Section 5

 ² Christian Moser and Hans Rudolf Fuhrer, Der lange Schatten Zwinglis: Zürich, das französische Soldbündnis und eidgenössische Bündnispolitik, 1500–1650 (Zürich: Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 2009). For a wide-ranging survey, see John Casparis, ‘The Swiss Mercenary System: Labor Emigration from the Semiperiphery’, Review 5/4 (1982), pp. 593–642.

 ³ For an overview of Zurich’s place in the Swiss Confederation in the late Middle Ages, see Bruce Gordon, The Swiss Reformation (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002).

 ⁴ Extremely helpful is the Swiss Historical Lexicon, which is available online in German, French and Italian at http://www.hls-dhs-dss.ch.

 ⁵ Helpful is Roger Sablonier, ‘The Swiss Confederation’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, 1st ed., vol. 7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 645–70.

 ⁶ See Hans R. Guggisberg, Basel in the Sixteenth Century: Aspects of the City Republic Before, During and After the Reformation (St. Louis, MO: Center for Reformation Research, 1982). On the reformation in Basel, see Amy Nelson Burnett, Teaching the Reformation: Ministers and their Message in Basel, 1529–1629 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 19–90.

 ⁷ Silvana Seidel Menchi, ‘Erasmus as Arminius: Basel as the Anti-Rome? Closed and Open Circles of Humanist Communication’, Archive for Reformation History 92 (2008), pp. 66–96.

 ⁸ Peter G. Bietenholz, ‘Printing and the Basle Reformation, 1517–65’, in Jean François Gilmont (ed.), Karin Maag (transl.), The Reformation and the Book (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998) (St Andrews Studies in Reformation History), pp. 235–63; Adolf Fluri, ‘Luthers Übersetzung des Neuen Testaments und ihre Nachdrucke in Basel und Zürich 1522–1531’, Schweizerisches Evangelisches Schulblatt 57 (1922).

 ⁹ On the complex relationship between Zwingli and Erasmus, see Gottfried W. Locher, ‘Zwingli and Erasmus’, in his Zwingli’s Thought: New Perspectives (Leiden: Brill, 1981) (Studies in the History of Christian Thought 25), pp. 233–55.

¹⁰ The standard biography of Zwingli in English remains G.R. Potter, Zwingli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976). It is a detailed, reliable and lively account of Zwingli’s life, but much of the analysis has been overtaken by more recent work in the field.

¹¹ Gordon, The Swiss Reformation, pp. 51–62. See also, Gottfried W. Locher, ‘“Christ our Captain” – An Example of Zwingli’s Preaching and its Cultural Setting’, in Locher, Zwingli’s Theology, pp. 72–86.

¹² For an introduction to Zwingli’s development as a reformer and his theological vision, to be recommended is Gottfried W. Locher, ‘The Shape of Zwingli’s Theology: A Comparison with Luther and Calvin’, Pittsburgh Perspective 8 (1967), pp. 5–26.

¹³ The Zurich churches had been whitewashed in June and July of 1524. For an overview, see Victoria George, Whitewash and the New Aesthetic of the Protestant Reformation (London: Pindar Press, 2012), 204–34.

¹⁴ Still excellent on the liturgical development in Zurich is Fritz Schmidt-Clausing, Zwingli als Liturgiker: Eine liturgiegeschichtliche Untersuchung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1952). Also, Bruce Gordon, ‘Transcendence and Community in Zwinglian Worship: The Liturgy of 1525’, in Robert Swanson (ed.), Continuity and Change in Christian Worship (Woodbridge: Boydell, 1999), pp. 128–50; Lee Palmer Wandel, ‘Envisioning God: Image and Liturgy in Reformation Zurich’, Sixteenth Century Journal 24 (1993), pp. 21–40.

