§ 105. Evangelical Reformers. Agobardus of Lyons, and Claudius of Turin.
§ 105. Evangelical Reformers. Agobardus of Lyons, and Claudius of Turin.
I. Agobardus: Contra eorum superstitionem qui picturis et imaginibus SS. adorationis obsequium deferendum putant. Opera ed. Baluzius Par. 1666, 2 vols., and Migne, "Patrol. Lat." vol. 104, fol. 29–351. Histoire litter. de la France, IV. 567 sqq. C. B. Hundeshagen: De Agobardi vita et scriptis. Pars I. Giessae 1831; and his article in Herzog2 I. 212 sq. Bähr: Gesch. der röm. Lit. in Karoliny. Zeitalter, p. 383–393. Bluegel: De Agobardi archiep. Lugd. vita et scriptis. Hal. 1865. Simson: Jahrbücher des fränkischen Reichs unter Ludwig dem Frommen. Leipz. 1874 and ’76. C. Deedes in Smith and Wace, I. 63–64. Lichtenberger, I. 119.
II. Claudius: Opera in Migne’s "Patrol. Lat." vol. 104, fol. 609–927. Commentaries on Kings, Gal., Ephes., etc., Eulogium Augustini, and Apologeticum. Some of his works are still unpublished. Rudelbach: Claudii Tur. Ep. ineditorum operum specimina, praemissa de ejus doctrina scriptisque dissert. Havniae 1824. C. Schmidt: Claudius v. Turin in Illgen’s "Zeitschrift f. die Hist. Theol." 1843. II. 39; and his art. in Herzog2, III. 243–245.
III. Neander, III. 428–439 (very full and discriminating on Claudius); Gieseler, II. 69–73 (with judicious extracts); Reuter: Geschichte der Aufklärung im Mittelalter, vol. I. (Berlin 1875), 16–20 and 24–41.
The opposition to image-worship and other superstitious practices continued in the Frankish church during the ninth century.
Two eminent bishops took the lead in the advocacy of a more spiritual and evangelical type of religion. In this they differed from the rationalistic and destructive iconoclasts of the East. They were influenced by the writings of Paul and Augustin, those inspirers of all evangelical movements in church history; with this difference, however, that Paul stands high above parties and schools, and that Augustin, with all his anti-Pelagian principles, was a strong advocate of the Catholic theory of the church and church-order.
Agobard (in Lyonese dialect Agobaud or Aguebaud), a native of Spain, but of Gallic parents, and archbishop of Lyons (816–841), figures prominently in the political and ecclesiastical history of France during the reign of Louis the Pious. He is known to us already as an opponent of the ordeal, the judicial duel and other heathen customs.562 His character presents singular contrasts. He was a rigid ecclesiastic and sacerdotalist, and thoroughly orthodox in dogma (except that he denied the verbal inspiration of the Scriptures); but, on the other hand, a sworn enemy of all superstition, and advocate of liberal views in matters of worship.563 He took part in the rebellion of Lothaire against his father Louis in 833, which deprived him of his bishopric and left a serious stain on his character, but he was afterwards reconciled to Louis and recovered the bishopric. He opposed Adoptionism as a milder form of the Nestorian heresy. He attacked the Jews, who flocked to Lyons in large numbers, and charges them with insolent conduct towards the Christians. In this he shared the intolerance of his age. But, on the other hand, he wrote a book against image-worship.564 He goes back to the root of the difficulty, the worship of saints. He can find no authority for such worship. The saints themselves decline it. It is a cunning device of Satan to smuggle heathen idolatry, into the church under pretext of showing honor to saints. He thus draws men away from a spiritual to a sensual worship. God alone should be adored; to him alone must we present the sacrifice of a broken and contrite heart. Angels and holy men who are crowned with victory, and help us by their intercessions, may be loved and honored, but not worshiped. "Cursed be the man that trusteth in man" (Jer. 17:5). We may look with pleasure on their pictures, but it is better to be satisfied with the simple symbol of the cross (as if this were not liable to the same abuse). Agobart approves the canon of Elvira, which forbade images altogether. He says in conclusion: "Since no man is essentially God, save Jesus our Saviour, so we, as the Scripture commands, shall bow our knees to his name alone, lest by giving this honor to another we may be estranged from God, and left to follow the doctrines and traditions of men according to the inclinations of our hearts."565
Agobard was not disturbed in his position, and even honored as a saint in Lyons after his death, though his saintship is disputed.566 His works were lost, until Papirius Masson discovered a MS. copy and rescued it from a bookbinder’s hands in Lyons (1605).
Claudius, bishop of Turin (814–839), was a native of Spain, but spent three years as chaplain at the court of Louis the Pious and was sent by him to the diocese of Turin. He wrote practical commentaries on nearly all the books of the Bible, at the request of the emperor, for the education of the clergy. They were mostly extracted from the writings of Augustin, Jerome, and other Latin fathers. Only fragments remain. He was a great admirer of Augustin, but destitute of his wisdom and moderation.567
He found the Italian churches full of pictures and picture-worshipers. He was told that the people did not mean to worship the images, but the saints. He replied that the heathen on the same ground defend the worship of their idols, and may become Christians by merely changing the name. He traced image-worship and saint-worship to a Pelagian tendency, and met it with the Augustinian view of the sovereignty of divine grace. Paul, he says, overthrows human merits, in which the monks now most glory, and exalts the grace of God. We are saved by grace, not by works. We must worship the Creator, not the creature. "Whoever seeks from any creature in heaven or on earth the salvation which he should seek from God alone, is an idolater." The departed saints themselves do not wish to be worshipped by us, and cannot help us. While we live, we may aid each other by prayers, but not after death. He attacked also the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, going beyond Charlemagne and Agobard. He met the defence by carrying it to absurd conclusions. If we worship the cross, he says, because Christ suffered on it, we might also worship every virgin because he was born of a virgin, every manger because he was laid in a manger, every ship because he taught from a ship, yea, every ass because he rode on an ass into Jerusalem. We should bear the cross, not adore it. He banished the pictures, crosses and crucifixes from the churches, as the only way to kill superstition. He also strongly opposed the pilgrimages. He had no appreciation of religious symbolism, and went in his Puritanic zeal to a fanatical extreme.
Claudius was not disturbed in his seat; but, as he says himself, he found no sympathy with the people, and became "an object of scorn to his neighbors," who pointed at him as "a frightful spectre." He was censured by Pope Paschalis I. (817–824), and opposed by his old friend, the Abbot Theodemir of the diocese of Nismes, to whom he had dedicated his lost commentary on Leviticus (823), by Dungal (of Scotland or Ireland, about 827), and by Bishop Jonas of Orleans (840), who unjustly charged him with the Adoptionist and even the Arian heresy. Some writers have endeavored, without proof, to trace a connection between him and the Waldenses in Piedmont, who are of much later date.568
Jonas of Orleans, Hincmar of Rheims, and Wallafrid Strabo still maintained substantially the moderate attitude of the Caroline books between the extremes of iconoclasm and image-worship. But the all-powerful influence of the popes, the sensuous tendency and credulity of the age, the ignorance of the clergy, and the grosser ignorance of the people combined to secure the ultimate triumph of image-worship even in France. The rising sun of the Carolingian age was obscured by the darkness of the tenth century.
See the Ordo Missae Romanae Gregorianus, compared with the Ordo Gelasianus, Ambrosianus, Gallicanus, Mozarabicus, etc., in Daniel’s Codex Liturg. vol. I. 3-168.
