Section 11

 ² For a discussion of Vermigli’s influence on Cranmer’s revision of the Prayer-Book liturgy, see Joseph C. McLelland, The Visible Words of God: An Exposition of the Sacramental Theology of Peter Martyr Vermigli (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1957), pp. 28–40.

 ³ Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum ex authoritate primum Regis Henrici 8. inchoata, deinde per Regem Edouardum 6. prouecta, adauctaq[ue] in hunc modum, atq[ue] nunc ad pleniorem ipsarum reformationem in lucem aedita (London: John Day, 1571). For a critical edition, see Tudor Church Reform: The Henrician Canons of 1535 and the ‘Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum’, ed. Gerald Bray (Woodbridge: Boydell Press for the Church of England Record Society, 2000). For an historical introduction to the work of the Royal Commission authorized to reform the Canon Law of England, see ibid., pp. xli–cxvi.

 ⁴ Jennifer Loach, ‘Reformation Controversies’, in The History of the University of Oxford, vol. 3: The Collegiate University, ed. James McConica (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 368–75. See the ‘Introduction’ to Vermigli, The Oxford Treatise.

 ⁵ Josias Simler, An Oration of the life and death of that worthie man and excellent Divuine d. Peter Martyr Vermillius, professor of Diuinitie in the Schoole of Zuricke, in Another Collection of certeine Diuine matters and doctrines of the same M.D. Peter Martyr, transl. Anthonie Marten (London: John Day, 1583), fol. Qq3r. See also the excellent biography of Vermigli by Mark Taplin in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, eds H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

 ⁶ For Vermigli’s description of his flight from England after the death of Edward VI, see his letter to Heinrich Bullinger dated 3 November 1553 at Strasbourg, in Peter Martyr Vermigli, Life, Letters, and Sermons, transl. and ed. John Patrick Donnelly (Kirksville, MO: Thomas Jefferson University Press, 1999) (Peter Martyr Library 5) [cited as LLS], p. 126; cf. Epistolae Tigurinae de rebus potissimum ad ecclesiae Anglicanae reformationem pertinentibus conscriptae, A.D. 1531–1558, ed. Parker Society (Cambridge: Parker, 1848), pp. 332–3.

 ⁷ Simler, Oration, fol. Qq3r.

 ⁸ For an exact analysis of the composition of the Elizabethan bench of bishops, see Scott Wenig, Straightening the Altars: The Ecclesiastical Vision and Pastoral Achievements of the Progressive Bishops under Elizabeth I, 1559–1579 (New York: Lang, 2000), pp. 22–6.

 ⁹ Jewel to Vermigli, 28 April 1559, in The Zurich Letters Comprising the Correspondence of Several English Bishops with some of the Helvetian Reformers, ed. Hastings Robinson, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1842) [cited as ZL], vol. 1, p. 20.

¹⁰ See also Sir Antony Cook’s effusive letter to Vermigli of 12 February 1559, in ZL, vol. 2, p. 13. See ‘Letter to the Right honourable the Duke [sic] of Bedford’, in Divine Epistles, transl. Anthonie Marten (London: H. Denham, 1583), fols 164–5. See also his reply ‘to a verie honourable Prince in England’, in Divine Epistles, fols 127–8: ‘It standeth thus with mee, that I am appointed to the citie and Church of Tigure, and therefore I am not at my owne libertie’.

¹¹ Peter Martyr Vermigli, ‘To the Most Renowned Princess Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland’, published in Martyr’s Divine Epistles, an appendix to the English edition of Common Places, transl. Anthony Marten (London: John Day, 1583) [cited as CP], part V, pp. 58–61. For the original Latin version of the letter, see Martyris Epistolae Theologicae, appended to Loci communes, ed. Robert Masson (London: Thomas Vautrollerius, 1583), pp. 1121–4. For an excellent modern English translation, see LLS, pp. 170–77. This translation is employed below.

¹² LLS, p. 174: ‘It is necessary for a king to serve God twice, once as a human being by believing and living with faith, once as a king by ruling over the people, sanctioning with appropriate enforcement laws which command just and godly acts and which likewise prohibit the contrary’. On this notion of the ‘double existence’ of the prince see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957).