¹⁵ A recent, though rather brief account of Zwingli’s eucharistic thought in a comparative context is found in Lee Palmer Wandel, The Eucharist in the Reformation: Incarnation and Liturgy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). More fully developed, and particularly significant on account of the connections made with late-medieval thought and practices, is Amy Nelson Burnett, ‘The Social History of Communion and the Reformation of the Eucharist’, Past and Present 211 (2011), pp. 77–119.

¹⁶ Two helpful recent publications: John A. Maxfield, ‘Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin on the Significance of Christ’s Death’, Concordia Theological Quarterly 75 (2011), pp.91–110, and Thomas Kaufmann, ‘Luther und Zwingli’, in Albrecht Beutel (ed.), Luther-Handbuch (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005), pp. 152–61.

¹⁷ A useful survey of Zwingli on the eucharist is W.P. Stephens, The Theology of Huldrych Zwingli (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986), pp. 218–59. See in particular the additional notes, pp. 255–9. A more expansive and contextual treatment is found in Amy Nelson Burnett, Karlstadt and the Origins of the Eucharistic Controversy: A Study in the Circulation of Ideas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) (Oxford Studies in Historical Theology), pp. 93–101.

¹⁸ The literature on covenantal thought in Zurich is extensive. J. Wayne Baker’s Heinrich Bullinger and the Covenant (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1980) remains important, though his thesis on the covenant as central to Bullinger’s thought has been vigorously challenged by scholars such as Peter Opitz, Heinrich Bullinger als Theologe: Eine Studie zu den ‘Dekaden’ (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2004).

¹⁹ Diarmaid MacCulloch has provided a thoughtful account of Zwingli’s view of music within the wider narrative of the Protestant relationship to sound and silence. See his Silence: A Christian History (London: Allen Lane, 2013), esp. pp. 131–3.

²⁰ Gerhard Aeschbacher, ‘Zwingli und die Musik im Gottesdienst’, in Heiko Oberman et al. (eds), Reformiertes Erbe: Festschrift für Gottfried W. Locher zu seinem 80. Geburtstag (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1992) (Zwingliana 19), vol. 1, pp. 1–11.

²¹ On memory and imitation in worship, see Gordon, ‘Transcendence and Community’.

²² This anecdote is told in Johannes Jud’s Historische Beschreibung von dem Leben und Tod … Leonis Judae, in Miscellanea Tigurina, ed. Johann Jakob Ulrich, vol. 3/1 (Zürich: Bodmer, 1734), p. 56.

²³ The most challenging new work on the Anabaptists in Zurich is Andrea Strübind, Eifriger als Zwingli: Die frühe Täuferbewegung in der Schweiz (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2003). See also Urs B. Leu and Christian Scheidegger (eds), Die Zürcher Täufer 1525-1700 (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2007).

²⁴ Ann Moss, ‘Literary Imitation in the Sixteenth Century: Writers and Readers, Latin and French’, in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, 1st ed., vol. 3 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 107–18.

²⁵ Timothy Hampton, Writing from History: The Rhetoric of Exemplarity in Renaissance Literature (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), particularly chapters 1 and 2.

²⁶ See the essays in Christine Christ-von Wedel and Urs Leu (eds), Erasmus in Zürich: Eine verschwiegene Autorität (Zurich: Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 2007). In particular, Christine Christ-von Wedel, ‘Erasmus und die Zürcher Reformatoren: Huldrich Zwingli, Leo Jud, Konrad Pellikan, Heinrich Bullinger und Theodor Bibliander’, pp.77–166, and Urs B. Leu, ‘Zwingli liest Erasmus’, pp. 167–76.

²⁷ Izora Scott, Controversies over the Imitation of Cicero in the Renaissance: With Translations of Letters between Pietro Bembo and Gianfrancesco Pico ‘On Imitation’ and a Translation of Desiderius Erasmus, ‘The Ciceronian (Ciceronianus)’ (New York, NY: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1910).