Dialog. 1. IV. c. 58 (in Migne’s ed. III. 425 sq.): "Quis fidelium habere dubium possit, in ipsa immolationis hora ad sacerdotis vocem coelis aperiri, in illo jesu Christi mysteria angelorum choros adesse, summis ima sociari, terrena coelestibus jungi, unumque ex visibilibus atque invisibilibus fieri?"
Misae pro Defunctis, Todtenmessen, Seelenmessen. Different from them are the Missae de Sanctis, celebrated on the anniversaries of the saints, and to their honor, though the sacrifice is always offered to God.
Even popes, though addressed by the title "Holiness," while living, have to pass through purgatory, and need the prayers of the faithful. On the marble sarcophagus of Pius IX., who reigned longer than any of his predecessors, and proclaimed his own infallibility in the Vatican Council (1870), are the words: "Orate pro eo." Prayers and masses are said only for the dead in purgatory, not for the saints in heaven who do not need them, nor for the damned in hell who would not profit by them.
Quoted from the Longer Catechism of the Eastern Church (Schaff, Creeds II. 504). The Greeks have in their ritual special strophes or antiphones for the departed, called nekrwvsima. Mone, Lat. Hymnen des Mittel alters, II. 400, gives some specimens from John of Damascus and others. He says, that the Greeks have more hymns for the departed than the Latins, but that the Latins have older hymni pro defunctis, beginning with Prudentius.
Missae solitariae or privatae.
Can. 48. Mansi XIV. 529 sqq. Hefele IV. 64.
See the next chapter, on Theological Controversies.
Comp. logikh; latreiva, Rom. 12:1.
Sess. IV. (April 8, 1546):"Sacrosancta Synodus … statuit et declarat, ut haec ipsa vetus et vulgata editio, quiae longo tot saeculorum usu in ipsa ecclesia probata est, in publicis lectionibus, disputationibus, praedicationibus et expositionibus pro authentica habeatur;. et ut nemo illam rejicere quovis praetextu audeat vel praesumat!" The Council made provision for an authoritative revision of the Vulgate (April 8, 1546); but when the edition of Pope Sixtus V. appeared in 1589 and was enjoined upon the church "by the fullness of apostolic power," it was found to be so full of errors and blunders that it had to be cancelled, and a new edition prepared under Clement VIII. in 1592, which remains the Roman standard edition to this day.
As it is to-day in strictly Roman Catholic countries; with this difference, that what was excusable in a period of heathen and semi-heathen ignorance and superstition, is inexcusable in an age of advanced civilization furnished with all kinds of educational institutions and facilities.
See the acts of this council in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Eccles. Doc. 360-376, and the letter of Boniface to Cuthbert, giving an account of a similar council in Germany, and recommending measures of reform in the English church, p. 376-382.
A similar canon was passed by other councils. See Hefele III. 758, 764, and IV. 89, 111, 126, 197, 513, 582; Mansi XIV. 82 sqq.
Hefele, III. 745.
F. Dahn, Des Paulus Diaconus Leben und Schriften, 1876; and Mon. Germ. Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. VI.-IX. 1878, p. 45-187, ed. by L. Bethmann and G. Waitz; Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, 4th ed. 1877, I. 134-140.
See above, p. 41, 105, 106. The paraphrase of Caedmon, the first Christian poet of England, is edited or discussed by Thorpe, Bouterweck, Grein, Wright, Ettmüller, Sandrar, Morley, Ten Brink, etc. (see Lit. in Schaff-Herzog sub Caedmon); the Saxon Heliand and Otfrid’s Krist by Sievers, Rettberg, Vilmar, Lechler, Graff, Kelle, Michelsen, etc. (see Herzog2 IV. 428-435).
Neale and Pitra point out this connection, and Jacobi (l.c. p. 210 sq.) remarks: "Im Kampfe für die Bilder steigerte sich die Glut der sinnlichen Frömmigkeit, und mit dem Siege der Bilderverehrung im neunten Jahrhundert ist eine innerliche und aeusserliche Zunahme des Heiligenkultus und namentlich ein Wachsthum der Marienvehrung unverkennbar."
The Mhnai'a (sc. bibliva, Monatsbücher) are published at Venice in the Tipografia Greca (hJ JEllhnikh; tupografiva tou' foivniko"). Each month has its separate title: Mhnai'on tou' !Ianouarivou or Mh;n !Ianouavrio" , etc. January begins with the commemoration of the circumcision of our Lord and the commemoration of St. Basil the Great, and December ends with the mnhvmh th'" oJsiva" Mhtro;" hJmw'n Melavnh" th's JRwmaiva" . The copy before me (from the Harvard University Library) is dated 1852, and printed in beautiful Greek type, with the directions in red ink. On older editions see Mone, Lat. Hymnen, II. p. x. sqq. The other books of the Greek Ritual are the Paracletice (Paraklhtikhv, sc. bivblo") or great Octoechus (jOktwvhco", sc. bivblo"), which contains the Sunday services the Triodion (Triwv/dion, the Lent-volume), and the Pentecostarion (Penthkostavrion, the office for Easter-tide). " On a moderate computation," says Neale, " these volumes comprise 5,000 closely printed quarto pages, in double columns, of which at least 4,000 are poetry." See the large works of Leo Allatius, De libris eccles. Graecorum; Goar, Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum, and especially the Second volume of Neale’s History of the Holy Eastern Church (1850), p. 819 sqq.
Hence they were called melwdoiv as well as poihtaiv in distinction from the mere uJmnovgrafoi. The Greek service books are also music books. Christ discusses Byzantine music, and gives some specimens in Prol. p. CXI-CXLII.
Tropavrion, the diminutive of trovpo", as modulus is of modus, was originally a musical term.
Eijrmov", tractus, a train, series, was likewise originally a musical term like ajkolouqiva and the Latin jubilatio, sequentia. See § 96.
Qeotokivon, sc. tropavrion (more rarely, but more correctly, with the accent on the ante-penultima, qeotovkion), from qeotovko", Deipara. The stauro-theotokion celebrates Mary at the cross, and corresponds to the Stabat Mater dolorosa of the Latins.
!Idiovmelon. There are several other designations of various kinds of poems, as ajkolouqiva (the Latin sequentia), ajnabaqmoiv (tria antiphona), ajntivfwnon, ajpolutivkion (breve troparium sub finem officii vespertini), ajpovstica, auvtomelon, ejxaposteilavrion, ejwqinav, kavqisma, katabasiva, kontavria, makarismoiv, megalunavria, oi\koi, prosovmoia, stichrav, triwv/dia, tetrawv/da, diwv/dia, yalthvrion, tropolovgion. These terms and technical forms are fully discussed by Christ in the Prolegomena. Comp. also the Introduction of Neale
By Vormbaum (in the third volume of Daniel’s Thesaurus which needs reconstruction), Pitra, and Christ. The Continental writers seem to be ignorant of Dr. Neale, the best English connoisseur of the liturgical and poetic literature of the Greek church. His translations are, indeed, very free reproductions and transfusions, but for this very reason better adapted to Western taste than the originals. The hymn of Clement of Alexandria in praise of the Logos has undergone a similar transformation by Dr. Henry M. Dexter, and has been made useful for public worship. See vol. II. 231.
Even Neale, with all his admiration for the Greek Church, admits that the Menaea contain a "deluge of worthless compositions: tautology repeated till it becomes almost sickening; the merest commonplace, again and again decked in the tawdry shreds of tragic language, ind twenty or thirty times presenting the same thought in slightly varying terms." (Hymns E.Ch. p. 88 sq., 3d ed.)
