselves. Exactly as if, at the present day, one archbishop should have a certain pre-eminence in the illustrious kingdom of Poland, not to lord it over the others, nor arrogate to himself a right of which they were forcibly deprived; but for the sake of order to occupy the first place in synods, and cherish a holy unity between his colleagues and brethren. Then there might be either provincial or urban bishops, whose functions should be particularly directed to the preservation of order. As nature dictates, one of these should be chosen from each college, to whom this care should be specially confided. But it is one thing to hold a moderate dignity such as is not imcompatible with the abilities of a man, and another to comprise the whole world under one overgrown government. What the Romanists keep prating about one single head is then altogether nugatory, because neither the sacred commandment of God, nor the established usage of the Church sanctions a second head to be joined with Christ, whom alone the Heavenly Father has set over all." Bonnet-Constable, III. 104. Comp. Inst. IV. ch. IV. §§ 1-4; Henry II. 68, 375; III. 427 sqq.; Dyer, 283 sqq.; 456 sq.
By Weber, Henry, and Stähelin, and many others; also by Kampschulte, who remarks (I. 471): "Der Grundgedanke, von dem der Gesetzgeber Genfs ausgeht, ist die Theokratie. Er will in Genf den Gottesstaat herstellen." But Amédée Roget (L’église et l’état àGenève du vivant de Calvin) and Merle d’Aubigné (vol. VII. 120) dissent from this view and point to the limitations of the ecclesiastical power in Geneva. Merle d’Aubigné says: "Calvin was not a theocrat, unless the term be taken in the most spiritual sense."
Inst. IV. ch. XX. § 1."Volui," he wrote to a friend, "sicut aequum est, spiritualem potestatem acivili judicio distingui." Epp. et Resp. 263.
Conf. Helvetica II. ch. XXX.; Conf. Gallicana, ch. XXXIX. (God has put the sword into the hands of magistrates to suppress crimes against the first as well as the second table of his Commandments"); Conf. Belgica, ch. XXXVI.; Conf. Scotica, Art. XXIV.; Thirty-nine Articles, Art. XXXVII. (changed in the American recension); Westminster Conf. ch. XXIII. (changed in the American recension).
He wrote to Farel, Sept. 16, 1541 (in Opera, XI. 281; Herminjard, VII. 249): "Exposui (Senatui), non posse consistere ecclesiam, nisi certum regimen constitueretur, quale ex Verbo Dei nobis praescriptum est, et in veteri Ecclesia fuit observatum."
See above, p. 440.
The French text in Opera, X. 16. note a.
Kampschulte I. 396.
In the "Ordinances" they are called Pasteurs, Docteurs, Anciens, Diacres.
Inst. IV. ch. III. § 4.
This confirms the view I have taken of Calvin’s extraordinary calling (§ 73, pp. 313 sqq.). In his letter to Sadolet he expresses his firm conviction that his ministry was from God. (See § 91, pp. 398 sqq.) Luther had the same conviction concerning his own mission. On his return from the Wartburg to Wittenberg, he wrote to the Elector Frederick of Saxony that he had his gospel not from men, but from heaven, and that he was Christ’s evangelist.
poimevne", pastores, Eph. 4:11. They are the same with Bishops and Presbyters. " In calling those who preside over Churches by the appellations of ’Bishops,’ ’Presbyters,’ and, ’Pastors,’ without any distinction, I have followed the usage of the Scripture." Inst. IV. ch. III. § 8. Then he quotes Phil. 1:1; Tit. 1:5, 7; Acts 20:17, 28. See above, p. 469.
"Faire les corrections fraternelles."
didavskaloi, doctores, Eph. 4:11.
Inst. IV. ch. III. § 4.
kubernhvsei", 1 Cor. 12:28; comp. Rom. 12:8.
Inst. IV. ch. III. § 8.
In his Commentary on the passage. Comp. Inst. IV. ch. III. § 8: "Gubernatores fuisse existimo seniores ex plebe delectos qui censurae morum et exercendae disciplinae una cum episcopis praeessent." The distinction was first made by Calvin and followed by many Presbyterian and some Lutheran divines, but it is denied by some of the best modern exegetes. Paul requires all presbyters to be apt to teach, 1 Tim. 3:2; 2 Tim. 2:2; 2:24. See Schaff’s History of the Apostolic Church, p. 529 sq.