²⁸ The literature on Renaissance imitation is extensive. Extremely helpful is Martin L. McLaughlin, Literary Imitation in the Italian Renaissance: The Theory and Practice of Literary Imitation in Italy from Dante to Bembo (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), particularly the introduction (pp. 2–8), and his chapter on humanist educators of the fifteenth century (pp.98 125). On imitation in classical literature, see J. Muckelbauer, ‘Imitation and Invention in Antiquity: An Historical-Theoretical Revision’, Rhetorica 21 (2003), pp. 61–88.

²⁹ See the essays in Virginia Cox and John O. Ward (eds), The Rhetoric of Cicero in its Medieval and Early Renaissance Commentary Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 2006) (Brill’s Companions to the Christian Tradition 2).

³⁰ Christ-von Wedel and Leu (eds), Erasmus in Zürich.

³¹ See the discussion of Erasmus in Jennifer A. Herdt, Putting on Virtue: The Legacy of the Splendid Vices (Chicago, London: University of Chicago Press, 2008), pp. 107 27. Also, G.W. Pigman III, ‘Imitation and the Renaissance Sense of the Past: The Reception of Erasmus’ Ciceronianus’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 9 (1979), pp. 155–77.

³² Crucially, G.W. Pigman, ‘Versions of Imitation in the Renaissance’, Renaissance Quarterly 33 (1980), pp. 1 32.

³³ ‘The Ciceronian’, translated by Betty I. Knott, in Collected Works of Erasmus, vol. 28 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986).

³⁴ Kenneth Gouwens has explored Erasmus’ attack on pseudo-scholars who engaged in superficial imitation of Cicero. Gouwens presents a fresh argument for Erasmus’ use of language and metaphor in developing his Philosophia Christi, ‘Erasmus, “Apes of Cicero”, and Conceptual Blending’, Journal of the History of Ideas 71 (2010), pp. 523–45.

³⁵ Peter Bietenholz, History and Biography in the Work of Erasmus of Rotterdam (Geneva: Droz, 1966).

³⁶ Moss, ‘Literary Imitation’, p. 109.

³⁷ The best treatment remains Marjorie O’Rourke Boyle, Rhetoric and Reform: Erasmus’ Civil Dispute with Luther (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983).

³⁸ Ludwig Lavater, De ritibus et institutis ecclesiae Tigurinae opusculum [Zurich: Christoph Froschauer the Elder, 1559] (Manfred Vischer, Bibliographie der Zürcher Druckschriften des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts [Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1991] [cited: BZD], no. C 558).

³⁹ Lavater, De ritibus, fol. 3v–4r.

⁴⁰ Lavater, De ritibus, fol. 3v–4r.

⁴¹ ‘At deus tam est purus et acer ignis, ut, si quis dictis morbis adfectus sit, in conspectu eius consistere nequeat. Quo Isaias etiam 33 [Is 33:14] respexit: “Quis de nobis”, inquiens, “poterit habitare cum igne devorante? Aut quis habitabit ex vobis cum ardoribus sempiternis?”’ Huldreich Zwinglis sämtliche Werke, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Heinsius, 1914) (Corpus Reformatorum 90), p. 677.

⁴² J. Samuel Preus, ‘Zwingli, Calvin and the Origin of Religion’, Church History 46 (1977), pp. 186 202.

⁴³ Huldreich Zwinglis sämtliche Werke, vol. 3, p. 670.

⁴⁴ ‘Verbum ergo domini, qui fideles sunt, sic amplectuntur, ut naufragi tabulas’, Huldreich Zwinglis sämtliche Werke, vol. 3, p. 670.

⁴⁵ Lavater, De ritibus, fol. 14r.

⁴⁶ Encyclopaedia Judaica, 2nd ed., vol. 8 (Detroit et al.: Macmillan Reference, 2007), p. 279f.

⁴⁷ Lavater, De ritibus, fol. 14r.

⁴⁸ See Heinrich Bullinger’s programmatic work Der alt Gloub: das der Christen Gloub von Anfang der Wält gewärt habe, der recht waar, alt unnd ungezwyflet Gloub sye, klare Bewysung (Zurich: Christoph Froschauer the Elder, 1539) (BZD C 276).