See vol. II. 227, and add to the Lit. there quoted: Christ, p. 38-40, who gives from the Codex Alexandrinus and other MSS. the Greek text of the morning hymn (the expanded Angelic anthem Dovxa ejn uJyivstoi" qew'/) and two evening hymns Aijnei'te, pai'de" . kuvrion, and Fw'" iJlaro;n aJgiva" dovxh") of the Greek church.
See vol. III. 581 and 921. Christ begins his collection with the hymns of Synesius, p. 3-23, and of Gregory Nazianzen, 23-32.
See the specimens in vol. III. 583-585. Neale begins his translations with Anatolius. Christ treats of him p. XLI, and gives his stichra; ajnastavsima find three ijdiovmela (hymns with their own melody), 113-117. More than a hundred poems in the Menaea and the Octoechus bear the name of Anatolius, but Christ conjectures that stichra; ajnatolikav is a generic name, like katanuktikav and nekrwvsima.
See a description of this most curious structure in all Palestine, in my book Through Bible Lands (N. Y. 1879), p. 278 sqq.
The poetry of John of D. in his Opera ed. Le Quien (Par. 1712), Tom. I. 673-693; Poëtae Graeci veteres (Colon. 1614), Tom. II. 737 sqq.; Christ, Anthol. gr. Prol. XLIV. sqq., p. 117-121, and p. 205-236. Vormbaum, in Daniel, III. 80-97, gives six of his odes in Greek; Bässler, 162-164, two (and two in German, 21, 22); Neale nine English versions. The best of his hymns and canons are Eij" th;n cristou' gevnnhsin (or eij" th;n qeogonivan), Eij" ta; qeofavneia, Eij" th;n kuriakh;n tou' Pavsca, Eij" th;n pentekosthvn, Eij" th;n ajnavlhyin tou' Cristou',Eujchv, jIdiovmela ejn ajkolouqiva tou' ejxodiastikou', Eij" th;n koivmhsin th'" qeotovkou.. The last begins with this stanza (Christ, p. 229):
jAnoivxw to; stovma mou,
kai; plhrwqhvsetai pneuvmato":
kai; lovgou ejpeuvxomai th'/ basilivdi mhtriv:
kai; ojfqhvsomai faidrw'"panhgurivzwn:
kai; a[/sw ghqovmeno" tauvth" ta; qauvmata.
Gallandi, Bibl. Patrum, XIII. 234 sqq.; Christ, XLIX sq., 161-164. Christ calls him "princeps melodorum graecorum," and gives ten of his canons and several triodia; Daniel (III. 55-79) twelve odes. Among the best are Eij" th;n tou' Cristou' gevnnhsin, Eij" ta; qeofavneia, Eij" th;n penthkosthvn, Pro;" Cristovn, Ei" th;n u{ywsin tou' staurou', Eij" to; mevga savbbaton. Neale has reproduced eight odes of Cosmas and a cento on the Transfiguration. The Nativity hymn begins (Christ p. 165):
Cristo;" genna'tai: dovxasate:
Cristo;" ejx oujranw'n: ajpanthvsate:
Cristo;" ejpi; gh'" : uJywvqhte:
a[/sate tw'/ kurivw/ pa'sa hJ gh',
kai; ejn eujfrosuvnh/
ajnumnhvsate, laoiv,
o{ti dedoxastai.
@o Graptov", with reference to his sufferings.
According to Christ (Prol. XLIV), he was after the restoration of the images in the churches of Constantinople, 842, elected metropolitan of Nicaea and died in peace. But according to the Bollandists and other authorities, he died much earlier in exile at Samothrace about 818 or 820, in consequence of his sufferings for the Icons. Neale reports that Theophanes was betrothed in childhood to a lady named Megalis, but persuaded her, on their wedding day, to retire to a convent. Christ gives several of his idiomela and stichera necrosima, p. 121-130. See also Daniel, III. 110-112, and Neale’s translations of the idiomela on Friday of Cheese-Sunday (i.e. Quinquagesima), and the stichera at the first vespers of Cheese-Sunday (90-95). The last is entitled by Neale: "Adam’s Complaint," and he thinks that Milton, "as an universal scholar," must, in Eve’s lamentation, have had in his eye the last stanza which we give in the text. But this is very doubtful. The Chronographia of Theophanes is published in the Bonn. ed. of the Byzantine historians, 1839, and in Migne’s "Patrol. Graeca," Tom. 108 (1861). His biography see in the Acta Sanct. ed. Bolland. in XII. Martii.
Christ (p. LII sq., p. 140-147) reasons chiefly from chronological considerations. The poem is called ajkavqisto"(sc. u{mno") th'"qeotovkou, because it was chanted while priest and people were standing. During the singing of other hymns they were seated; hence the latter are called kaqivsmata, (from kaqivzesqai). See Christ, Prol. p. LXII and p. 54 sqq. Jacobi says of the Akathistos (l.c. p. 230): " Was Enthusiasmus für die heilige Jungfrau, was Kenntniss biblischer Typen, überhaupt religiöser Gegenstände und Gedanken zu leisten vermochten, was Schmuck der Sprache. Gewandtheit des Ausdrucks, Kunst der Rhythmen und der Reime hinzufügen komnten, das ist hier in unübertroffenem Masse bewirkt."
Christ, XXVII, XXXV, LIII, 43-47 (ajnakreovntika), and 96 (ijdiovmelatw'nQeofaneivwn). Daniel, III. 20-46, gives thirteen pieces of Sophronius from Pet. Metranga, Spicilegium Romanum, 1840, Tom. IV.
Poetae Gr. vet. Tom. II. 192 sqq. Daniel, III. 97-103, gives three hymns, among them a beautiful u{mno"iJkethvrio"ei"Cristovn Christ omits Maximus.
See his Opera in Migne’s "Patrol. Graeca" Tom. 98 (1865); and his poems in Christ, XLIII. 98 (ijdiovmelon on the Nativity); Daniel, III. 79, a hymn in praise of Mary, beginning Salpivswmen ejn savlpiggi ajsmavtwn, and ending with ascribing to her almighty power of intercession:
Oujden ga;r ajduvnaton th'/ mesiteiva/ sou.
Fr. Combefisius first edited the works of Andreas Cretensis, Par. 1644. Christ, 147-161, gives the first part of "the great canon" (about one-fourth), and a new canon in praise of Peter. The last is not in the Menaea but has been brought to light from Paris and Vatican MSS. by Card. Pitra. Daniel, III. 47-54, has seven hymns of Andreas, of which the first is on the nativity, beginning:
Eujfraivnesqe divkaioi:
Oujranoi; ajgallia'sqe:
Skirthvsate ta; o{rh,
Tou' Cristou' gennhqevnto"./
Neale translated four: Stichera for Great Thursday; Troparia for Palm Sunday; a portion of the Great Canon; Stichera for the Second Week of the Great Fast. His Opera in Migne’s " Patrol. Gr." T. 97(1860), p. 1306sqq.
Christ, p. xlii. sq. and 83, aujtovmelonei"tou;"ajpost. Pevtronkai;Pau'lon. See Men., June 29.
Christ and Daniel ignore Stephen. Neale calls the one and only hymn which he translated, "Idiomela in the Week of the First Oblique Tone," and adds: "These stanzas, which strike me as very sweet, are not in all the editions of the Octoechus." He ascribes to him also a poetical composition on the Martyrs of the monastery of Mar Sâba (March 20), and one on the Circumcision. "His style," he says, "seems formed on that of S. Cosmas, rather than on that of his own uncle. He is not deficient in elegance and richness of typology, but exhibits something of sameness, and is occasionally guilty of very hard metaphors."
