The Inscriptions and Oracular Prophecy in the Eastern Mediterranean Basin
The Inscriptions and Oracular Prophecy in the Eastern Mediterranean Basin: Assessing the Book of Revelation in Its Greco-Roman Revelatory Context
James R. Harrison 1. Epigraphic Case Studies of Oracular Prophecy in the Eastern Mediterranean In the Second Sophistic period interest in the oracular revitalized and flourished once again across the Roman Empire in Greece and Asia Minor.
This was reflected initially not only in the works of Plutarch (On the Obsolescence of Oracles) but also later in Lucian's Alexander the False Prophet and Aelius Aristides's Sacred Tales. The elites founded, financed, promoted, and maintained the oracular sites. Oracular responses from the god, delivered through a prophet in response to an enquiry, characterized the sites of Delphi and Dodona in Greece and Klaros and Didyma in Asia Minor, whereas the lot-oracle was used in southern Asia Minor.1 Notably, the city
1. For oracular responses delivered through a prophet, see Samson Eitrim, Orakel und Mysterien am Ausgang der Antike (Zürich: Rhein, 1947); Joseph Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle: Its Responses and Operations (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1978); Fontenrose, Didyma: Apollo's Oracle, Cult, and Companions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); Thomas Lonzo Robinson, "Theological Oracles and the Sanctuaries of Claros and Didyma: A Thesis" (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1981); H.
W. Parke, The Oracles of Zeus: Dodona, Olympia, Ammon (Oxford: Blackwell, 1967);
Parke, The Oracles of Apollo in Asia Minor (London: Croom Helm, 1985); Parke, "The Temple of Apollo at Didyma: The Building and Its Function," JHS 106 (1986): 121–31;
Reinhold Merkelbach and Josef Stauber, "Die Orakel des Apollon von Klaros," EA 27
(1997): 1–54; Aude Busine, Paroles d'Apollon: Practiques et traditions oraculaiues dans l'Antiquité tardive (IIe—VIe siècles), RGRW 156 (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 18–86; Alexander
Herda, Der Apollon-Delphinios-Kult in Milet und die Neujahrsprozession nach Didyma:
Ein neuer Kommentar der sog. Molpoi-Satzung (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2006),
James R. Harrison of Laodicea in the Lycus Valley, one of the seven churches of Revelation to whom an oracle was addressed (Rev 3:14–22), is regularly mentioned in the delegations sent to the oracular site of Klaros. The powerful oracular mentality in many of the Asian cities confirmed the existence of the gods in the face of Epicurean skepticism, reaffirming not only traditional religious cultic belief but also offering guidance and redemption in times of personal and civic crisis, including outbreaks of plague or disease within the cities and in the surrounding countryside. Furthermore, in the case of an alphabetic oracle from Hierapolis, another Lycus Valley city mentioned in the New Testament (Col 4:15–16), the Apolline oracles provided ethical guidance for the urban elites in their civic life. Even in the case of the confession inscriptions, another epigraphic phenomenon of Lydia and Phrygia in the Second Sophistic, the gods occasionally urged propitiation and reconciliation in a time of moral and cultic crisis by means of oracular replies, an interesting variant on the routine propitiation oracles. A rarity, however, is the political oracle. Our sole epigraphic example from the early
Julian period endorses the political status quo. This makes the prophecy of Revelation all the more unusual for its anti-imperial thrust.2
This chapter will propose that the oracular epigraphic corpus of Second Sophistic Asia Minor provides us new with insights into the rhetoric, intentions, and context of the prophecy of Revelation. Such a localized, documentary approach avoids the uncritical use of vastly differing genres not sighted by me; Eric L'Hôte, Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone (Geneva: Droz,
2006); Jean-Charles Moretti, "Le temple de l'oracle d'Apollon à Claros," in Archéologies et espaces parcourus, ed. Olivier Henry (Istanbul: Institut français d'études anatoliennes, 2012), 1–23; Moretti, "Le temple d'Apollon mis en chantier à Claros à la fin du ive s. av. J.-C.," in ΑΡΧΙΤΕΚΤΩΝ: τιμητικός τόμος για τον καθηγητή Μανόλη
Κορρέ, ed. Kostas Zambas et al. (Athènes: Melissa, 2016), 585–600; Antii Lampinem,
"Θεῷ μεμελημένε Φοίβῳ—Oracular Functionaries at Claros and Didyma in the Imperial Period," in Studies in Ancient Oracles and Divination, ed. Mika Kajava, Direttore degli Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 40 (Rome: Instituti Romani Finlandiae, 2013),
50–88; Jean-Charles Moretti with Liliane Rabatel, eds., Le sanctuaire de Claros et son oracle, Maison de l'Orient et de la Méditerranée 65 (Lyon: Jean Poulloux, 2014). On the interaction of architecture in the Apolline sanctuaries of Klaros and Dodona, see Celeste L. Guichard, "Travels and Traversals in the Hellenistic Oracular Temples at Klaros and Didyma" (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2005). For lot-oracles, see
Johannes Nollé, Kleinasiatische Losorakel: Astragalund Alpabetchresmologien der hochkaiserzeitlichen Orakelrenaissance (Munch: Beck, 2007).
