Footnotes
Footnotes
I.On Tarsus generally, see William M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul: Their Influence
on His Life and Thought (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1907), pp. 85-244; Colin J.
Hemer, "Tarsus,” in ISBE 4:734-36.
2.Strabo, Geog. 14.5.14.
3.F. F. Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1977), pp. 37-38.
4.This is probably the meaning of the word σκηνοποιοί (skenopoioi, G5010), although Ronald F. Hock has argued that it means simply "leatherworker” (The Social Context of Paul’s Ministry [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980]).
5.Nigel Turner, Grammatical Insights into the New Testament (Edinburgh: T. & T.
Clark, 1965), pp. 83-84.
6.See particularly W. C. van Unnik, Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul’s Youth (London: Epworth, 1962).
7.E.g., Richard N. Longenecker, Paul, Apostle of Liberty, reprint ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1976), pp. 25-27.
8.Ibid., pp. 21-64; Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free, p. 42.
9.See esp. Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974).
10.Leander E. Keck, Paul and His Letters, Proclamation Commentaries (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), p. 11.
II.For a succinct orientation to the discussion, see R. J. Wyatt, "Pharisees,” in ISBE 3:822-29.
12.See Longenecker, Paul, pp. 33-37.
13.Seyoon Kim, The Origin of Paul’s Gospel (TQbingen: Mohr, 1981), pp. 3-31.
14.Especially Kim, Origin, and Christian Dietzfelbinger, Die Berufung des Paulus als Ursprung seiner Theologie, WMANT 58 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1985).
15.This difference is probably signaled by the shift from the genitive της φωνης (tes phones, "the sound”, from φωνη, G5889 [NIV]) in Acts 9:7 to the accusative την φωνην (ten phonen, "the voice” [NIV]) in 22:9, although the significance of the change is debated (see Maxmillian Zerwick, Biblical Greek [Rome: Pontifical Bibical Institute,
1963], fl69; C. F. D. Moule, An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971], p. 36).
16.See Johannes Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind (London: SCM, 1959), pp. 20-21. "Kicking against the goads” was a popular proverb meaning to resist the Deity (see Longenecker, Paul, pp. 98-101).
17.Paul is probably referring either to his experience as a regenerate person or to his experience as a Jew under the law, as typical of all Jews under the law.
18.E.g., Krister Stendahl, Paul Among Jews and Gentiles, and Other Essays (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976), pp. 7-12.
19.Munck, Paul, pp. 24-33.
20.See Peter Stuhlmacher, "‘The End of the Law’: On the Origin and Beginnings of Pauline Theology,” in Reconciliation, Law, and Righteousness: Essays on Biblical Theology (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986), pp. 134-54.
21.See the discussion, e.g., in F. F. Bruce, Tradition Old and New (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1970); George Eldon Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974), pp. 386-94; Kim, Origin, pp. 67-70.
22.A good overview is found in Martin 2:248-75.
23.The most comprehensive recent treatment in English is Ralph P. Martin, Carmen Christi: Philippians 2:5-11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983). Considerably superior in its careful exegesis and accurate interpretation is the important essay by N. T. Wright, "αρπαγμός and the Meaning of Philippians 2:5-11,” JTS 37 (1987): 321-52.
24.Rudolf Bultmann, "The Significance of the Historical Jesus for the Theology of Paul,” in Faith and Understanding (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 241.
25.See David Wenham, The Rediscovery of Jesus’ Eschatological Discourse, in GP 4:372-73; idem, "Paul’s Use of the Jesus Tradition: Three Samples,” in GP 5:7-37.
26.Arnold Resch counts 1,158 allusions to Jesus’ teaching in Paul (Der Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu, TU 27 [Leipzig: Akademie, 1904]). The number is greatly exaggerated but helps put the matter in perspective.
27.See, e.g., F. F. Bruce, Jesus and Paul (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1974), pp. 55-67.
28.The exact number depends on how "quotation” is defined. E. Earle Ellis gives a figure of ninety-three (Paul’s Use of the Old Testament, reprint ed. [Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981], p. 11).
29.The most famous name in this history-of-religions school is Richard Reitzenstein (Hellenistic Mystery Religions: Their Basic Ideas and Significance [ET Pittsburgh: Pickwick, 1978]; the final edition of the German original is dated 1927). See also Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos, reprint ed. (Nashville: Abingdon, 1970); Rudolf Bultmann (e.g., Theology of the New Testament, 2 vols. [New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1951-55], 1:187-352).
30.A classic on this point is J. Gresham Machen, The Origin of Paul’s Religion (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1921). See also H. A. A. Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1913).
31.To cite only one example, see the study of Romans 6 by GQnter Wagner, Pauline Baptism and the Pagan Mysteries (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1967).
32.C. G. Montefiore, Judaism and St. Paul (London: Goschen, 1914).