Christ, 131-140, gives his "Psalm of the Holy Apostles," and a Nativity hymn. Comp. p. li. sq. Jacobi (p. 203 sq.) discusses the data and traces in Romanus allusions to the Monotheletic controversy, which began about a.d. 630. He gives a German version in part of the beautiful description of the benefits of redemption, p. 221 sq.
Christ, p. 101 sq.; Daniel, III. 101-109. Neale has translated four odes of Theodorus Studita, one on the judgment-day (oJkuvrio"e[rcetai). Pitra has brought to light from MSS. eighteen of his poems on saints. See his Opera in Migne " Patr. Gr." 99.
Christ, p. xlvii.: "Nicephorus duos Iosephos hymnorum scriptores recenset, quorum alterum Studiorum monasterii socium, alterum peregrinum dicit. Priorem intelligo Iosephum fratrem minorem Theodori, Studiorum antistitis, cuius memoriae dies XIV. mensis Iulii consecratus est. Is ob morum integritatem et doctrina laudem Thessalonicensis ecclesiae archiepiscopus electus a Theophilo rege (829-842), qui in cultores imaginum saeviebat, in vincula coniectus et omni tormentorum genere adeo vexatus est, ut in carcere mortem occumberet. Alterius losephi, qui proprie uJmnovgrafo"audit, memoriam die III. mensis Aprilis ecclesia graeca concelebrat. Is peregrinus (xevno") ab Nicephoro dictus esse dicitur, quod ex Sicilia insula oriundus erat et patria ab Arabibus capta et vastata cum matre et fratribus primum in Peloponnesum, deinde Thessalonicem confugit, qua in urbe monarchorum disciplnae severissimae sese addixit."
English translation by Neale. See below, p. 473.
Christ, 242-253; Daniel, III. 112-114; Neale, p. 120-151; Bässler, p. 23, 165; Schaff, p. 240 sq. Joseph is also the author of hymns formerly ascribed to Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, during the Monotheletic controversy, as Paranikas has shown (Christ, Prol., p. liii.).
Neale notices him, but thinks it not worth while to translate his poetry.
Kanw;neij"th;nuJperagivanqeotovkon. See Daniel, III. 17-20.
Not to be confounded with Methodius Eubulius, of Patara, the martyr (d. 311), who is also counted among the poets for his psalm of the Virgins in praise of chastity (parqevnion); see vol. II. 811, and Christ, p. 33-37. Bässler (p.4 sq.) gives a German version of it by Fortlage.
Pitra concludes his collection with eighty-three anonymous hymns, thirty-two of which he assigns to the poets of the Studium. See also Daniel, III. 110-138, and the last hymns in Neale’s translations.
See the Marianic Te Deum in Daniel, II. 293; and in Mone, II. 229 sq.
A curious mediaeval legend makes the Te Deum the joint product of St. Ambrose and St. Augustin, which was alternately uttered by both, as by inspiration, while Augustin ascended from the baptismal font; Ambrose beginning: Te Deum laudamus, Augustin responding; "Te Dominum confitemur." But neither the writings of one or the other contain the slightest trace of the hymn and its origin. The first historic testimony of its existence and use is the eleventh rule of St. Benedict of Nursia, a.d. 529, which prescribes to the monks of Monte Casino: "Post guartum autem responsorium incipiat Abbas hymnum Te Deum laudamus." But five or eight lines of the hymn are found in Greek as a part of the Gloria in Excelsis (DoxaejnuJyivstoi", etc. ) in the Alexandrian Codex of the Bible which dates from the fifth century. See Daniel, II 289 sqq.;Christ p. 39 (from kaqjhJmevranto eij"tou;"aijw'na"), and Kayser, 437 sqq. Daniel traces the whole Te Deum to a lost Greek original (of which the lines in the Cod. Alex. are a fragment), Kayser to an unknown Latin author in the second half of the fifth century, i.e. about one hundred years after the death of St. Ambrose.
The dates of his birth and death are quite uncertain, and variously stated from 530 or 550 to 600 or 609.
See two Latin texts with critical notes in Daniel, I. 160 sqq., rhymed English Versions by Mant, Caswall, and Neale. The originals are not rhymed, but very melodious. See vol. III. 597. The Opera of Fortunatus were edited by Luchi, Rom. 1786, and Migne in "Patrol. Lat." vol. 88 (Paris 1850). Comp. Ampère, Hist. littér. II. 275 sqq.; Ebert, l.c. I. 494 sqq. Fortunatus is a very interesting character, and deserves a special monograph. Kayser devotes to him three chapters (p. 386-434).
Daniel, I. 175-183, gives ten hymns of Gregory, and an additional one (Laudes canamus) in vol. V. 248. Mone adds some more of doubtful authorship, I. 370, 376 sqq.; III. 325 sqq., and includes hymns in praise of Gregory, as "O decus sacerdotum, flosque sanctorum." English translations of his Breviary hymns in Mant, Chambers, Caswall, Newman. On his merits as a poet, see Ebert, I. 827 sqq. Luther, in his Tischreden (which are a strange mixture of truth and fiction), declared the passion hymn Rex Christe,factor omnium, to be the best of all hymns ("der allerbeste Hymnus"), but this extravagant praise is inconsistent with the poetic taste of Luther and the fact that he did not reproduce it in German.
From Newman’s free reproduction (in Verses on Various Occasions). See the Latin text in both recensions in Daniel, I. 175,
Daniel, I. 206 sq.; Mone, I.1 ("Primo Deus coeli globum") and 284 (Ave sacer Christi sanguis). The hymn for the infant martyrs at Bethlehem is far inferior to the Salvete flores martyrum of Prudentius. The first of the hymns quoted in the text is translated by Mrs. Charles and by Neale. German versions by Königsfeld (Ihr Siegeshymnen schallet laut, and Unschuld’ger Kinder Martyrschaar), Knapp, and others. Bede composed also a metrical history, of St. Cuthbert, which Newman has translated in part ("Between two comrades dear").
His carmina were edited from an old MS. found in the convent of Fulda by Christopher Brower, a Jesuit, in 1617 (as an appendix to the poems of Venantius Fortunatus), and reprinted in Migne’s Rab. Mauri Opera (1852) Vol. VI. f. 1583-1682. Comp. Kunstmann, Hrabamus Magnentius Maurus, Mainz 1841; Koch, I. 90-93; Ebert, II. 120-145; Hauck in Herzog2 XII. 459-465. Hauck refers to Dümmler on the MS. tradition of the poem, of R. M.
So Brower, and quite recently S. W. Duffield, in an article In Schaff’s "Rel. Encycl." III. 2608 sq. Also Clément, Carmina, etc., p. 379.
In the abridged and not very happy translation of Bishop Cosin (only four stanzas), beginning:
"Come, Holy Ghost, our souls inspire,
And lighten with celestial fire.
Thou the anointing Spirit art,
Who dost thy sevenfold gift, impart. "
It was introduced into the Prayer Book after the Restoration, 1662. The alternate ordination hymn, "Come, Holy Ghost, eternal God," appeared in 1549, and was altered in 1662.