Acts 6:1-3; Phil. 1:1; 1 Tim. 3:8 sqq.; 5:9, 10.
Comp. the Inst. IV. ch. III. 9.
"Les corrections ne soient sinon medicines pour reduyre les pecheurs a nostre Seigneur."
Opera, X. Pars I. 91-124.
The revised Eccles. Ordinances of 1561 provide (Opera, X. P. I. 121) that one of the four Syndics preside over the Consistory with the marshal’s staff (avec son bâton) which signifies civil jurisdiction rather than spiritual regime, afin de mieux garder la distinction qui nous est monstrée en l’Escriture saincte entre le qlaive et authoritédu Magistrat, et la superintendence qui doit estre en Eglise." This regulation of Calvin refutes the assertion of Dyer (p. 142), that " Calvin usurped the perpetual presidency of the Consistory," and that " he wished Beza to succeed him in this presidency."
"While he was not president of this body, it may be truly said that he was its soul." Merle d’Aubigné (VII. 120). So also Cramer, Roget, and others.
Annal., XXI. 291, sub Février 16, 1542: "Dixième séance du Consistoire, première dont il existe un procès verbal, lequel mentionne entre autres la présence de Calvin et de Viret. Les autres ministres membres du C., sont Bernard, Henri, et Champeraux. Viret est mentionnépour la dernière fois le 18 juillet. Calvin assiste régulièrement aux séances pendant tout l’exercice 1542-43, exceptécinq fois."
A. Roget, l.c., p. 31: "Le Consistoire ne pouvait infliger aucune peine, et, chose remarquable, il n’avait aucune attribution doctrinale. L’ancien syndic Cramer, dans l’excellente préface qu’il a placée en tête des extraits des Registres du Consistoire, a fait observer que Gruet, Bolsec et Servet ne sant pas même nommés dans les documents qu’il a analysés; toutes les fois qu’un procès de doctrine est instruit, c’est le Conseil qui prononce, sur le préavis des pasteurs."
Opera, XIV. 675: "Nulla in Consistorio civilis jurisdictio, sed tantum reprehensiones ex Verbo Domini: ultima vero poena, excommunicatio."
On March 19, 1543, the Council of the Sixty resolved "que le Consistoire n’ait ni jurisdiction ni puissance de défendre la cène, sinon seulement d’admonester et puis faire relation en Conseil, afin que la Seigneurie avise de juger sur les délinquants suivant leur demerites." Reg., quoted by Roget, p. 37. A month before, the government of Bern had categorically refused the right of excommunication to the ministers of Lausanne. Ruchat, V. 211.
"Tolero quod tollere non licet," as he says in one of his letters.
Roget (p. 67): "Le point de vue soutenu par Calvin dans la question de la cène avait enfin triomphéirrévocablement et, dès 1555, nous trouvons le Consistoire en possession, d’une manière incontestée, du droit d’accorder ou de refuser la participation aux sacrements. Toutefois, le Conseil et les ministres ne sont pas complétement d’accord sur les consequences que doit entrainer l’excommunication."
Roget (p. 83 sq.) has collected such exaggerated judgments from several French writers and contradicts them. Florimond de Raemond says: "Calvin se rendit le maistre, l’évesque, le seigneur, disposant de la religion, de l’estat, de la ville, du gouvernement, de la police, comme bon luy sembloit." Duruy: "Calvin eut dès 1541 et exerça jusqu’àsa mort un pouvoir absolu. Il organisa le gouvernement de Genève au profit presque exclusif des ministres du culte réformé." Capefigue: "Calvin réunissait tons les fils du pouvoir suprême en sa personne." Paul Janet: "Calvin a étéle magistrat suprême d’une democratie." Rosseuw St. Hilaire: "Tout excès appelle une reaction en sens contraire, Calvin subordonne l’Etat àl’Eglise." Saisset: "L’Etat devenait une théocratie et les citoyens de Genève n’etaient plus que les sujets d’un petit nombre de ministres, sujets eux-mêmes de Calvin, lequel dominait les trois Conseils du sein du Consistoire et paraissait it la fois le roiet le pontifesouverain de la cite."