33.Albert Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle (New York: H. Holt, 1931).
34.W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 4th ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980).
35.See esp. John Knox, Chapters in a Life of Paul (London: Adam & Charles Black,
1954), pp. 13-43; Robert Jewett, A Chronology of Paul’s Life (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979), pp. 7-24; Gerd LQdemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984), pp. 21-29.
36.LQdemann, for instance, relying a great deal on Paul’s statements about the collection and the theology expressed in the letters, puts Paul’s founding visit to the churches of Macedonia (e.g., Thessalonica) very early, in the early or middle 40s and has Paul returning to Jerusalem with the collection as early as A.D. 52 (see Paul, pp. 262-63). On the issue of the Jerusalem visits and the apostolic council, see also
Charles Buck and Greer Taylor, Saint Paul: A Study of the Development of His Thought (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1969), pp. 7-8.
37.See T. H. Campbell, "Paul’s ‘Missionary Journeys’ As Reflected in His Letters,” JBL 74 (1955): 80-87.
38.LQdemann, however, takes the "three years” to refer back to what immediately precedes: Paul’s return to Damascus (Gal. 1:17) (Paul, p. 63).
39.Here, also, LQdemann reckons the "fourteen years” from Paul’s trip to Syria and Cilicia (Gal. 1:21) (ibid.).
40.See, e.g., Kirsopp Lake, "The Conversion of Paul,” in The Beginnings of Christianity, Part 1: The Acts of the Apostles, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and Kirsopp Lake, 5 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1920-33), 5:192-94.
41.Bruce, Paul, Apostle of the Heart Set Free, pp. 127-28.
42.All the mileage estimates for Paul’s journeys come from Barry J. Beitzel, The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands (Chicago: Moody, 1985), p. 177.
43.See the discussion in Jewett, Chronology, pp. 57-62. He opts for forty-six months. It is estimated that in Paul’s day one could travel about one hundred miles a day by ship, and no more than fifteen or twenty by foot (Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul [New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1983], p. 18).
44.George Ogg, The Odyssey of Paul (Old Tappan, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell, 1968), pp. 65-71.
45.Ogg, Odyssey, pp. 114-15.
46.Richard Longenecker, "Acts,” in EBC 9:484.
47.The key reference is in 1 Clement. 5:1-7, where it is claimed that Paul reached "the limit of the West” (τό τέρμα της δύσεως [to terma tes dyseos]). Many think that Clement, a Roman, can mean by this only regions west of Rome (see also the Muratorian Canon) and that Paul probably did preach in Spain (e.g., John J. Gunther, Paul: Messenger and Exile [Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson, 1972], pp. 141-50). Others, however, think that Clement might be referring to Rome itself, or otherwise doubt the reliability of the tradition, and question whether Paul ever reached Spain (Ogg, Odyssey, pp. 188-92). The time required for ministry in the East in the Pastoral Epistles may make it unlikely that Paul reached Spain.
48.Because he doubts the historicity of the incident, LQdemann does not use the chronological implications of the Gallio incident in his reconstruction (Paul, pp. 15764).
49.See, e.g., Jewett, Chronology, pp. 38-40; Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free, p. 253. There is a remote possiblity that Gallio’s tenure should be put a year later.
50.The edict is mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Claudius 25.4 but first dated in
A.D. 49 by the historian Orosius (Hist. 7.6.15-16). Some dispute this date, favoring the date of 41 given by Dio Cassius, Hist. Rom. (40.6.6) (e.g., LQdemann, Paul, pp. 164-71), but Orosius is probably correct (see E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews Under Roman Rule [Leiden: Brill, 1976], pp. 210-15).
51.Jos., Ant. 20.2.5. On the date, see Kirsopp Lake, "The Chronology of Acts,” in Beginnings of Christianity, 5:452-55. Because there was no single, world-wide famine during these years, Luke’s reference to a famine that affected "the entire Roman
world” (ο ΐην την οίκουμένην [holen ten oikoumenen]) has been considered an exaggeration or an outright fabrication. But the several famines throughout the Roman world during these years justify Luke’s generalization (K. S. Gapp, "The Universal Famine Under Claudius,” HTR 28 [1935]: 258-65).
52.An early Gnostic tradition held that Jesus’ resurrection appearances—up to and including Paul’s—lasted for eighteen months (see Ireneus, Adv. Haer. 1.30.14; Ascension of Isaiah 9:16), and some scholars are inclined to respect this tradition (e.g., Ogg, Odyssey, pp. 24-30).
53.See esp. Ogg, Odyssey, pp. 16-23, and Jewett, Chronology, pp. 30-33; W. P. Armstrong and J. Finegan, "Chronology of the New Testament,” in ISBE 1:689-90.