By Tomasi (I. 375) and even Daniel (I. 213, sq.; IV. 125), apparently also by Trench (p. 167). Tomasi based his view on an impossible tradition reported by the Bollandists (Acta SS. Apr. 1, 587), that Notker sent to Charlemagne (who died a hundred years before) his sequence Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia, and received in response the Veni, Creator Spiritus from the emperor (whose Latin scholarship was not sufficient for poetic composition). The author of the article "Hymns" in the 9th ed. of the "Encycl. Brit." revives the legend, but removes the anachronism by substituting for Charlemagne his nephew, Charles the Bald (who was still less competent for the task).
By Mone (I. 242, note), Koch, Wackernagel. Mone’s reasons are "the classical metre with partial rhymes, and the prayer-like treatment."
In the twelfth and thirteenth century (Komm, Schöpfer, heiliger Geist), as also by Luther (Komm, Gott Schöpfer, heiliger Geist), by Königsfeld (Komm, Schöpfer, heil’ger Geist, erfreu), and others. The oldest German translator (as reported by Daniel, I. 214), says that he who recites this hymn by day or by night, is secure against all enemies visible or invisible.
As contained in his work De Universo 1. I. c.3 (in Migne’s edition of the Opera, V. 23-26). Here he calls the Holy Spirit digitus Dei (as in the hymn), and teaches the double procession which had come to be the prevailing doctrine in the West since the adoption of the Filioque at the Synod of Aix in Creed. The scanning of Paraclêtus with a long penultimate differs from that 809, though under protest of Leo III. against its insertion into the Nicene of other Latin poets (Paraecletos).
The Latin text is from Brower, as reprinted in Migne (VI. 1657), with the addition of the first doxology. The first translation is by Robert Campbell, 1850, the second by Rev. S. W. Duffield, made for this work, Feb. 1884. Other English versions by Wither (1623), Drummond (1616), Cosin (1627), Tate (1703), Dryden (1700), Isaac Williams (1839), Bishop Williams (1845), Mant ("Come, Holy Ghost, Creator blest"), Benedict ("Spirit, heavenly life bestowing"), MacGill ("Creator Holy Spirit! come"), Morgan ("Creator Spirit, come in love"), in the Marquess of Bute’s Breviary ("Come, Holy Ghost, Creator come"). See nine of these translations in Odenheimer and Bird, Songs of the Spirit, N. Y. 1871, p. 167-180. German versions are almost as numerous. Comp. Daniel, I. 213; IV. 124; Mone, I. 242; Koch, 1. 74 sq.
Perpetim, adv., perpetually, constantly. Some copies read perpeti (from perpes).
The concluding conventional benediction in both forms is a later addition. The first is given by Daniel (I. 214), and Mone (I. 242), the second in the text of Rabanus Maurus. The scanning of Paraecletos differs in both from that in the second stanza.
A few writers claim it for Pope Innocent III.
See the Latin text in Daniel II. 35; V. 69; Mone, I. 244. In ver. 8 line 2 Daniel reads frigidum for languidum.
Dr. E. A. Washburn, late rector of Calvary Church, New York, a highly accomplished scholar (d. 1881). The version was made in 1860 and published in "Voices from a Busy Life," N. Y. 1883, p. 142.
Comp. on Notker the biography of Ekkehard; Daniel V. 37 sqq.; Koch I. 94 sqq.; Meyer von Knonau,Lebensbild des heil. Notker von St. Gallen, and his article in Herzog2 X. 648 sqq. (abridged in Schaff-Herzog II. 1668); and Ans. Schubiger, Die Sängerschule St. Gallens vom 8ten his 12ten Jahrh. (Einsiedlen, 1858). Daniel II. 3-31 gives thirty-five pieces under the title Notker et Notkeriana. Neale (p. 32) gives a translation of one sequence: Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia.
For further information on Sequences see especially Neale’s Epistola Critica de Sequentiis at the beginning of the fifth vol. of Daniel’s Thes. (p. 3-36), followed by literary notices of Daniel; also the works of Bartsch and Kehrein (who gives the largest collection), and Duffield in Schaff’s Rel. Encyl. III. 161. Neale defines a sequentia: "prolongatio syllabae tou' Alleluia."
Translated by Neale, p. 32.
Daniel, II. 329; Mone, I. 397. Several German versions, one by Luther (1524): "Mitten wir im Leben sind mit dem Tod umfangen." This version is considerably enlarged and has been translated into English by Miss Winkworth in "Lyra Germanica" : "In the midst of life behold Death has girt us round. See notes in Schaff’s Deutsches Gesangbuch, No. 446.
The text is taken from The First Book of Edward VI., 1549 (as republished by Dr. Morgan Dix, N. Y. 1881, p. 268). In the revision of the Prayer Book the third line was thus improved:
O Lord, who for our sins art justly displeased (irasceris)."
Daniel, I. 224. English Versions by Neale, Benedict, and Washburn
(l. c. p. 145). German translation by Königsfeld: "Wie
du mich mit Schrecken schüttelst." Neale (p. 52) calls this "an awful hymn,
the Dies Irae of individual life." His
version begins:
"O what terror in thy forethought, Ending scene in mortal life!"
Daniel, I. 116-118 (Rhythmus de gloria et gaudiis Paradisi), under the name of St. Augustin. So also Clément, Carmina, p. 162-166, who says that it is, attributed to Augustin "per les melleurs critiques," and that it is "un reflet de la Cité de Dieu." But the great African father put his poetry into prose, and only furnished inspiring thoughts to poets. German translation by Königsfeld (who gives it likewise under the name of St. Augustin) "Nach des ew’gen Lebens Quellen."
See their hymns in Daniel, I. 183 sqq., and partly in Mone, and Clément.
From this poem (see Daniel I. 209 sq. ) Guido of Arezzo got names for the six notes Ut, Re, Mi, Fa, Sol, La:
"Ut queant laxis Re-sonare fibris
Mi-ra gestorum Fa-muli tuorum,
Sol ve polluti La-bii reatum,
Sancte Joannes."
See Daniel, Hymni adespotoi circa sec. VI-IX. conscripti, I. 191 sqq. Mone gives a larger number.
In the Roman Breviary: "Coelestis urbs Jerusalem." Neale thinks that the changes in the revised Breviary of Urban VIII. have deprived "this grand hymn of half of its beauty."
See the original in Daniel, I. 194. Other English translations by Mrs. Charles, and E. C. Benedict. In German by Königsfeld: "Plötzlich wird der Tag erscheinen."
Daniel (I. 204) says of this hymn: "Hic hymnus Marianus, quem Catholica semper ingenti cum favore prosecuta est, in omnibus breviarriis, quae inspiciendi unquam mihi occasio data est, ad honorem beatissimae virginis cantandus praescribitur, inprimis in Annunciatione; apud permultos tamen aliis quoque diebus Festis Marianis adscriptus est. Quae hymni reverentia ad recentiora usque tempora permansit." It is one of the few hymns which Urban VIII. did not alter in his revision of the Breviary. Mone (II. 216, 218, 220, 228) gives four variations of Ave Maris Stella, which is used as the text.
This designation of Mary is supposed to be meant for a translation of the name; maria being taken for the plural of mare: see Gen. I: 10 (Vulgate) "congregationes aquarum appellavit maria. Et vidit Deus, quod esset bonum." (See the note in Daniel, I. 205). Surely a most extraordinary exposition, not to say imposition, yet not too far-fetched for the middle ages, when Greek and Hebrew were unknown, when the Scriptures were supposed to have four senses, and allegorical and mystical fancies took the place of grammatical and historical exegesis.