¹³ LLS, p. 175.

¹⁴ LLS, p. 170. Compare, for example, Augustinus, The City of God against the Pagans, ed. and transl. R.W. Dyson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 1.8, p. 12: ‘If every sin were visited now with evident punishment, nothing would be reserved for the last judgment. On the other hand, if no sin were punished now by a clearly divine intervention, it would be believed that there is no divine providence. So too in the case of prosperity: if God did not grant it so some who pray as the clearest possible proof of His bounty, we should say that such things are not His to give. On the other hand, if He were to grant it to all who pray, we should judge such things to be no more than the due reward of our service, and such service would make us not godly, but, rather, greedy and covetous‘. See also 20.2, pp. 967–8.

¹⁵ Ibid.

¹⁶ Ibid.; citing Rom 8:29.

¹⁷ LLS, p. 170.

¹⁸ Ibid., p. 171.

¹⁹ Ibid.; quoting Ps 118:23, 22. See Matt 21:42 where Jesus cites this Messianic psalm in the presence of the chief priest and Pharisees in the Temple. See also Paul’s appeal to the Psalm in Eph 2:20. On the significance of Elizabeth’s accession as a ‘new day’ in the life of the English church, see Gary Jenkins, ‘Peter Martyr and the Church of England after 1558’, in Peter Martyr Vermigli and the European Reformations: Semper Reformanda, ed. Frank James (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2004) (Studies in the History of Christian Traditions 115), pp. 47–8.

²⁰ LLS, p. 171.

²¹ Richard II, III, ii, 54–7. See Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, pp. 24–41. Kantorowicz points out that the deposition scene in Richard II ‘though performed scores of times after the first performance in 1595, was not printed, or not allowed to be printed, until after the death of Queen Elizabeth’ owing to the fact that ‘the conflict between Elizabeth and Essex appeared to Shakespeare’s contemporaries in the light of the conflict between Richard and Bolingbroke’. See esp. p. 40.

²² LLS, p. 171.

²³ CP 4.3.1, fols 35–6.

²⁴ Richard II, I, ii, 37.

²⁵ LLS, p. 171.

²⁶ 1Cor 15:20.

²⁷ Luke 1:68–79. For a contemporary account of the canticle, see Anthony Anderson, An exposition of the hymne commonly called Benedictus: with an ample & comfortable application of the same, to our age and people (London: Henry Middleton, for Raufe Newbery, 1574). Since the time of St Benedict the Benedictus had been sung in the ‘Office’ of the western Church at Lauds and it was incorporated by Thomas Cranmer into the ‘Order for Morning Prayer’ in the Book of Common Prayer (1549 and 1552); see Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., ed. E.A. Livingston (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 187. Verse numbers from the canticle, given below, are inserted in Vermigli’s text for the purpose of comparison: ‘[68] Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, for he hath visited and redeemed his people; [69] And hath raised up a mighty salvation for us in the house of his servant David, [70] As he spake by the mouth of his holy prophets, which have been since the world began: [71] That we should be saved from our enemies, and from the hand of all that hate us; [72] To perform the mercy promised to our forefathers, and to remember his holy covenant; [73] To perform the oath which he sware to our forefather Abraham, that he would give us, [74] That we being delivered out of the hand of our enemies might serve him without fear, [75] In holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life. [76] And thou, child, shalt be called the prophet of the Highest, for thou shalt go before the face of the Lord to prepare his ways; [77] To give knowledge of salvation unto his people for the remission of their sins, [78] Through the tender mercy of our God, whereby the dayspring from on high hath visited us; [79] To give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, and to guide our feet into the way of peace’.

²⁸ LLS, pp. 171–2.

²⁹ The horn (‘qaran’ in Hebrew) is a sign of strength and dominion; see 1Sam 2:1 and Ps 18:2. ‘Horn’ is translated as ‘mighty’ in this passage in the Authorised Version.

³⁰ LLS, p. 175.

