Footnotes
Footnotes
I.In the expression ’ Ιούδαν ’ Ιακώβου (Ioudan Iakobou, lit. "[he called]...Judas of James,” Luke 6:16), the genitive ’ Ιακώβου (Iakobou) probably indicates "son of” ("Judas son of James”) but could mean "brother of.”
2.For these parallels and discussion, see particularly J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St.
James (London: Macmillan, 1913), pp. iii-iv.
3.Origen, Comm. on John, frag. 126.
4.Guthrie, pp. 723-26.
5.E.g., Erasmus; Luther; Hunter, pp. 168-69 (though cautiously); J. Moffat, The General Epistles: James, Peter, and Judas (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1928), p. 2.
6.Some of the more important presentations of this view are Kummel, pp. 411-14; James Hardy Ropes, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle of St. James, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1916), pp. 43-52; Martin Dibelius, Commentary on the Epistle of James, Hermeneia, rev. by H. Greeven (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1976), pp. 11-21; Sophie Laws, A Commentary on the Epistle of James, HNTC (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1980), pp. 38-42.
7.See the important article of Gerhard Kittel, "Der geschichtliche Ort des Jakobusbriefes,” ZNW 41 (1942): 73-75.
8.Ropes, James, p. 25. Zahn minimizes the quality of the Greek even more (1:112). 9.See esp. J. N. Sevenster, Do You Know Greek? How Much Greek Could the First Jewish Christians Have Known? (Leiden: Brill, 1968).
10.Ibid., p. 191; see also J. H. Moulton, W. F. Howard, and Nigel Turner, A Grammar of New Testament Greek, 4 vols. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1908-76), 4:114.
II.Martin Hengel has demonstrated the degree to which first-century Palestine was permeated with Hellenistic concepts (Judaism and Hellenism, 2 vols. [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974]). With respect to James, see also Hengel’s article "Der Jakobusbrief als antipaulinische Polemik,” in Tradition and Interpretation in the New Testament, Fs.
E. Earle Ellis, ed. G. F. Hawthorne and Otto Betz (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987),
p. 252.
12.Dibelius labels this the decisive argument against the traditional position (James, pp. 17-18).
13.We are dependent on Hegesippus’s account of James’s death as recorded in Eusebius (H.E. 2.23) for much of this information.
14.See J. B. Lightfoot, The Epistle of St. Paul to the Galatians (London: Macmillan, 1890), p. 366.
15.Kummel, p. 413.
16.For this argument, see particularly Kittel, "Der geschichtliche Ort,” pp. 96-97; see also Walter Wessel, "James, Letter of,” in ISBE 2:965.
17.See esp. Peter Davids, The Epistle of James, NIGTC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1982), pp. 12-13; Ralph P. Martin, James, WBC (Waco, Tex.: Word, 1988), pp. lxix-lxxviii; Wiard Popkes, Adressaten, Situation, und Form des Jakobusbriefe, SBS 125/126 (Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1986), pp. 184-88.
18.Laws, James, pp. 25-26.
19.For this dating, see, inter alia, Zahn 1:125-28; Guthrie, pp. 749-53; Mayor, James, pp. cxliv-clxxvi; Wessel, "James,” p. 965; and esp. Kittel, "Der geschichtliche Ort,” pp. 71-102.
20.F. J. A. Hort, The Epistle of St. James (London: Macmillan, 1909), p. xxv; R. V. G. Tasker, The General Epistle of James, TNTC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1956), pp. 31-33.
21.E.g., Kummel, p. 414.
22.The view that James was originally written to Jews and Christianized at a later date (argued by, among others, A. Meyer, Das Ratsel des Jakobusbriefes [Berlin: Topelmann, 1930]) is no more than a scholarly curiosity.
23. After the exile, the twelve tribes no longer existed physically, but the phrase became a way of denoting the regathered people of God of the last days (see Ezek. 47:13; Matt. 19:28; Rev. 7:4-8; 21:12).
24.See, e.g., Mayor, James, pp. 30-31; Hort, James, pp. xxiii-xxiv; J. B. Adamson, The Epistle of James, NICNT (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976), pp. 49-50; Douglas J. Moo, The Letter of James, TNTC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), p. 58.
25.Tasker draws attention to this parallel (James, p. 39).
26. A list of the parallels between James and the teaching of Jesus can be found in Davids, James, pp. 47-48.
27.Ropes, James, pp. 10-16.
28.Dibelius, James, pp. 5-11. See also L. G. Perdue, "Paraenesis and the Epistle of James,” ZNW 72 (1981): 241-56.
29.See esp. G. H. Rendall, The Epistle of St. James and Judaistic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1927), p. 33; Davids, James, p. 23; and esp. Wessel, "James,” p. 962 (who is summarizing the results of his doctoral dissertation).
30.Luther, "Preface to the New Testament” (1522) (LW35:397).
31.David, James, pp. 22-29. He is using F. O. Francis’s description of a literary letter ("The Form and Function of the Opening and Closing Paragraphs of James and 1 John,” ZNW 61 [1970]: 110-26).
32.See the discussion in Mayor, James, pp. lxix-lxxi, lxxxviii-cix. He discerns allusions to James in many more New Testament and early Christian writings, but most of these are probably indirect.
33.See B. F. Westcott, A General Survey of the History of the Canon of the New Testament (London: Macmillan, 1889), pp. 357-58.
34.Some think, however, that the omission of James from the Muratorian Canon is accidental, since the text of the canon is damaged (Westcott, History of the Canon, pp. 219-20). See, for the contrary opinion, Franz Mussner, Der Jakobusbrief (Freiburg: Herder, 1981), p. 41.
35.D. Stoutenberg, "Martin Luther’s Exegetical Use of the Epistle of St. James,” (M.A. thesis, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1982), p. 51.
36.LW 35:397.
37.E.g., P. V. Maynard-Reid, Poverty and Wealth in James (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis,
1987).
38.Martin, James, pp. lxii-lxix.
39.The subjectivity involved in such reconstructions is evident from the fact that another recent attempt to identify James’s setting comes to very different conclusions:
James’s readers were members of a Hellenistic, Pauline-influenced missions church (Popkes, Adressaten, Situation, und Form des Jakobusbriefes, p. 71).
40.E.g., James G. D. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977), pp. 251-52.
41.See Moo, James, pp. 44-48, 108-16.