The comparison of Mary with Eve—the mother of obedience contrasted with the mother of disobedience, the first Eve bringing in guilt and ruin, the second, redemption and bliss—is as old as Irenaeus (about 180) and is the fruitful germ of Mariolatry. The mystical change of Eva and Ave is mediaeval—a sort of pious conundrum.
The words of our Lord to John: "Behold thy mother" (John 19:27), were supposed to be spoken to all Christians.
Otto, bishop of Bamberg (between 1139 and 1189), is usually reported to have introduced the seven sacraments among the Pomeranians whom he had converted to Christianity, but the discourse on which this tradition rests is of doubtful genuineness. The scholastic number seven was confirmed by the Council of Florence (the Greek delegates assenting), and by the Council of Trent which anathematizes all who teach more or less, Sess. VII. can. I. The Protestant churches admit only two sacraments, baptism and the Lord’s Supper, because these alone are especially commanded by Christ to be observed. Yet ordination and marriage, and in some churches confirmation also, are retained as solemn religious ceremonies.
The Lutheran church retains confirmation by the minister, the Anglican church by the bishop.
See above, § 87.
Here, too, the Protestant (at least the Reformed) confessions differ from the Roman Catholic by requiring faith in active exercise as a condition of receiving the benefit of the sacrament. In the case of infant baptism the faith of the parents or responsible guardians is taken into account. Without such faith the sacrament would be wasted and profaned.
Character indelebilis
Organum from the Greek o[rganon, which is used in the Septuagint for several musical terms in Hebrew, as cheli, chinor (cithara), nephel (nablium), yugab. See the passages in Trommius, Concord. Gr. V. LXX, II. 144.
See Hopkins and Rimbault: The Organ, its History and Construction, 1855; E. de Coussemakee: Histoire, des instruments de musique au moyen-age, Paris 1859; Heinrich Otte: Handbuch der Kirchl. Kunstarchäologie, Leipz. 4th ed. 1866, p. 225 sqq. O. Wangermann: Gesch. der Orgel und der Orgelbaukunst, second ed. 1881. Comp. also Bingham, Augusti, Binterim, Siegel, Alt, and the art. Organ in Smith and Cheetham, Wetzer and Welte, and in Herzog.
Hence the names campanum, or campana, nola (continued in the Italian language), but it is more probable that the name is derived from Campanian brass (aes campanum), which in early times furnished the material for bells. In later Latin it is called cloqua, cloccum, clocca, cloca, also tintinnabulum, English: clock; German: Glocke; French: cloche; Irish: clog (comp. the Latin clangere and the German klopfen).
"Ut cloccae non baptizentur." According to Baronius, Annal. ad a. 968, Pope John XIII. baptized the great bell of the Lateran church, and called it John. The reformers of the. sixteenth century renewed the protest of Charlemagne, and abolished the baptism of bells as a profanation of the sacrament, See Siegel, Handbuch der christl. kirchlichen Alterthümer, II. 243.
Campanarii, campanatores.
Called Campanile. The one on place of San Marco at Venice is especially celebrated.
The literature on bells is given by Siegel, II. 239, and Otte, p.2 and 102. We mention Nic. Eggers: de Origine et Nomine Campanarum, Jen., 1684; by the same: De Campanarum Materia et Forma 1685; Waller: De Campanis et praecipuis earum Usibus, Holm., 1694; Eschenwecker: Circa Campanas, Hal. ) 1708; J. B. Thiers. Traité des Cloches, Par., 1719; Montanus: Hist. Nachricht von den Glocken, etc., Chemnitz, 1726; Chrysander: Hist. Nachricht von Kirchen-Glocken, Rinteln, 1755; Heinrich Otte: Glockenkunde, Leipz., 1858; Comp. also his Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunst-Archäologie des deutschen Mittelalters, Leipz., 1868, 4th ed., p. 245-248 (with illustrations); and the articles Bells, Glocken, in the archaeological works of Smith and Cheetham, Wetzer and Welte, and Herzog. Schiller has made the bell the subject of his greatest lyric poem, which ends with this beautiful description of its symbolic meaning:
"Und diess sei fortan ihr Beruf,
Wozu der Meister sie erschuf:
Hoch über’m niedern Erdenleben
Soll sie im blauen Himmelszelt,
Die Nachbarin des Donners, schweben
Und gränzen an die Sternenwelt;
Soll eine Stimme sein von oben,
Wie der Gestirne helle Shaar,
Die ihren Schöpfer wandelnd loben
Und führen das bekränzte Jahr.
Nur ewigen und ersten Dingen
Sei ihr metall’ner Mund geweiht,
Und stündlich mit den schnellen Schwinger
Berühr’ im Fluge sie die Zeit.
Dem Schicksal leihe sie die Zunge;
Selbst herzlos, ohne Mitgefühl,
Begleite sie mit ihrem Schwunge
Des Lebens wechselvolles Spiel.
Und wie der Klang im Ohr vergehet,
Der mächtig tönend ihr entschallt,
So lehre sie, dass nichts bestehet,
Dass alles Irdische verhallt."
Sometimes also bishops, synods, and, in cases of political importance, kings and emperors. The last case of a metropolitan canonization is ascribed to the archbishop of Rouen, a.d. 1153, in favor of St. Gaucher, or Gaultier, abbot of Pontoise (d. April 9, 1130). But Labbe and Alban Butler state that he was canonized by Celestine III. in 1194. It seems that even at a later date some bishops exercised a limited canonization; hence the prohibition of this practice as improper by Urban VIII. in 1625 and 1634.
The occasion of the papal decision in 1170 was the fact that the monks of a convent in the diocese of Lisieux worshiped as a saint their prefect, who had been killed in the refectory by two of their number in a state of intoxication.
Comp. on this subject Benedict XIV. (Lambertini): De Servorum Dei Beatificatione et Beatorum Canonisatione. Bononisae 1734-’38; ed. II. Venet. et Patav. 1743, 4 vol. fol. Ferraris: Bibliotheca Canonica, a. v. "Veneratio Sanctorum." Canonization includes seven privileges: 1) recognition as saint by the whole (Roman) church; 2) invocation in public and private prayers; 3) erection of churches and altars to the honor of the saints; 4) invocation at the celebration of the mass; 5) appointment of special days of commemoration; 6) exhibition of their images with a crown on their head; 7) exhibition of their bones and relics for veneration. The question whether the papal bulls of canonization are infallible and de fide, or only sententia communis et certa, seems to be still disputed among Roman Catholics.
See Mansi, XIX. f. 169-179. The bull is signed by, the pope, five bishops, nine cardinal priests, an archdeacon and four deacons. It decrees that the memory of Saint Udalricus be venerated "affectu piisimo et devotione fidelissima," and be dedicated to divine worship ("divino cultui dicata"). It justifies it by the reason "quoniam sic adoramus (!) et colimus reliquius m et confessorum, ut eum, Cuius martyres et confessores sunt, adoremus Honaramus servos ut honor redundet in Dominum, qui dixit: Qui vos recipit me recipit’: ac proinde nos, qui fiduciam nostrae justitiae non habemus, illorum precibus et meritis apud clementissimum Deum jugiter adiuvemur." The bull mentions many miracles of Ulrich, "quae sive in corpore, sive extra corpus gesta sunt, videlicet Caecos illuminasse, daemones ab obsessis effugasse, paralyticos curasse, et quam plurima alia signa gessisse." On the life of St. Ulrich see the biography by his friend and companion Gerhard (between 983 and 993), best edition by Wirtz in the Monum. G. Scriptores, IV. 377 sqq.; Acta Sanct., Bolland. ad 4 Jul.; Mabillon, Ada Ordinis S. B., V. 415-477; Braun, Gesch. der Bischöfe von Augsburg (Augsb. 1813), vol. I.; Schrödl, in Wetzer and Welte, vol. XI. 370-383, and Vogel in Herzog1 vol. XVI. 624-628. Ulrich cannot be the author of a tract against celibacy which was first published under his name by Flacius in his Catalogus Testium Veritatis, but dates from the year 1059 when Pope Nicolas II. issued a decree enforcing celibacy. See Vogel, l.c. p. 627.