⁴⁹ Over the last 50 years recognition of the role played by the writings and confessions of faith of the early church in the development of reformed theology has led to numerous publications on the theme of the Reformation and the church Fathers; see Pierre Fraenkel, Testimonia Patrum: The Function of the Patristic Argument in the Theology of Philipp Melanchthon (Geneva: Droz, 1961); Leif Grane et al. (eds), Auctoritas Patrum: Zur Rezeption der Kirchenväter im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Mainz: Zabern, 1993); Irena Backus (ed.), The Reception of the Church Fathers in the West: From the Carolingians to the Maurists, 2 vols (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Leif Grane et al. (eds), Auctoritas Patrum II: Neue Beiträge zur Rezeption der Kirchenväter im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Mainz: Zabern, 1998); Anthony N.S. Lane, John Calvin, Student of the Church Fathers (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1999).

⁵⁰ Irena Backus, ‘Ulrich Zwingli, Martin Bucer and the Church Fathers’, in Backus, Reception, vol. 2, pp. 627–60.

⁵¹ On Bullinger’s life and work, see the essays in Bruce Gordon and Emidio Campi (eds), Architect of Reformation: An Introduction to Heinrich Bullinger, 1504-1575 (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2004). On Bullinger’s self-perception, see Mark Taplin, The Italian Reformers and the Zurich Church, c.1540-1620 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003) (St Andrews Studies in Reformation History), p. 49f.

⁵² See Torrance Kirby’s contribution to this volume.

⁵³ Gordon, The Swiss Reformation, pp. 57–9.

⁵⁴ The standard work on Jud’s early friendship and reform work with Zwingli remains Karl-Heinz Wyss, Leo Jud: Seine Entwicklung zum Reformator, 1519–1523 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1976). Recently on Jud’s spiritual writings, Christine Christ-von Wedel, ‘Das Buch der Bücher popularisieren: Der Bibelübersetzer Leo Jud und sein biblisches Erbauungsbuch “Vom lyden Christi” (1534)’, Zwingliana 38 (2011), pp. 35–52.

⁵⁵ James M. Stayer, ‘Zwingli before Zurich: Humanist Reformer and Papal Partisan’, Archive for Reformation History 72 (1981), pp. 55–68.

⁵⁶ Heinold Fast, ‘Reformation durch Provokation: Predigtstörungen in den ersten Jahren der Reformation in der Schweiz’ in his Umstrittenes Täufertum 1525–1975 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975), pp. 79–110.

⁵⁷ Peter Opitz, ‘The Authority of Scripture in the Early Zurich Reformation (1522–1540)’, Journal of Reformed Theology 5 (2011), pp. 296–309.

⁵⁸ The standard work on the 1531 Bible is Traudel Himmighöfer, Die Zürcher Bibel bis zum Tode Zwinglis (1531) (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1995). There is an excellent facsimile edition: Die Zürcher Bibel von 1531 (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1983).

⁵⁹ On Bibliander, see Christine Christ-v. Wedel (ed.), Theodor Bibliander: Ein Thurgauer im gelehrten Zürich der Reformationszeit (Zurich: Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 2005); Emil Egli, Biographien: Bibliander, Ceporin, Johannes Bullinger (Zurich: Zürcher & Furrer, 1901). On Pellikan, the standard work remains Christoph Zürcher, Konrad Pellikans Wirken in Zürich, 1526–1556 (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1975) (Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 4).

⁶⁰ Stephen Strehle, ‘Fides aut Foedus: Wittenberg and Zurich in Conflict over the Gospel’, Sixteenth Century Journal 23 (1992), pp. 3–20. Recently on the division between Luther and Zwingli, see Armin Buchholz, Schrift Gottes im Lehrstreit: Luthers Schriftverständnis und Schriftauslegung in seinen drei grossen Lehrstreitigkeiten der Jahre 1521–1528 (Basel: Brunnen Verlag, 2007).