Friederich Julius Stahl, a convert from Judaism, a very able lawyer and statesman, and one of the chief champions of modern high-church Lutheranism whose motto was, "Authority, not Majority" (although his wife was Reformed and he himself attributed his conversion to the Reformed Professor Krafft in Erlangen), says in his book, Die Lutherische Kirche und die Union (1860), that Calvin introduced a new principle into Protestantism; namely, the glorification of God by the full dominion of his Word in the life of Christendom ("die Verherrlichung Gottes durch die wirkliche volle Herrschaft seines Wortes im Leben der Christenheit").
In Tholuck’s ed. of Calvin’s Harmony of the Gospels, I. P. II. 21.
Inst. IV. ch. V. § 14. In the same chapter (§ 1) he says of the bishops of his day that most of them were ignorant of the Scriptures, and either drunkards or fornicators or gamblers or hunters. "The greatest absurdity is that even boys, scarcely ten years of age, have, by the permission of the pope, been made bishops." Pope Leo X. himself was made archbishop in his eighth and cardinal-deacon in his thirteenth year. The Roman Church at that time tolerated almost anything but heresy and disobedience to the pope, which in her eyes is worse than the greatest moral crime.
He objects to the word clergy as originating in a mistake, since Peter (1 Pet. 5:3) calls the whole Church God’s klh'roi or possessions; but he uses it for the sake of convenience.
Calvin quotes also Chrysostom’s famous warning against the profanation of the sacrament by the connivance of unfaithful priests: "Blood shalt be required at your hands. Let us not be afraid of sceptres or diadems or imperial robes; we have here a greater power. As for myself, I will rather give up my body to death and suffer my blood to be shed, than I will be a partaker of this pollution." There is a strong resemblance between Calvin and Chrysostom, both as commentators and as fearless disciplinarians.
"Les ministres ont priéque ton advise de fere venyr les gens aut sermon et specialement les dimanches et le iour des prieres affin de prier Dieu qui nous assiste, voyeant le trouble quest en leglise de Dieu et la machination dressécontre les fidelles. arrêté qui impose une amende de 3 solz à ceux qui ne viendraient pas." (Reg. du Conseil.) In Annal., 394 sub Jan. 17, 1547.
Roget, Peuple de Genève, II. 29, quoted by Merle d’Aubigné, VII. 124.
"Il chante un beau psaume."
Registers for April 27, 1546. Henry II. 429.
For a fuller statement see chap. XVI.
Calvin himself states this fact in a letter to Myconius of Basel, March 27, 1545 (Opera, XII. 55; Bonnet, I. 428), where he says: "A conspiracy of men and women has lately been discovered, who, for the space of three years, had spread the plague through the city by what mischievous device I know not. After fifteen women have been burnt, some men have even been punished more severely, some have committed suicide in prison, and while twenty-five are still kept prisoners,—the conspirators do not cease, notwithstanding, to smear the door-locks of the dwelling-houses with their poisonous ointment. You see in the midst of what perils we are tossed about. The Lord hath hitherto preserved our dwelling, though it has more than once been attempted. It is well that we know ourselves to be under His care."
According to Galiffe, as quoted by Kampschulte, I. 425.
Take the following rhetorical caricature of Calvin’s and Colladon’s politico-religious code of laws from Audin (Life of Calvin, ch. XXXVI. 354, Am. ed.):, There is but one word heard or read: Death. Death to every one guilty of high treason against God; death to every one guilty of high treason against the State; death to the son that strikes or curses his father; death to the adulterer; death to heretics … . During the space of twenty years, commencing from the date of Calvin’s recall, the history of Geneva is a bloody drama, in which pity, dread, terror, indignation, and tears, by turns, appear to seize upon the soul. At each step we encounter chains, thongs, a stake, pincers, melted pitch, fire, and sulphur. And throughout the whole there is blood. One imagines himself in Dante’s Hell, where sighs, groans, and lamentations continually resound."
This letter to Perrin is undated, but is probably from April, 1546. See Opera, XII. 338 sq. and Bonnet, II. 42 sq.