The most recent acts of canonization occurred in our generation. Pope Pius IX. canonized in 1862 with great solemnity twenty-six Japanese missionaries and converts of the Franciscan order, who died in a persecution in 1597. Leo XIII. canonized, December 8, 1881, four comparatively obscure saints of ascetic habits and self-denying charity, namely, Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Lorenzo di Brindisi, Giuseppe Labre, and Clara di Montefalco. A Roman priest describes "the blessed Labre" as a saint who "never washed, never changed his linen, generally slept under the arches of the Colosseum and prayed for hours together in the Church of the Orphanage where there is a tablet to his memory." St. Labre evidently did not believe that "cleanliness is next to godliness"
Omnium Sanctorum Natalis, or Festivas, Solemnitas, Allerheiligenfest. The Greek church had long before a similar festival in commemoration of all martyrs on the first Sunday after Pentecost, called Kuriakh;tw'nJAgivwnpavntwn. Chrysostom, in a sermon for that day, says that on the Octave of Pentecost the Christians were surrounded by the host of martyrs. In the West the first Sunday after Pentecost was devoted to the Trinity, and closed the festival part of the church year. See vol. III. 408.
Martyrologio Romano, May 13 and Nov. 1. The Pantheon or Rotunda, like Westminster Abbey, and St. Paul’s Cathedral in London, contains the ashes of other distinguished men besides saints, and is the resting-place of Raphael, and since 1883 even of Victor Emanuel, the founder of the Kingdom of Italy, whom the pope regards as a robber of the patrimony of Peter.
Omnium Fidelium defunctorum Memoria orCommemoratio, Allerseelentag.
Festum S. Michaelis, or Michaelis Archangeli, Michaelmas.
Hence also called Festum omnium Angelorum, St. Michael and all Angels.
In the Eastern church on November 8. The origin of the Eastern celebration is obscure.
Namely, sundry apparitions of Michael, at Chonae, near Colossae, in Monte Gargano in the diocese of Sipontum in Apulia (variously assigned to a.d. 492, 520, and 536), in Monte Tumba in Normandy (about 710), and especially one to Pope Gregory I. in Rome, or his successor, Boniface III. (607-610), after a pestilence over the Moles Hadriani, which ever since has been called the Castello di St. Angelo, and is adorned by the statue of an angel.
See vol. III. 444 sq. Acta Sanct., Sept. 29; Siegel, Handbuch der christl. Kirchl. Alterthümer, III. 419-425; Smith & Cheetham, II. 1176-1180; also Augusti, Binterim, and the monographs mentioned by Siegel, p. 419. The angel-worship in Colossae was heretical and probably of Essenic origin. See the commentaries in loc., especially Lightfoot, p. 101 sqq. A council of Laodicea near Colossae, about 363, found it necessary strongly to forbid angelolatry as then still prevailing in Phrygia. St. Augustin repeatedly objects to it, De vera Rel. 110; Conf. X. 42; De Civ. D. X. 19, 25.
Its advocates were called eijkonolavtrai, xulolavtrai, eijdwdolavtrai.
timhtikh;proskuvnhsi". For this word the Latin has no precise equivalent. The English word " worship" is used in different senses.
latreiva. adoratio.
See § 94, p. 403 sqq.
Eijkonoklavstai (from klavw, to break), eijkonokauvstai, eijkonomavcoi, cristianokathvgoroi.
Not Theophilus, as Baronius and Schlosser erroneously call him. See Hefele, III. 372. Theophanes mentions also a renegade Beser, who had become a Mohammedan, and then probably returned to Christianity and stood in high honor at the court of Leo.
There is considerable confusion about the beginning of the conflict and the precise order of events. See Hefele, III. 376 sqq.
See summaries of his lovgoiajpologhtikoiv in Schrceckh and Neander.
According to older historians (Baronius), the pope even excommunicated the emperor, withdrew his Italian subjects from their allegiance, and forbade the payment of tribute. But this is an error. On the contrary, in a second letter, Gregory expressly disclaims the power of interfering with the sovereign, while he denies in the strongest terms the right of the emperor to interfere with the Church. See the two letters of Gregory to Leo (between 726 to 731) in Mansi, XII. 959 sqq., and the discussion in Hefele, III. 389-404.
The surname Koprwvnumo" (from kovpro", dung) was given him by his enemies on account of his having polluted the baptismal gont in hid infancy. Theophanes, Chronogr. ed. Bonn. I. 615 He was also called Cabellinus, from his love of horses.
Mansi, XIII. 205-363; Gieseler, II. 16; Hefele, III. 410-418.
On these persecutions see, besides Theophanes, the Acta Sanct. of the Bolland. for Oct., Tom. VIII. 124 sqq. (publ. Brussels, 1853), and Hefele, III. 421-428.
The accounts vary between 330 and 367. The Acts are signed by 308 bishops and episcopal representatives. Nicephorus, the almost contemporaneous patriarch of Constantinople, in a letter to Leo III., mentions only 150. See Hefele, III. 460.
Theodore of the Studium, himself a zealous advocate of image-worship, exposes this trick, and intimates that the council was not strictly oecumenical, although he sometimes gives it that name. The question connected with these two irresponsible monks is discussed with his usual minuteness and prolixity by Walch, X. 551-558. See also Neander, III. 228, and Hefele, III. 459.
The definition ( o]ro") sanctions the ajspasmo;" kai; timhtikh; proskuvnhsi", osculum (or salutatio) et honoraria adoratio, but not ajlhqinh; latreiva hJ prevpei movnh th'/ qeiva/ fuvsei, vera latria, quae solam divinam naturam decet. Mansi, XIII. 378 sq. The term Gr. ajpasmov" embraces salutation and kiss, the proskuvnhsi", bowing the knee, and other demonstrations of reverence, see p. 450.
Walch (X. 572) says of these proofs from tradition: "Die untergeschobenen Schriften, die in der Hauptsache nichts entscheidenden Stellen und die mit grosser Unwissenheit verdrehten Aussprüche sind so haeufig, dass man sich beides über die Unwissenheit und Unverschämtheit nicht genug verwundern kann, welche in diesen Sammlungen sichtbar sind." Even moderate Roman Catholic historians, as Alexander Natalia and Fleury, admit quietly the errors in some patristic quotations.
See the acts of the council in the twelfth and thirteenth vols. of Mansi, and a summary in Hefele, III. 460-482. On the different texts and defective Latin versions, see Walch, X. 420-422, and Hefele, III. 486. Gibbon calls the acts "a curious monument of superstition and ignorance, of falsehood and folly." This is too severe, but not without some foundation. The personal character of Irene cuts a deep shadow over the Council, and would have been condemned even by the Byzantine historians, if her devotion to images had not so blinded them and Roman historians, like Baronius and Maimbourg, that they excuse her darkest crimes and overwhelm her with praise.
Charlemagne afterwards offered Irene his hand with a view to unite the Eastern and Western empires, and she accepted the offer; but her prime-minister, Aëtius, who wished to raise his own brother, Leo, to the throne, prevented the marriage.