2. On the anti-imperial thrust of Revelation, see n. 124.
Assessing Revelation
of evidence from diverse geographic backgrounds spanning hundreds of years in the reconstruction of the context of early Christian prophecy.3
In the first half of this chapter the inscriptional evidence from oracular sites in Asia Minor, including several of the biblical cities, will be explored for the light that it throws on the prophecy of Revelation (προφητεία: 1:3;
22:7, 10, 18–19).4 This will enable us to highlight how the motifs of the book of Revelation reflected local first-century Asian revelatory concerns and incipient oracular developments as much as the traditional rhetoric of Jewish prophecy and apocalyptic. At the outset, three observations about our approach are apposite.
First, an immediate issue is that the inscriptional evidence mostly postdates the New Testament, belonging to the Second Sophistic revival of the oracular in the Asian cities, whereas the book of Revelation, whether dated to 69 CE or the reign of Domitian or Trajan, is probably a late first-century composition or possibly an early second-century composition. The danger of anachronism is real. Further, the phenomenon of 3. The classic works on New Testament prophecy are Theodore M. Crone, Early
Christian Prophecy: A Study of Its Origin and Function (Baltimore: Saint Mary's University Press, 1973); David Hill, New Testament Prophecy (London: Marshall, Morgan
& Scott, 1979); Wayne A. Grudem, The Gift of Prophecy in 1 Corinthians (Lanham, MD: University of America Press, 1982); David E. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983); Antoinette Clark Wire, The Corinthian Women Prophets: A Reconstruction through Paul's
Rhetoric (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994); Thomas W. Gillespie, The First Theologians:
A Study in Early Christian Prophecy (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994); Christopher Forbes, Prophecy and Inspired Speech in Early Christianity and Its Hellenistic Environment (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997); Max Turner, Power from on High: The Spirit in Israel's Restoration and Witness in Luke-Acts (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic,
2000); Laura Nasrallah, An Ecstasy of Folly: Prophecy and Authority in Early Christianity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004). Surprisingly, little on the topic has been written since.
4. This remains a relatively unexplored comparison. Pieter de Villiers ("Oracles and Prophecies in the Graeco-Roman World and the Book of Revelation in the New
Testament," APB 8.1 [1997]: 79–86) largely ignores the inscriptional evidence, as does
A. Kerkeslager ("Apollo, Graeco-Roman Prophecy, and the Rider on the White Horse in Rev. 6:2," JBL 112 [1992]: 116–21). However, James R. Edwards ("The Rider on the White Horse, the Thigh Inscription, and Apollo: Revelation 19:16," JBL 137 [2018]:
519–36) is a conspicuous and insightful exception. So far as I am aware, this article is the first study of the Second Sophistic oracular inscriptions from Asia Minor in relation to the prophecy of Revelation.
James R. Harrison early Christian prophecy is markedly different from the prophecy practiced and experienced at the Asian (and Greek) oracular centers. The expression of early Christian prophecy is not confined to a particular geographical site; it is unsolicited inspiration rather than the technical and inductive oracular revelation of the Asian and Greek centers; it involves no priestly or prophetic hierarchies because of its emphasis on the pneumatic χαρίσματα (gifts); and, apart from προφήτης, the central terminology of Greco-Roman prophecy is not found in the New Testament documents.5
Nevertheless, despite the substantial differences,6 such a comparison remains valuable. It may enable us to gain further insight into why the later Asian oracular sites such as Didyma issued anti-Christian oracles.
