Conclusion
Conclusion
Christianity at the crossroads
The second century has emerged as decisive for the shaping of what would become the Christian Church.
Judith Lieu1
The above quote from Judith Lieu captures the fundamental thesis of this volume, namely that this phenomenon we call ‘Christianity’ was profoundly shaped by the challenges faced by the Church in the second century. It was when the Church was still in its infancy, trying to stand on its own after the apostles had passed on and facing serious and sustained opposition from the surrounding culture, that some of the most critical steps were taken. During these 100 years, the fledgling Christian movement made enormous strides – geographically, numerically, demographically, structurally and theologically. So much so that by the end of the second century Christianity was on a path of ascendency that would eventually culminate in its becoming the dominant force of the Roman Empire just a few generations later.
What is particularly noteworthy about this essential role played by the second century is the degree to which it has been overlooked by much of modern scholarship. As noted in the introduction, the second century does not have the foundational significance of the first century or the flare of the third and fourth centuries with their more full-orbed Trinitarian discussions and ecclesiastical politics. So, the second century has been all too easily missed. It is, as Larry Hurtado has observed, the ‘Cinderella Century’.2
The purpose of this volume has been to make some small contribution towards remedying this neglect by offering an introduction to a broad swathe of issues during this period. As is now clear, we have only been able to address these issues at a cursory level. But my hope is that it will encourage more reflection on the second century’s significance (aided also by the select bibliography) and generate fresh scholarly works on this century going forward.
So then, let us review what we have discovered about the second century that makes it so critical to the formation of Christianity. In Chapter 1, we explored how the second century was a key time in the formation of Christian identity. While first-century Christianity was still largely under the Jewish umbrella, that situation began to change in the second. Due to a number of factors – such as theological differences as well as an influx of Gentiles – Christianity and Judaism were beginning to be viewed as distinct movements. Indeed, for the governing authorities such as Pliny the Younger, Christianity was decidedly new; it was a dangerous and mysterious superstition. Contrary to the ‘religions’ of the day, Christianity was odd precisely because it was monotheistic and, at the same time, was not limited to a singular ethnic/national group. As the author of the Epistle to Diognetus observed, Christianity was a ‘new race’.3 Consequently, Christianity was able to transcend other boundaries, including socio-economic (it was for all social classes) and gender (it was for both men and women).
In Chapter 2, we observed that the second century was a time when Christianity had to learn to survive in the midst of a hostile culture where it lacked any meaningful influence or power. On a political level, Christianity was seen not only as socially peculiar (not to mention rude) but as a serious threat to the stability of the Roman Empire. To refuse to worship the Roman gods, as the Christians did, was viewed as subversive and reckless since it might incite their displeasure. And the private gatherings of the Christians occasioned all sorts of rumours of gross cannibalism and sexual deviancy. Beyond political persecution, Christians also had to learn to deal with philosophical/intellectual persecution as the leading thinkers of the day found much to ridicule and mock in this ‘new’ religious movement. In response, Christians honed their theological thinking and penned a number of apologetic works, often with the emperor as the intended recipient. These works defended their behaviour, explained their doctrines, and called for fair and equitable treatment from the ruling authorities.
In Chapter 3, we explored how the second century was a time of great transition for the way churches were led and governed. While it appears that churches were generally led by groups of elders/presbyters at the beginning of the second century, the situation had changed immensely before the beginning of the third. For whatever sets of reasons – whether to confront heresy more effectively or to manage rapidly growing congregations – churches began to be led by a singular bishop (a monepiscopate) who eventually was over both presbyters and deacons. During this time, Christians typically met in house churches (whether single-family or tenement-style) and observed the traditional elements of worship: gathering, teaching, eating and washing.
Chapter 4 highlighted the fact that the second century was a time of substantial diversity within the early Christian movement. Walter Bauer was correct at least about one thing, namely that there was a wide variety of groups, some with very different theologies, all claiming to be authentic (or original) Christianity. These included Jewish-Christian groups like the Ebionites, the anti-Jewish Marcionites, the varied forms and manifestations of what we might call ‘Gnosticism’, and the bizarre and controversial practices of the Montanists. The second century was the time when such groups exploded onto the scene, causing a bit of a crisis within the fledgling Christian movement and leading to serious responses from writers like Justin Martyr, Irenaeus and Tertullian.