The memory of Irene is celebrated by the Greeks on the 15th of August. Her patriarch, Tarasius (d. 806), is canonized in the Roman as well as the Greek Church.
Hefele, IV. 105, says that under this reign the famous poets, Theophanes and his brother, Theodore of the Studium, were punished with two hundred lashes and the branding of Greek mock-verses on their forehead, whence they received the name "the Marked" (graptoiv). But, according to the Bollandists, Theophanes died in 820, and Hefele himself, III. 370, puts his death in 818, although in vol. IV. 108 be reports that Theophanes gravpto"was made bishop of Smyrna by Theodora, 842. See on this conflict in chronology above, p. 407.
The tongue of slander, however, raised the story of her criminal intimacy with the patriarch Methodius, whom she had appointed. The court instituted an investigation during which the patriarch by indecent exposure furnished the proof of the physical impossibility of sexual sin on his part; whereupon the accuser confessed that she had been bribed by his iconoclastic predecessor. Hefele, IV. 109.
hJkuriakh;th'"ojrqodoxiva".
See the description of Walch (X. 800-808) from the Byzantine historians and from Allacci, and King (on the Russian church).
See Walch, XI. 7-36; Hefele, III. 461-463. The sources are silent. Walch carefully gives the different conjectures of Baronius, Pagi, Daillé, Natalis, Alexander, Maimburg, Fleury, Sirmond, Spanheim, Basnage, Semler. Nothing new has been added since. But the preceding iconoclastic zeal of Bishop Serenus of Marseilles, and the succeeding position of Charlemagne and the Frankish church, rather favor the inference of Sirmond and Spanheim, that the synod rejected the worship of images.
Alcuin’s share in the composition appears from the similarity of thoughts in his Commentary on John, and the old English tradition that he wrote a book against the Council of Nicaea. See Walch, XI. 65 sqq.; Hefele, III. 697.
He calls it posterior tempore, non tamen posterior crimine, eloquentia, sensuque carens, synodus ineptissima, etc. He distrusted a Council in which the Church of his dominions was not represented. He also objected to a woman assuming the office of teacher in the church, as being contrary to the lex divina and lex naturae (III. 13, ed. Migne, fol. 1136). He had reason to be angry with Irene for dissolving the betrothal of her son with his daughter.
The Synod is often called universalis, and condemned Adoptionism (see Hefele, III. 678 sqq. ). The decision against images see in Mansi, xiii. 909. The chief passage is: "Sanctissimi Patres nostri omnimodis et adorationem et servitutem eis [sc. imaginibus Sanctorum] renuentes contemserunt atque, consentientes condemnaverunt." Einhard made the following entry in his Annals ad a.d. 794 (in Pertz, Monum. I. 181, and Gieseler II. 67): "Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli [where the Nicene Synod was closed] sub Herena [Irene,]et Constantino filio ejus congregata, et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis est appellata, ut nec septima nec universalis haberetur dicereturve, quasi supervacua in totum ab omnibus [the bishops assembled at Frankfort] abdicata est." Baronius, Bellarmin, and even Hefele (III. 689), charge this Synod with misrepresenting the Council of Nicaea, which sanctioned the worship (in a wider sense), but not the adoration, of images. But the Latin version, which the pope sent to Charlemagne, rendered proskuvnhsi" uniformly by adoratio, and Anastasius, the papal librarian, did the same in his improved translation, thus giving double sanction to the confusion.
This rests partly on the probable share which the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin had in the composition of the Caroline Books, partly on the testimony of Simeon of Durham (about 1100). See Twysden’s Hist. Angl. Scriptores decem I, III; Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 667; Wilkin’s Conc. Magn. Brit., I. 73; Gieseler, II. 67, note 6, and Hardwick’s Church Hist. of the Middle Age, p. 78, note 3.
There is a difference of opinion whether Charlemagne sent to the pope his whole book, or only an abridgement, and whether he sent Angilbert before or after the Frankfort synod to Rome. Hefele (III. 713) decides that the Capitula (85) were an extract of the Libri Carolini (121 chs.), and that Angilbert was twice in Rome, a.d. 792 and 794. Hadrian’s answer must have been written at all events before Dec. 25, 795. It is printed in Mansi, XIII. 759-810, and Migne, Opera Car. M. II. fol. 1247-1292. It is full of glaring blunders. Bishop Hefele (p. 716) divides the responsibility between the (fallible) pope, the emperor, and the copyists.
Mansi, XIV. 415 sqq.; Walch, XI. 95 sqq.; Gieseler, II. 68; Hefele, IV. 41 sqq. (second ed. 1879). Walch says (p. 98) that the Roman church played comedy with the acts of this Synod. Mansi was the first to publish them, but he did it with an excuse, and added as indispensable the refutation of Bellarmin in the appendix to his tract De Cultu Imaginum. Hefele and Hergenröther represent this synod as being guilty of the same injustice to the Nicene Council as the Synod of Frankfort; but this does not alter the fact.
562 See § 79.
563 Reuter (I. 24) calls him "the clearest head of the ninth century," and "the systematizer of the Aufklärung" (i.e. of Rationalism in the middle age).
564 De Imaginibus Sanctorum, in Migne, vol. 104, fol. 199-228.
565 Cap. 35 (in Migne, fol. 227): "Flectamus genu in nomine solius Jesu, quod est super omne nomen; ne si alteri hunc honorem tribuimus, alieni judicemur a Deo, et dimittamur secundum cordis nostri ire in adinventionibus nostris." Gieseler directs attention to the verbal agreement between Agobart and Claudius in several sentences.
566 See Acta SS. Jun. II. 748, and the Elogia de S. Agobardo in Migne, fol. 13-16. The Bollandists honor him with a place in their work, because Masson, the first editor, allows him the title saint, and because he is commonly called St. Aguebatud in the church of Lyons, and is included in the local martyrologies. A rite of nine lessons is assigned to him in the Breviarium Lugdunense.
567 In his comments on Paul’s Epistles (in Migne, 104 f. 927 sq. ), he eulogizes Augustin as "amantissimus Domini sanctissimus Augustinus. calamus Trinitatis lingua Spiritus Sancti, terrenus homo, sed coelestis angelus, in quaestionibus solvendis acutus, in revincendis haereticis circumspectus, in explicandis Scripturis canonicis cautus." In the same place, he says of Paul that his epistles are wholly given to destroy man’s merits and to exalt God’s grace ("ut merita hominum tollat, unde maxime nunc monachi gloriantur, et gratiam Dei commendet"). On his Augustinianism, see the judicious remarks of Neander. Reuter (I. 20) calls him both a biblical reformer and a critical rationalist.
568 C. Schmidt in Herzog2 III. 245 says of this view: "Deise, sehr spaet, in dogmatischem Interesse aufgenommene Ansicht, die sich bei Léger und andern ja selbst noch bei Hahn findet, hat keinen historischen Grund und ist von allen gründlichen Kennern der Waldensergeshichte längst aufgegeben. Dabei soll nicht geleugnet werden, dass die Tendenzen des Claudius sich noch eine zeitlang in Italien erhalten haben; es ist soeben bemerkt worden, dass, nach dem Zeugniss des Jonas von Orléans, man um 840 versuchte, sie von neuen zu verbreiten. Dass sie sich aber bis zum Auftreten des Peter Waldus und speciell in den piemontesischen Thälern fortgepflanzt, davon ist nicht die geringste Spur vorhanden."