The second-century revival of the oracular may embody incipient trends, social and religious, that were beginning to emerge in first-century Asia, with which the early Christians, if Revelation is sufficiently representative, were either competing, struggling, or opposing. There also remain sufficient first-century strands of evidence among this second to third century epigraphic corpus—certainly at Didyma and, by implication, at Klaros7—to warrant the investigation. Our geographically based study of the documentary evidence, site-by-site and case study-by-case study, adds
5. These contrasts may be gleaned from a close reading of Forbes, Prophecy and Inspired Speech.
6. The substantial differences should not be underestimated. Such an investigation is not just a matter of comparing apples with oranges, as I naively opined at the Annual Meeting of the Society of New Testament Studies in Pretoria in 2017, but it is in actuality, as Professor Judith Lieu acutely observed, more a case of comparing green apples with yellow tennis balls! I am very grateful to Professor John Kloppenborg and Professor Lieu, along with the other conference delegates attending the Society of New
Testament Studies "Papyrology, Epigraphy and the New Testament" Session, for their generous and incisive responses to the original paper, now revised.
7. For evidence that prophecy at Didyma had revived by the late first century BCE and was in full swing again by the mid first century CE, see Mark Wilson, "The Rise of Christian Oracles in the Shadow of the Apollo Cults," Ekklesiastikos Pharos 90
(2008): 162–75. Note, too, the Didymean inscriptions in Fontenrose, Didyma, §§15,
17, 44, Β2, Β5, Β8, spanning 100 BCE—100 CE. Since the earliest extant delegation inscription from Klaros is datable to the forty-sixth prytany of Apollo (ca. 105 CE:
Jean-Louis Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations du sanctuaire oraculaire de Claros, d'après la documentation conserve dans le Fonds Louis Robert, vol. 1–2, Des inscriptions et belles-lettres Tome 40 [Paris: Mémoires de l'Académie, 2014], §1), the oracular site was operating during the first century CE. See Robinson, Theological Oracles, 21.
Assessing Revelation
depth to David E. Aune's discussion of the Greco-Roman oracular evidence, which is dominated by genre concerns.8 We do not gain a strong historical understanding of what was occurring locally in Aune's approach, and it is hoped that by our exclusive focus on the Asian documentary evidence this lacuna will be filled.
Second, the Apolline basis of much revelatory activity at local oracular sites (Didyma, Klaros) is worthy of special consideration, given the centrality of Apollo in the early principate as Augustus's tutelary deity. This attachment to Apollo continued under his Julio-Claudian heirs. James R.
Edwards, has recently argued that Revelation recalls prototypes and symbols of the Apolline cult in first-century Asia (Rev 12; 19:6) but presents them as perfected and fulfilled in Jesus Christ.9 Furthermore, Andrew J.
Coutras, after demonstrating the prominence of the Apolline cult and its propaganda throughout Asia Minor and in the Lycus Valley in particular,10 proposes that John in Revelation peels away any positive association of Apollo in popular religion or imperial ideology. Instead, the seer depicts the revelatory cult as perpetrating chaos and destruction in the form of the Dragon (Rev 12).11 What other allusions to Apollo might be present in Revelation and what function do they play in the apocalyptic work?12
Do such Apolline motifs merely underline the importance of the cult to the Julio-Claudian rulers, subsumed under John's critique of empire, or do they point more widely to John's awareness of the revitalization of the oracular sites of Apollo at Klaros and Didyma at the time of writing?
Third, the recurrence of important motifs in the prophecy of Revelation and in the oracular inscriptions of Asia Minor could point to the possibility that each tradition draws independently upon familiar oracular conventions, some Greco-Roman and, in John's case, some drawn from 8. Aune, Prophecy in Early Christianity, 23–79.
9. Edwards, "Rider on the White Horse."
10. Andrew J. Coutras, Chaos and Clairvoyance: Apollo in Asia Minor and in the Apocalypse (PhD thesis, Asbury Theological Seminary, 2018), 75–113, 116–41.
Note the excellent discussion of the Apolline coins and inscriptions at Hierapolis and Laodicea on 117–26, 126–35.