⁶¹ The Upper Rhine context of this method of interpretation is fully explained in R. Gerald Hobbs, ‘Pluriformity of Early Reformation Scriptural Interpretation’, in Magne Sæbø (ed.), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of its Interpretation, vol. 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008), pp. 482–4.

⁶² On Zwingli’s exegetical methods, Peter Opitz, ‘Zwingli’s Exegesis of the Old Testament’, in Saebø, Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, pp. 419–28. Also, Henning Reventlow, Epochen der Bibelauslegung, vol. 3 (Munich: Beck, 1997), pp. 97–118.

⁶³ Erasmus’ position on friendship is summarized in Erika Rummel, Desiderius Erasmus (London/New York: Continuum, 2004), pp. 41f.

⁶⁴ On Jerome in Zurich, see Bruce Gordon, ‘“Christo Testimonium reddunt omnes scripturae”: Theodor Bibliander’s Oration on Isaiah (1532) and Commentary on Nahum (1534)’, in Bruce Gordon and Matthew McLean (eds), Shaping the Bible in the Reformation: Books, Scholars, and their Readers in the Sixteenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 2012) (Library of the Written Word 20), pp. 107–42.

⁶⁵ See Megan Hale Williams, The Monk and the Book: Jerome and the Making of Christian Scholarship (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); Michael Graves, Jerome’s Hebrew Philology: A Study Based on His Commentary on Jeremiah (Leiden: Brill, 2007) (Supplements to Vigiliae christianae 90); and Andrew Cain, The Letters of Jerome: Asceticism, Biblical Exegesis, and the Construction of Christian Authority in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).

⁶⁶ See Stephen G. Burnett, Christian Hebraism in the Reformation Era (1500–1600): Authors, Books, and the Transmission of Jewish Learning (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2012) (Library of the Written Word 19).

⁶⁷ On Zwingli and the Septuagint, Reventlow, Epochen der Bibelauslegung, vol. 3, pp. 111f.

⁶⁸ See City Council of Zurich, Ordnung und ansehen, wie hynfür zuo Zürich in der statt über eelich sachen gericht sol werden (Zurich: Hans Hager [1525]) (BZD D 18–19); Emil Egli (ed.), Actensammlung zur Geschichte der Zürcher Reformation in den Jahren 1519–1533 (Zurich: Schabelitz, 1879), no. 711 (10 May); still fundamental on this issue is Walther Köhler, Zürcher Ehegericht und Genfer Konsistorium, vol. 1: Das Zürcher Ehegericht und seine Auswirkung in der deutschen Schweiz zur Zeit Zwinglis (Leipzig: Heinsius, 1932).

⁶⁹ As early as 1523 it was decided that a theological school should be established in Zurich (Egli, Actensammlung, no. 426), and it was opened on 19 June 1525, see Ulrich Ernst, Geschichte des Zürcherischen Schulwesens bis gegen das Ende des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts (Winterthur: Bleuler-Hausheer, 1879), p. 56. Recent work on the Lectorium is found in Anja-Silvia Goeing, ‘Vernünftig unterrichten: Bibliander als Lehrer’, in Christ-v. Wedel, Theodor Bibliander, pp. 61–82.

⁷⁰ Egli, Actensammlung, no. 619.

⁷¹ The use of medieval institutions in forming the Zurich church is found in Bruce Gordon, Clerical Discipline and the Rural Reformation: The Synod in Zurich, 1532–1580 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1992) (Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 16).

⁷² Bruce Gordon, ‘Die Entwicklung der Kirchenzucht in Zürich am Beginn der Reformation’, in Heinz Schilling (ed.), Kirchenzucht und Sozialdisziplinierung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1994) (Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, Beiheft 16), pp. 65–90.

⁷³ The subject of Zwingli and temporal authority is in desperate need of attention. For an overview of his thought on the state, see Stephens, Theology of Huldrych Zwingli, pp. 286–310.