54.Bruce, for instance, offers the attractive suggestion that the "governor” who sought to arrest Paul was the head of the Jewish citizens of Damascus rather than a direct underofficial of Aretas (Paul: Apostle of the Heart Set Free, pp. 81-82).
55.See, e.g., Colin J. Hemer, The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History, WUNT 2.49 (TQbingen: Mohr, 1989), pp. 258-61.
56.See, e.g., Gunther, Paul: Messenger and Exile, pp. 140-41; G. B. Caird,
"Chronology of the New Testament,” in IDB, 1:604-5; Jewett, Chronology, pp. 40-44; Hemer, Book of Acts, p. 171; F. F. Bruce, New Testament History, 2d ed. (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971), pp. 345-46. Some scholars argue for a much earlier date, 55 or 56, based on the fact that Pallas, a Roman official who was removed from office in 55 or 56, was instrumental in Felix’s recall (see Lake, "Chronology,” pp. 46467). But it is impossible to squeeze all that Josephus records as happening under Felix while Nero was emperor (A.D. 54 and later) into so short a time; and Pallas probably continued to exercise influence even after being removed from office. (For these points, see Emil SchQrer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ [175 B.C.-A.D. 135], new ed., vol. 1, rev. and ed. by Geza Vermes and Fegus Millar [Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1973], pp. 465-66n). In contrast, SchQrer argues that Felix was recalled in A.D. 60 (History, pp. 465-66n) and Ogg in 61 (Odyssey, pp. 14670).
57.This reference may also corroborate the date of A.D. 59 for Paul’s departure for Rome. W. P. Workman argued that the syntax of Acts 27:9 suggests that the date of the "Fast”—the Day of Atonement—in this year followed the date for the closing of sailing ("A New Date-Indication in Acts,” ExpTim 11 [1899-1900]: 316-19). If, as is likely, September 24 was the traditional date for the end of safe navigation, then Paul must have sailed in a year when the Day of Atonement came later than September
24. This was true in the years 57, 59, and 62, and most scholars agree that 62 is too late, while 57 is too early. But Workman’s date for the close of sailing may be too late; Vegetius (De re Militari 4.39) gives September 14 (Ogg, Odyssey, p. 174).
58. We here assume the Pauline authorship of the so-called disputed letters— Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians, and the Pastorals. See the relevant chapters on these letters for argument.
59.E.g., Seneca, Epist. Mor. 75.1-2; and Robert W. Funk, "The Apostolic Parousia: Form and Significance,” in Christian History and Interpretation, ed. W. R. Farmer, C.
F. D. Moule, and R. R. Niebuhr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), pp. 249-68.
60.Examples of ancient letters have been collected by Stanley K. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1986), pp. 58-173. On the ancient theory of letter writing, see Abraham J Malherbe, Ancient Epistolary Theorists (Atlanta: SP, 1988).
61.E.g., John Lee White, The Form and Function of the Body of the Greek Letter, SBLDS 2, 2d ed. (Missoula, Mont.: SP, 1972).
62.See Stowers, Letter Writing, p. 22.
63.Ibid., p. 25.
64.David E. Aune, The New Testament in Its Literary Environment (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987), p. 203.
65. Adolf Deissmann, "Prolegomena to the Biblical Letters and Epistles,” in Bible Studies (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1901), pp. 1-59.
66.See, e.g., Stowers, Letter Writing, pp. 51-173.
67.For instance, after establishing his categories in the Greco-Roman letters, Stowers finds no New Testament letter that exactly conforms to any of the categories; he finds, rather, parallels within the New Testament letters to various categories. Aune recognizes the difficulty in classifying the New Testament letters (Literary Environment, p. 203).
68.Otto Roller argued that amanuenses were almost always given a great deal of freedom (Das Formular der paulinischer Briefe: Ein Beitrag zur Lehre vom antiken Briefe [Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1933]), esp. p. 333); but his conclusions have been seriously questioned (e.g., Kummel, p. 251).
69.Richard N. Longenecker, "On the Form, Function, and Authority of the New Testament Letters,” in Scripture and Truth, ed. D. A. Carson and John D. Woodbridge (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983), pp. 101-14.
70.Goodspeed, pp. 210-21; C. Leslie Mitton, The Formation of the Pauline Corpus of Letters (London: Epworth, 1955); John Knox, Philemon Among the Letters of Paul (London: Collins, 1960), pp. 63-93.
71.F. F. Bruce, "Paul the Apostle,” in ISBE 3:706.
72.Guthrie, pp. 998-1000. C. F. D. Moule hypothesizes that Luke could have collected the letters of Paul and written the Pastoral Epistles to augment the collection (pp. 264-65).
73.Theodor Zahn, Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, 4 parts in 2 vols. (Erlangen: A. Deichert, 1888-92), 2:811-39.