11. Coutras (Chaos and Clairvoyance, 7) states: "John's treatment of Apollo is one of inversion and recharacterization: the references to Apollo in Revelation move from portraying him simply as a rival to Christ to portraying him as an abyssal chaos monster who makes war upon the saints in the service of the Dragon."
12. See now the exhaustive discussion in Coutras, Chaos and Clairvoyance, 155–219.
James R. Harrison the LXX and Second Temple Judaism. Alternatively, each tradition could be possibly based upon a more localized common knowledge from Asia
Minor. In terms of common motifs, it will be argued that the references to famines and plagues fall into the former category, whereas the motif of oracular veracity and faithfulness is more likely to have localized reference. Other common motifs (e.g., honorific crowning and hymn-singing), we will propose, are polyvalent in John's case, but again they display the genuine possibility of localized knowledge.
In sum, there is enough evidence to indicate that the revival of oracular sites had already begun before the heyday of the Second Sophistic. In particular, the Apolline cult issued a serious challenge to the truth claims of Christian revelation because of the considerable social status that accrued to the cult personnel and delegations associated with the Asian sites of Didyma and Klaros. It will be argued that this clash of oracular traditions, underestimated in scholarship on Revelation, is an important clue to understanding neglected elements of John's prophecy. We turn now to an exploration of the oracular epigraphic evidence belonging to the Second Sophistic period.
1.1. Oracular Enquiries and Responses: Didyma, Klaros, and Hierapolis 1.1.1. Didyma The extent of early Christian knowledge of the ancient oracular site of Didyma is uncertain. Paul spent several days at Miletus (Acts 20:17; see also 2 Tim 4:20) while his coastal boat docked, unloaded, and reloaded cargo, allowing the apostle sufficient time to invite the Ephesian elders to come to him for a final address (20:18–31).13 Miletus was the nearby caretaker of the Apolline oracle of Didyma, with both sites being joined by a new road in Trajan's reign. The Milesian New Year festival, established in archaic times, saw the entire population of Miletus assemble in the agora and then move along the 18 km processional road to the sanctuary in 13. On the trip of the Ephesian elders to Miletus, see Mark Wilson, "The Ephesian
Elders Come to Miletus: An Annaliste Reading of Acts 20:15–18a," VeEc 34.1 (2013): art. #744, pp. 1–9, http://dx.doi. org/10.4102/ve.v34i1.744. Wilson estimates that the trip of the elders from Ephesus to Miletus would take four long days of travel, spanning some 72 km by land and water (6).
Assessing Revelation
Didyma, the oracular site of Apollo Didymeus.14 Mark Wilson speculates that Paul may have seen some of the prominent inscriptions, mentioning Didymean prophets, that graced the beginning of the Sacred Way to Didyma at Miletus, even if he did not go to Didyma himself.15 Thus, in the context of nearby oracular Didyma, it is significant that Luke's Paul is divinely equipped with the prophetic words of the Spirit in the city of Miletus before his impending journey to Jerusalem (Acts 20:23; see also 21:4, 10–12). This "portended a clash of prophetic voices" that would eventually lead to the Christian cult challenging the dominance of the Apolline cults as an oracular movement.16 Two oracles, each from the Didyma shrine and reported by Augustine and Lactantius,17 deride the gullible believers and mock Christ's crucifixion. It is worth pondering why this clash occurred. What was it about the early Christian understanding of prophecy that became so objectionable to their later Greco-Roman neighbors? Or was the clash unrelated to prophecy, congregating more around other issues?
14. See Herda, Der Apollon-Delphinios-Kult; Herda, "How to Run a State Cult:
The Organisation of the Cult of Apollo Delphinios in Miletos," in Current Approaches to Religion in Ancient Greece: Papers Presented at a Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 17–19 April 2008, ed. Matthew Haysom and Jenny Wallensten (Stockholm:
Swedish Institute at Athens, 2011), 73–74. For the Milesian regulations regarding the procession to Didyma, see the Molpoi decree (LSAM §50.27–31 (trans. Herda, "How to Run a State Cult," 82–86). Since there were still regulative insertions being made in this archaic decree at 200 BCE, the very strong likelihood is that the procession continued well into the New Testament era and beyond. The decree and its rituals were a pivotal expression of Milesian self-identity that spanned the centuries.