In Chapter 5, we continued the discussion of orthodoxy and heresy in early Christianity and observed that, even in the midst of substantial diversity, there was a unifying theological core to the early Christian movement. This theological core was exemplified in the ‘rule of faith’, a brief and easily transmissible summary of early Christian beliefs that was present across a wide variety of Christian leaders and geographical locations. Even pagan critics like Celsus acknowledged that there was a ‘Great Church’ alongside the heretical groups that affirmed the core principles of this rule of faith. And when we compare that rule of faith to the earliest apostolic teachings available to us in the letters of Paul, we see that it is not an invention of the second-century Church but has roots that extend all the way back to the very beginning of the Christian movement. Thus, the second century was a time when the Church fought for its core theological identity in the midst of many competing alternatives.
In Chapter 6, we learned that the second century was a time of great literary production by early Christians. Contrary to popular notions that Christianity was an oral culture, the evidence from the second century indicates a very ‘bookish’ movement that was capable of writing, distributing and copying texts in great numbers. Also during this time, Christians began to produce ‘apocryphal’ literature in substantial quantities, whether gospels, acts, epistles, or even apocalypses. This was also a critical century for the transmission of New Testament texts. Although we have a number of manuscripts that exhibit textual fluidity during the second century, we also possess a significant number of manuscripts that demonstrate textual stability. And given the evidence for a relatively sophisticated scribal culture among early Christians (as exemplified by the use of the nomina sacra and codex), we have no reason to think that the earlier unobservable stages of textual transmission are any more fluid than what is visible to us in the second century.
In the seventh and final chapter, we observed how the second century was a critical time in the formation of the New Testament canon. While some scholars have insisted that there was no meaningful Christian canon until the third century or later, the evidence we surveyed suggests that Christians were using books as Scripture by the early second century, and a ‘core’ canon of books (around 22 out of 27) was firmly in place by the middle of the second century. Thus, the second century provided the scriptural foundation that the Church would build upon for generations to come. Christians did have a standard to which they could appeal in the debates over heresy and orthodoxy.
These seven chapters, taken as a whole, suggest that Lieu was correct in her assessment of the second century. It really was decisive in determining what would become the Christian Church. If so, then it might be helpful to reflect for a moment on how the second century might inform modern-day Christianity. Much could be said in this regard, but I will simply offer three observations.
First, modern Christians need to learn again how to be a prophetic voice in the midst of a hostile world where the Church lacks substantial cultural influence or power. While prior generations may have enjoyed a time when the modern Church was in a situation akin to the Church of the fourth or fifth centuries, the current generation finds itself in a situation that looks a lot more like what the Church experienced in the second. We are entering into (and in some ways are already in) a post-Christian world. In order to interface with this world, we do not necessarily need a new apologetic but perhaps an old one – a second-century one. Our apologetic response to our post-Christian world has much to learn from the writings of the second-century apologists.
Second, as we look to the second century we are reminded again that Christianity, at its core, is a ‘bookish’ religion. That reality does not exclude other aspects of the Christian life (whether they be practical or experiential), but it reminds us that Christianity is centred on, and always has been centred on, its scriptural writings. True, early Christians often operated in the oral medium but, as we have already seen, this oral instruction was often itself based on the written text. Moreover, the textual orientation of early Christianity reminds us that there has always been a robust intellectual dimension to the Christian movement – a dimension that was vivid enough to make early pagan writers regard Christianity more as a philosophy than as a religion. While Christianity will always have multiple dimensions to it beyond the intellectual, it is critical that the intellectual dimension not be forgotten lest we lose a key aspect of our identity.
Third and finally, when we look to the second century, we are reminded afresh that early Christians, regardless of the exterior pressures and challenges, were always keen to keep the focus on one simple thing: worshipping Jesus. Despite all the ‘noise’ of the second century, it should not be missed that the day-to-day life of Christians was very basic. More than anything, they were committed to gathering together, to hearing the Scriptures, to taking the Lord’s Supper, to administering baptism. Of all the things that made Christians unique, ultimately it was their worship that set them apart. Unlike their pagan counterparts, Christians worshipped only the one true God. And unlike their Jewish contemporaries, they worshipped the man Jesus alongside Yahweh. It was their distinctive worship that made Christians seem scandalous and superstitious. And it was this, above all, that Christians were committed to doing.