³¹ The ancient liturgical hymn Gloria in excelsis deo was sung from the early centuries of the church in the liturgy of the eucharist, and was retained by Thomas Cranmer in the vernacular liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer, both in the first version of 1549 and in the major revision of 1552 in which Vermigli himself assisted. In the former liturgy, the Gloria in excelsis held its traditional place at the beginning of the mass, immediately following the Kyrie eleison. In the revision of 1552, the Gloria was transferred to the post-communion thanksgiving. The opening line is derived from Luke’s account of the song of the angels at Christ’s Nativity. Important theological significance is attached to the repositioning of this hymn in the revised liturgies of 1552 and 1559. It is arguable that this liturgical alteration reflects Vermigli’s own substantive contribution to the revised theology of a Sacramentarian ‘real presence’ based upon his celebrated disputation on the eucharist held at Oxford in 1549. According to Vermigli’s theology of ‘instrumental realism’ participants in the eucharist would be enabled to ‘sing the song of the angels’ only after they had ‘participated’ the body and blood of Christ, hence the liturgical repositioning of the Gloria. For a discussion of Vermigli’s influence on Cranmer’s revision of the Prayer-Book liturgy, see McLelland, Visible Words, pp. 28–40.

³² See Eusebius, Oration in Praise of the Emperor Constantine, eds Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers: Series 2, vol. 1 (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1999), p. 585: ‘In this hope our divinely-favored emperor partakes even in this present life, gifted as he is by God with native virtues, and having received into his soul the out-flowings of his favor. His reason he derives from the great Source of all reason: he is wise, and good, and just, as having fellowship with perfect Wisdom, Goodness, and Righteousness: virtuous, as following the pattern of perfect virtue: valiant, as partaking of heavenly strength’.

³³ LLS, p. 172.

³⁴ LLS, p. 173; cf. 2Sam 6:3.

³⁵ LLS, p. 173.

³⁶ Torrance Kirby, ‘“The Charge of Religion belongeth unto Princes”: Peter Martyr Vermigli on the Unity of Civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction’, in Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 94 (2003), pp. 131–45.

³⁷ LLS, p. 173.

³⁸ After an only partially successful attempt under Queen Mary to dismantle the royal headship, a new Act of Supremacy was passed in 1559 with a change of the title ‘Supreme Head’ to ‘Supreme Governor’. See Claire Cross, The Royal Supremacy in the Elizabethan Church (London: Allen and Unwin, 1969), pp. 128–9.

³⁹ CP 4.3.6, fol. 38. See Marvin Anderson, ‘Royal Idolatry: Peter Martyr and the Reformed Tradition’, in Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 69 (1978), p. 163.

⁴⁰ Of the 23 Elizabethan bishops, 14 were returned exiles, three had been appointed in the reign of Edward of whom just one, Thomas Kitchin of Llandaff, had conformed under Queen Mary. See Wenig, Straightening the Altars, p. 23.

⁴¹ LLS, p. 126; Epistolae Tigurinae, p. 332.

⁴² These include John Jewel, Richard Cox, Robert Horne, John Parkhurst, Edmund Grindal, Edwin Sandys and James Pilkington.

⁴³ LLS, p. 175.

⁴⁴ Ibid.

⁴⁵ LLS, p. 176. On Artemesia’s distinguished role at Salamis see Herodotus, The History, 8.87–88.

⁴⁶ See The Norton Anthology of English Literature, ed. M.H. Abrams, 6th ed., vol. 1 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1993), p. 999: ‘Let tyrants fear, I have always so behaved myself, that under God I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and goodwill of my subjects; and, therefore, I am come amongst you as you see at this time, not for my recreation and disport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of battle, to live or die amongst you all – to lay down for my God, and for my kingdoms, and for my people, my honour and my blood even in the dust. I know I have the body of a weak, feeble woman; but I have the heart and stomach of a king – and of a king of England too, and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realm; to which, rather than any dishonour should grow by me, I myself will take up arms – I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field’.

⁴⁷ LLS, p. 176.

⁴⁸ LLS, p. 177.