15. Wilson, "Rise of Christian Oracles," 4.
16. Wilson, "Ephesian Elders Come to Miletus," 7.
17. Augustine, Civ. 19.23: When inquiring at Didyma how his wife way might be persuaded way from her Christian conversion, the male enquirer was given this oracular response: "Let her continue as she wishes, persisting in her vain delusions, / and singing in lamentation for a god who died in delusions, / whom, condemned by judges who deliberated justly, / the most ignominious death, bound in iron, destroyed." Lactantius, Epit. 4.13.11: Milesian Apollo responded with this oracle in response to the question whether Christ was god or man: "He was a mortal according to the flesh, a wise man with portentous works, / but when he was seized by Chaldean judges, / nailed with stakes, he fulfilled a sharply bitter end." For Christian responses to these oracles, see Wilson, "Rise of Christian Oracles," 11–12; Pier Franco Beatrice, "Monophysite Christology in an Oracle of Apollo," International Journal of the Classical Tradition 4 (1997): 3–22.
James R. Harrison First, in examining the oracular responses to the enquiries at Didyma, it is important to establish what portrait of the god/gods emerges.18 An important motif in the oracular replies at Didyma is the need for devotion to ancestral custom ("it is right to do as your fathers"; "it is better to perform it according to ancestral custom").19 Enquirers themselves are also closely attuned to the importance of ancestral custom, whether that is establishing an altar for "the most holy ancestral goddess Soteira
Kore" or simply affirming the reliability of the ancestral gods in prefacing a question to the oracle.20 Further, the correct gods, with their priests and heralds, must be consulted. Thus, in establishing a treaty with Herakleia under Latmos, the oracle advises that for an advantageous outcome to occur for both cities (1) appropriate sacrifices and processions of victims must be made to Apollo Didymeus, Apollo Delphinios, Artemis, Leto,
Athena, and Zeus Soter, and (2) the priest and sacred heralds to Hestia Bûlaia should offer prayers.21 The strategic propitiation of Aspheleos Soter
Poseidon with ox-sacrifices—establishing a new cult in this instance—was designed to forestall the danger of earthquakes and water disasters to the city, given Poseidon's superintendence of each natural phenomenon.22 A 18. The enquiries and responses to the oracle at Didyma are listed in Fontenrose,
Didyma, 177–244. The more mundane issues of enquirers at the Apolline sanctuary of Didyma—e.g., harmony in government, establishing a crowned athletic festival at Didyma, various building projects (see Fontenrose, Didyma, §§9, 10, 18, 19)—will be bypassed. The famous hexametrical oracle of Klarian Apollos from city of Oenoanda will also not be examined. For discussion, see Louis Robert, "Un oracle grave à
Oinoanda," Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres,
115.3 (1971): 597–619; A. S. Hall, "The Klarian Oracle at Oenoanda," ZPE 32 (1978):
263–68.
19. Respectively, Fontenrose, Didyma, §2 (IDidyma 11 [sixth century BCE]); Fontenrose, Didyma, §28 (IDidyma 499 [third century CE]). Note, too, that the games at Didyma were to be celebrated "in accordance with ancestral custom for Apollo Didymeus"; Fontenrose, Didyma, §10 (SIG 530: Miletus [205–200 BCE]).
20. Fontenrose, Didyma, §31 (IMilet 1.7.205a [130 CE]); Fontenrose, Didyma, §20 (IDidyma 504 [285–305 CE]).
21. Fontenrose, Didyma, §12 (IMilet 1.3.150 [180 CE]).
22. Fontenrose, Didyma, §14 (IDidyma 132: late second century BCE): "ask him to come propitiously [ἱλαον] and to preserve the order of your city in stability, free from danger" (ll. 3–5). See also Fontenrose, Didyma, 191. For other oracles responses regarding the propitiation of specific gods, see the enquiry of Posidonius from Halikarnassus regarding his household piety in LSAM §72.6 (ἱλασκομένοις [300 BCE]).