⁷⁴ On Bullinger’s development of a federal theory of politics, see Andries Raath and Shaun de Freitas, ‘Rebellion, Resistance, and a swiss Brutus’, Historical Journal 48 (2005), pp. 1–26.

⁷⁵ The crucial work on Bullinger’s relationship with the Zurich council remains Hans Ulrich Bächtold, Heinrich Bullinger vor dem Rat: Zur Gestaltung und Verwaltung des Zürcher Staatswesens in den Jahren 1531 bis 1575 (Bern/Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1982) (Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 12).

⁷⁶ See Lee Palmer Wandel, Voracious Idols and Violent Hands: Iconoclasm in Reformation Zurich, Strasbourg, and Basel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Gordon, The Swiss Reformation, p. 63f.; J. Travis Moger, ‘Pamphlets, Preaching and Politics: The Image Controversy in Reformation Wittenberg, Zürich and Strassburg’, Mennonite Quarterly Review 75 (2001), pp. 325–54, and more recently, Willem J. van Asselt, ‘The Prohibition of Images and Protestant Identity’, in Willem van Asselt et al. (eds), Iconoclasm and Iconoclash: Struggle for Religious Identity (Leiden: Brill, 2007) (Jewish and Christian Perspectives Series 14), p. 307f.

⁷⁷ Markus Jenny, ‘Reformierte Kirchenmusik? Zwingli, Bullinger und die Folgen’, in Oberman et al. (eds), Reformiertes Erbe, vol. 1, pp. 187–205.

⁷⁸ See below, p. 80.

⁷⁹ See below, p. 87.

⁸⁰ See the important article Walter J. Hollenweger, ‘Zwingli’s Devotion to Mary’, One in Christ 16 (1980), pp. 59–68. Hollenweger demonstrates the central place of Zwingli’s Mariology in his polemic against the mercenary service and in his advocacy for poor relief. Mary was a model for the caring of women in society. Zwingli made a great deal of her beauty.

⁸¹ See Emidio Campi, Zwingli und Maria: Eine reformationsgeschichliche Studie (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1997); also Bridget Heal, The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 57–63.

⁸² See the letter of Heinrich Bullinger to Berchtold Haller dated 1 April 1532, in Heinrich Bullinger Briefwechsel, eds Ulrich Gäbler et al., vol. 2 (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1982), pp. 97, 83–8: ‘Sed et dialectica et rhetorica, sine quibus omne iacet studium, non erunt negligenda … Id vero satis digne adumbravit Melanchton, sed nemo dignius Rodolpho Agricola, qui “de inventione dialectica” scripsit libros 3’. The Ramist dialectic was, by contrast, not adopted in Zurich; see Wolfgang Rother, ‘Ramus and Ramism in Switzerland’, in Mordechai Feingold et al. (eds), The Influence of Petrus Ramus: Studies in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century Philosophy and Sciences (Basel: Schwabe, 2001), p. 12.

⁸³ See Irena Backus, Life Writing in Reformation Europe: Lives of Reformers by Friends, Disciples and Foes (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008) (St Andrews Studies in Reformation History), p. xxii: ‘In fact, if we consider the Lives of the reformers in that context [i.e. a biographical tradition reaching back to Classical Antiquity], it is easy to see that they are first and foremost intended to edify, each in a different way. In other words, their authors are … concerned to set up a Protestant model of piety …’

⁸⁴ See Backus, Life Writing, pp. 47–95 and 97–124. Backus stresses that in Zurich in particular, ‘the biographical genre was a crucial factor in the cohesion and continuity of the Reformation, its education system, its spiritual and ethical values, and its culture’ (p. 123).

⁸⁵ In the Swiss context, the most compelling account of this change is Peter Blickle, Communal Reformation: The Quest for Salvation in Sixteenth-Century Germany, translated by Thomas Dunlap (Atlantic City, NJ: Humanities Press, 1992).

⁸⁶ See Scott H. Hendrix’s stimulating account, Recultivating the Vineyard: The Reformation Agendas of Christianization (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2004).