Opera, vol. XXXI. 27
"Qui imbellis sum et meticulosus"; in the French ed., "tout foible et craintif que je suis." He more than once refers to his natural timidity; but he risked his life on several occasions.
Bonnet, II. 133 sq. and 135; Opera, XII. 632 sqq. The date of the letter to Viret is Dec. 17, not 14, as given by Bonnet.
To them must be traced the saying: "They would rather be with Beza in hell than with Calvin in heaven." But Beza was in full accord with Calvin in discipline as well as doctrine. The saying is reported by Papyrius Masso: "Genevenses inter jocos dicebant, malle se apud inferos cum Beza quam apud superos esse cum Calvino." Audin, p. 487.
Opera, XV. 271.
The Galiffes fairly represent the animosity of these old families to Calvin, but far surpass their ancestors in literary and moral culture and respectability, which they owe to the effects of his reformation.
The synagogue of the Libertines in Jerusalem opposed Stephen, the forerunner of Paul, Acts 6:9.
Gieseler connects both sects, vol. III. Part I. 385; Comp. II. Part III. 266. Strype notices the existence of a similar sect in England at a later period, Annals, vol. II. Part II. 287 sqq. (quoted by Dyer, p. 177)
They called St. Matthew, the publican, usurier (a usurer); St. Paul, potcassé (a broken vessel); St. Peter, on account of his denial of Christ, renonceur de Dieu; St. John, jouvenceau et follet (a childish youth), etc.
Bonnet, in a note on Calvin’s letter to the queen (I. 429), says of her: "In the later years of her life [she died in 1549] her piety gradually degenerated into a kind of contemplative mysticism, whose chief characteristic was indif-ference towards outward forms, uniting the external ordinances of the Roman Church with the inward cherishing of a purer faith." See above, p. 323.
"Un chien abaye, sil voyt quon assaille son maistre; ie serois bien lasche, si en voyant la verite de dieu ainsi assallye, ie faisois du muet sans sonner mot."
"Au reste, ceulx qui me cognoissent, savent bien que nay iamais aspire davoir entree aux courtz des princes, dautant que ie nestois pas tentéde parvenir aux estatz" (honorum studio titillatus).
The French original in Henry, II. Beilage, 14, p. 112 sqq.; also in Bonnet and in Opera, XII. 64-68. The Latin editions date the letter April 20 instead of 28.
A son of Humbert Gruet, notary public of Geneva; not to be confounded with Canon Claude Gruet. See Opera, XII. 546, note 9; Bonnet,Letters fr. I. 212, and Henry, II. 440.
On the date see Opera, XII. 546, note 7, and Annal. XXI. 407, sub Lundi Juin 27: "Un é’crit violent contre Calvin et ses collègues est trouvédans la chaire d’un des temples." Calvin’s letter to Viret, July 2, 1547: "Postridie reperitur charta in suggestu qua mortem nobis minantur."
Peter Wernly, a canon of St. Peter’s, was killed in a fight with the Protestants, while endeavoring to save himself by flight, May 4, 1533.
"Nota bin mon dire." See the original of the placard in Opera, XII. 546, note 8. Gaberel and Ruchat give it in modern French. The editors of the Opera refer panfar to Abel Poupin ("Panfar ventrosum dicit Poupinum").
In the case of Gentilis and Servet, however, no mention is made of the torture.
The sentence of condemnation (Opera, XII. 667) reads: "Par jceste nostre diffinitive sentence, laquelle donnons icy par escript, toy Jaque Gruet condampnons a debvoyr estre mene au lieu de Champel et illect debvoyer avoyer tranche la teste de dessus les espaules, et ton corps attache aut gibet et la teste cloye en jcelluy et ainsy finiras tes jours pour donner exemple aux aultres qui tel cas vouldroyent commestre." The charges assigned are blasphemy against God, offence against the civil magistracy, threats to the ministers of God, and "crime de leze majeste meritant pugnition corporelle."