For two enquiries regarding good crops in Kaunos, see SEG 40.1109.9 (ἱλασκομένου
Assessing Revelation
final example shows how the cultic omission of an altar of Soteira Kore in the altar circle of Apollo's temenos had deeply grieved a Didymian enquirer who was described as a "god-loving man." The response from Apollo Didymeus Helios was not unexpected: the new altar to Soteira Kore should be established immediately.23 In sum, Apollo Didymeus is a powerful friend to those who carry out the cultic rituals to the gods prescribed in the oracular response and who also demonstrate respect for ancestral custom and divine honor at all times.24 To act otherwise is to risk the very real danger of arousing the enmity of the gods. As it is, alternate forms of divine revelation such as dreams and visions run the risk of being true or false, as one fragmentary oracle involving Artemis reminds the enquirer:25 so the importance of carrying out what Apollo says at Didyma about ritual is further reinforced.
Second, considerable attention is given to the cult officials at Didyma and the honors accorded to them. Tryphosa, whose grandmother was a prophetess, is duly appointed a prophetess.26 The auspiciousness of the gods is particularly linked to the post of Alexandra, priestess of Demeter of Thesmophoros: "Since from the time when she assumed the office of priestess the gods have been so manifest through their appearances."27 A priestess of Demeter, Alexandra, is praised for being "a seeker of the goal
[undated]); E. Bean, "Notes and Inscriptions from Caunus (Part 2)," JHS 74 (1954):
85–87, no. 2.9 (ἱλασκομένου [first century CE]).
23. Fontenrose, Didyma, §30 (IDidyma 504 [285–305 CE]). See also Fontenrose, Didyma, §29 (IDidyma 277), where the enquirer asks "where shall he place the holy table, honouring the god correctly?"
24. Note the paean of praise for the fruitful goddess Deo (Fontenrose, Didyma, §23 [IDidyma 496B [second century CE]). This goddess had brought an end to the hunter-gatherer existence of humankind by providing them crops, whereas before they had lived in beastlike savagery in mountain caves, only having "gluttonous fare in raw-meat-eating jaws." This goddess, therefore, had to be especially honoured for her civilising influence. See also Fontenrose, Didyma, 21 (IMilet. 1.7.205b).
25. Fontenrose, Didyma, §A6 (IDidyma 505 [200 CE]). Fontenrose, Didyma, §29 (IDidyma 277 [third century CE]) refers to the god "speaking to him in vision and now in oracle because of his piety."
26. Fontenrose, Didyma, §17 (first century CE). In response to a question whether
Satornelia should be appointed priestess of Athena Polias, this woman, from a noble family, is eulogized in a most fulsome and extensive manner for the office (Fontenrose,
Didyma, §25 [P. Herrmann, "Inscriptions of Miletos," Chiron 1 (1971): 292]).
27. Fontenrose, Didyma, §22 (IDidyma 496A [second century CE]).
James R. Harrison of a principled course of life" and performing the rites of Eumolpos.28 Of particular interest are the stratospheric accolades accorded the prophet and stephanephor, Philodemos, in an elegiac verse honoring him:
Apollo himself is witness to a pious soul, having set the sacred crowns upon you in the same year. And lovely Miletos, renowned kingdom of Phoibos, has awarded you these thanks for good sense, that as the only person in the countryside called stephanephor and prophet you may shine equally with the celestials.29
Equally intriguing is the high-status prophet whose profession is a doctor. Pollio has been chosen by the god: but there is an inherent ambiguity in the text. Has he been chosen to be a prophet at Miletus by the god in a manner unspecified? Or has Pollio been told by the god to be a doctor at Miletus? The text is set out below:
Prophet [Προφήτης], Quintus Pomponius Pollio, pious, serving in the festival year, physician [ἰατρός], called by the god [κληθεὶς ὑπὸ θεοῦ]….30
V. Nutton has argued that Pollio was connected to the elite senatorial circles at Rome, being a relative of the T. Pomponius Vitrasius Pollio, the proconsul of 167–168 CE.31 As a doctor, therefore, Pollio was a member of the Galenic circle at Rome. But he was summoned by the god to become a prophet at the oracular shrine of Didyma, and, upon settling at Miletus, he would have become part of the religious life of the city and its nearby sanctuary. Although there was considerable accrued status in that elite community, Pollio, as Nutton notes, nevertheless "forsook the life of a senator for the privilege and honour of attendance at a Hellenic oracle."32
The immortal nature of fame inherited by some prophets, symbolized by their many coronal awards, is also emphasized in the Didymean inscription below:
I see, Posidonios, that by pious lots you have thrice won immortal crowns [στέμμασιν ἀθανάτοις], such a man as Apollo himself has welcomed as a 28. Fontenrose, Didyma, §23 (IDidyma 496B [second century CE]).
29. Fontenrose, Didyma, §B2 (IDidyma 229 [67/66 BCE]).
30. Fontenrose, Didyma, §Β4 (IDidyma 280 [166–67 CE]).
31. V. Nutton, "The Doctor and the Oracle," RBPH 47 (1969): 37–48.
32. Nutton, "Doctor and the Oracle," 48.
Assessing Revelation
prophet, approving judgment and your mother's piety. And time will not forget your fame [κλέος]: for he has picked a man not at all inferior to the ministers before him.33
Last, the social status of prophets at Didyma can be seen from the fact that they could reserve stadium seats for others and themselves during the tenure of their office in the city.34 Not only are the personal ethics and cultic piety of the prophets to Apollo emphasized in the Didymean inscriptions, but also through this medium the elite hierarchies of the sanctuary flaunted their religious and familial prominence for all to see.
1.1.2. Klaros From the second to the third century CE, the sanctuary and oracle of Klaros kept meticulous documentary records of the consultations of the oracle of Apollo made by the θεοπρόποι ("public messengers sent to enquire of an oracle") on behalf of their cities. However, these city delegations of pilgrims, which, in the case of Laodicea, routinely included a προφήτης in addition to the choirs of children, were memorialized in 427 extant inscriptions, now collected by Jean-Louis Ferrary.35 This collection builds upon last century's excavations of T. Macridy, Charles Picard, and Louis Robert, among other scholars. In the case of the oracular site of Didyma, the inscriptions of the ὑδροφόροι ("water carriers"), who were attached to the cult of Artemis
Pythia, recounted their responsibilities in celebrating the mysteries of the god. However, neither the mysteries of the cult nor its servants are the focus in the inscriptions of Klaros but rather the elite members of the various city delegations.36 These comprised representatives from predominantly
Asia Minor (including the biblical cities of Thyatira, Laodicea, Pisidian Antioch, Iconium), mainland Greece (Corinth), Macedonia, Thrace, and the islands (Crete). Significantly, Smyrna and Ephesus are absent, though
33. Fontenrose, Didyma, §B5 (IDidyma 282 [first century CE?]).
34. For discussion and translation of the Didymean stadium inscriptions, see Tamara Jones, "Seating and Spectacle in the Greco-Roman World" (PhD diss.,
McMaster University, 2008), 326–36.
35. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations. On the choirs of children, see 1:115–22.
36. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, 1:129–30. For the full range of cities, their geographic spread, and discussion, see 133–82; see also Busine, Paroles d'Apollon,
55–69.
James R. Harrison there is literary evidence of delegations for the latter.37 Even though there is no record of a delegation inscription from Pergamum to Klaros extant in Ferrary's corpus, there is an oracle of Klarian Apollo, found at Pergamum and erected to avert a plague, which mentions the Pergameme leader of the delegation to the oracle (IPergamon 324).38 The inscriptions, originating mainly from the second century CE, were publicly inscribed on the walls, columns, stelae, and steps of the buildings in the sacred site.
Ferrary has intensively studied the prosopography of the Klarian officials and of the various members of the delegations. In contrast to the life-long tenure of the priest (ἱερεύς) and thespiodos (θεσπιῳδός: "singer in prophetic strains"), those individuals who held the annual magistracy of prophet (προφήτης) and secretary (γραμματεύς) in the delegation inscriptions often went on to hold the same offices two or three times or transitioned from one office to the other.39 Family dynasties in these offices were also established with fathers, son, and brothers holding the office of either secretary or prophet.40 Clearly the municipal elites from Greek and Asian city states established significant pathways of honor through the delegations to Klarian Apollo.41 One delegation inscription from Herakleia under Karian Salbake, erected on the Sacred Way, will suffice to illustrate the epigraphic genre and its ethos:
(Delegation) of citizens from Heraklea under Salbake: when Apollo was prytanis for the seventy-ninth time [155/156 CE],
Klaudios Roufos [= Claudius Rufus] was priest, Gnaios Ioulios [= Cn.
Iulius] Rheginos Alexandros was thespiodes, 37. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, 1:112–13.