The sources for the case of Gruet are the acts of the criminal process and sentence, printed in Opera, XII. 563-568 (in French); letters of Calvin to Viret, July 2, 24, 1547 (in Opera, XII. 545, 559, in Bonnet II. 108 and 114); Calvin’s report on the blasphemous book of Gruet, in Opera, XIII. 568-572 (in French, also printed in Henry, II. 120, and in Letters by Jules Bonnet, French ed., I. 311; English ed., II. 254); Reg. du Conseil, July 25, 1547, and May 22, 1550, noticed in Annal. 409, 465.—Of modern writers, see Henry, (II. 410, 439, 441 sqq.; abridged in Stebbing’s translation, II. 64 sqq., without the Beilage); Audin, ch. XXXVI. (pp. 396 sqq. of the English translation); Dyer, 213 sqq.; and Stähelin, I. 399 sqq.
Oct. 21, 1540. A day afterwards, Dufour was appointed by the Council, and went in his place. Annal. 267. See above, p. 430.
Beza calls him "vanissimus, sed audax et ambitiosus " (XXI. 138). Audin, the patron of all the enemies of Calvin, describes Perrin as "a man of noble nature, who wore the sword with great grace, dressed in good taste, and conversed with much facility; but a boaster at table and at the Council, where he deafened every one with his boastful loquacity, his fits of self-love, and his theatrical airs … . As to the rest, like all men of this stamp, he had an excellent heart, was devoted as a friend, with cool blood, and patriotic even to extremes. At table it was his delight to imitate the Reformer, elongating his visage, winking his eyes, and assuming the air of an anchorite of the Thebaid" (p. 390). Perrin’s chief defender is the younger Galiffe.
"Prodigiosa furia." Letter to Farel, Sept. 1, 1546 (in Opera, XII. 377 sq., and Bonnet, II. 56). In the same letter he says: "She shamelessly undertakes the defence of all crimes." She did not spare Calvin’s wife, and calumniously asserted among her own friends that Idelette must have been a harlot because Calvin confessed, at the baptism of his infant, that she and her former husband had been Anabaptists. So Calvin reports to Farel, Aug. 21, 1547 (in Opera, XII. 580 sq.; Bonnet, II. 124). Audin apologizes for Francesca, as "one of those women whom our old Corneille would have taken for heroines; excitable, choleric, fond of pleasure, enamoured of dancing, and hating Calvin as Luther hated a monk" (p. 390).
Calvin reminded Francesca on that occasion that "her father had been already convicted of one adultery [in 1531], that the proof of another was at hand, and that there was a strong rumor of a third. I stated that her brother had openly contemned and derided both the Council and the ministers." Letter to Farel, April, 1546. She told him in reply: "Méchant homme, vous voulez boire le sang de notre famille, mais vous sortirez de Genève avant nous." See the notes in Opera, XII. 334.
See Calvin’s letters to Farel, April, 1546, and Sept. 1, 1546 (in Opera, XII. 334 sqq., 377 sq., and Bonnet II. 38, 56), and extracts from the Registers of the Consistory and the Council in Annal. 377 sqq. Comp. Dyer, 208 sq.; Audin, 391 sq. Audin gives a lively description of the wedding and dancing at Belle Rive, and the examination before the Consistory.
See the extracts from the Rég. du Conseil March and April, 1547, in Annal. 399-406.
Calvin to Viret, July 2, 1547 (Opera, XII. 545, Bonnet, II. 108). Comp. Annal. 407 sq.; Gaberel, I. 387; Roget, II. 284. Bonivard and after him Gaberel report that Francesca rushed with her horse against Abel, who barely escaped serious injury. See note 6 in Opera, XII. 546.
See above, p. 502.
Calvin to Farel, Aug. 21, 1547 (Opera, XII. 580; Bonnet, II. 123 and note); Reg. of the Consistory, Sept. 1, 1547.
Reg. du Conseil: "Perrin est relâchévu sa long detention et crie merci." Annal. 417. François Favre had been previously deprived of the rights of citizenship (Oct. 6) on the charge of exciting an émeute against the French refugees, and calling Calvin "le grand diable." Ibid. 413sq.
Dec. 16 (not Sept. 16) is the date given in the Reg. of the Venerable Company, quoted in Annal. 418. Beza briefly alludes to the scene; Calvin gives an account of it in a letter to Viret, dated Dec. 17, 1547, a day after the occurrence (in Opera, XII. 632 sq.). This letter is misdated, Dec. 14, by Bonnet (II. 134, apparently a typographical error), and Sept. 17 by Henry (II. 434) and Dyer (p. 219). The last error crept into the Latin editions, against the manuscripts, which give Dec. 17. The letter is defective at the beginning and was first published by Beza. Galiffe overlooked it. See the notes of the Strassburg editors, XII. 633.
Audin, Life of Calvin, p. 394.
See the extracts quoted on p. 495.
Opera, XII. 642 sq.: "Tametsi resipiscentiam manu in manum implicita promisit, vereor, ne frustra surdo cecinerim fabulam." Dyer (p. 221) misdates this letter Dec. 2 (probably a typographical error).
Registers of Council for October, 1548, in Annal. 436-438. About the same time the wife of Calvin’s brother, Antoine, was imprisoned on the charge of adultery. Ibid. 441.
He was charged with saying that "la jeunesse de cette citésont pires que les brigands, meurtriers, larrons, luxurieux, athéists." Reg. of Nov. 3, 1553, in Annal. 559.
Comp. the action of the Council, Nov. 13, in Annal. 561 and 562.
Rég. du Conseil, June 3, 1555, in Annal. 608: "Perrin est condamnépar contumace quil ayt le poing du bras droit duquel il a attentéaux bastons sindicalz copé: et tous tans ledit Perrin que Belthesard, Chabod, Verna, et Michalet la teste copé: les testes et ledit poing cloués au gibet et les corps mis en quartier iouxte la coustume et condamnez a tous despens damps et interestz."
Dyer, p. 397.
He said, according to the Registers of the Council, Jan. 27, 1546, "que M. Calvin estoyt meschant homme et nestoyt que un picard et preschoyt faulce doctrine," etc. Comp. on his case Annal. 368, 370, 371. Audin calls Ameaux "a man of the bar-room with a wicked tongue and a soul destitute of energy" (p. 386). He gives quite an amusing account of the drinking party.
Annal. 378 and 380. The ministers interceded in behalf of De la Mare, and the Council gave him six dollars (écus). Maigret was found guilty of neglecting his duties and visiting houses of ill fame.
Annal. 411, 611 sq.; Opera, XII. 547, note 14, with references to Galiffe, Bonivard, and Roget.
See above, p. 302 sq. That abominable slander about sodomy, which even Galiffe rejects, Audin and Spalding are not ashamed to repeat.
See extracts from the Registers, March and April, 1551, and in September, 1553, Annal. XXI. 475-479, 551 sq.
Comp. the Reg. of the Council, and of the Venerable Company, Sept. 2, 1553, in Annal. 551.
The sermon was taken down by a stenographer, and translated into Latin by Beza.
Rég. du Conseil, Nov. 7, 9, 23, 28, 1553, in Annal. 559-562,
Reg. du Conseil, Aug. 6, 1555 (in Annal. 611 sq.): "Philibert Bertellier, P. Vandel, et. J. B. Sept condamnes àmort par contumace, Michael Sept au banissement perpétuel, sans peine de mort; six autres àla même peine; deux àdix ans de banissement, et tous aux dépens."
774 Letter in the Zürich library, quoted by Gaberel, I. 612, and Stähelin, I. 864.
775 Gaberel, I. 524; Stähelin, I. 372. Even now the Swiss watches (of Geneva and Neuchâtel) are considered the best of those made wholly or mainly by hand labor.
776 Kirchhofer, Farel’s Leben, II. 125.
777 Thomas M’Crie, Life of John Knox, p. 129 (Philadelphia ed. 1845). I quoted a sentence from this letter by anticipation on p. 263, but cannot omit it at this place.
778 See his autobiography, written in 1642, and his "Respublica Christianopolitana," or "Christianopolis," 1619,—a description of a Christian model commonwealth, dedicated to John Arndt, the author of "True Christianity." Comp. Hossbach, Das Leben Val. Andreae, p. 10; Henry, p. 196 (small biography); Tholuck’s article in Herzog, I. 388 sqq.; Schaff, Creeds, I. 460 (which gives the German original). Andreae’s memory was revived by the great Herder. Spener said: "If I could raise any one from the dead for the welfare of the Church, it would be Andreae."