38. Charles Picard, "Un Oracle d'Apollon Clarios à Pergame," BCH 46 (1922):
190–97. Ferrary (Les mémoriaux de délégations, 1:112 n. 80) cites another fragmentary honorific inscription from Pergamum referring to "a [pro]phet of [Ap]ollo, a counsellor of the most illustrious metropolis of the Pergamemes."
39. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, 1:90–93. See Robinson, Theological Oracles, 22–23, on whether or not the office of thespiodes was created after 132 CE.
40. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, 1:92.
41. Aude Busine ("Oracles and Civic Identity in Roman Asia Minor," in Cults, Creeds, and Identities in the Greek City after the Classical Age, ed. Richard Alston, Onno van Nijf, and Christiana Williamson [Leuven: Peeters, 2013], 179) writes: "Visiting the oracle seems to have allowed citizens to reinforce their familial status so that father, sons, daughters and cousins were gathered for the occasion and would subsequently have enjoyed the prestige that stemmed from their involvement."
Assessing Revelation
Klaudios [= Claudius] Kritolaos was prophet, Gnaios Ioulios [= Cn. Iulius] Alkimos was secretary: theopropos: Tatianos son of Apollonios; young choristers having sung in honour of the god: Apollonios son of Tatianos, priest of the children;
Tatianos the second son of Apollonios; Dionysios son of Dionysios son of Philotas, Apollonios the third son of Hipparchos; Apollonios son of Athenion;
Tatianos son of Athenion; Tryphon son of Glykon son of Papias son of Trophimos, Hermogenes the second; Dionysios son of Hermogenes, stone-cutter; choregoi: Moschas and Diogenianos for the sixteenth time.42
The oracular personnel of the sanctuary at Klaros are set out at the beginning of the delegation inscription, dated by the prytanis of the god Apollo.43
The conventional elite roll call of honor at the Klaros sanctuary includes the priest, thespiodes, prophet, and secretary.44 As Aude Busine argues, it is likely that the actual oracle pronounced by the sanctuary prophet or the thespiodes was never inscribed at Klaros but was rather copied down by the secretary and the handed over to the consultants of Heraklea, who then took the copy back to their city to inscribe on a public stela or in the temple to Apollo.45 This procedure is verified by the absence of oracular inscriptions at Klaros, but it is possible that there was an archive offsite.46
In terms of the delegation to Klaros itself, the inscribing of the delegation stela—mostly on the surfaces of the propylaea or on the temple columns in the Klaros sanctuary—sometimes allows the city to vaunt its own importance by mentioning its honorific titles. This is not the case with the inscription of Heraklea under Salbake, cited above, but it is the case with Amesia, which introduces its delegation thus: "(Delegation) of the citizens of Amesia, metropolis and neokoros and first of Pontus."47 The competition
42. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §136 (155/156 CE); trans. Busine, "Oracles and Civic Identity," 195.
43. Robinson (Theological Oracles, 21) writes: "the prytanis of Colophon was Apollo himself, that is, the financial responsibilities that a prytanis would have had to bear were paid out of the revenues of the temple."
44. Busine, Paroles d'Apollon, 50–51.
45. Busine, Paroles d'Apollon, 53. The extant twenty-eight Apolline oracles of Klaros, each of which inscribed in the consulting city and spanned the period of 50–250
CE, are found in Merkelbach and Stauber, "Die Orakel des Apollon von Klaros."
46. Busine, Paroles d'Apollon, 54–55. See Robinson, Theological Oracles, 18.
47. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §251; see also §168.
James R. Harrison for oracular precedence at Klaros between the high-profile cities of Asia must have been immense.
In terms of the delegation proper from Heraklea under Salbake, the theopropos leads the delegation, accompanied by two choregoi (χοραγοί), each making the trip from Heraklea to Klaros for the sixteenth time and undoubtedly defraying the costs of the trip on each occasion. The mention of Dionysios the "stone cutter" or "mason" (λαοτύπος) is interesting in this context.48 Is he involved in the preparation of the stela or indeed its inscribing back at Heraklea? Furthermore, is his presence for the delivery of the oracle at Klaros somehow necessary for the sanctity and verification of the stela, with its oracle, at Heraklea? Eight boys in the choir singing to the god
Apollo are listed but without any mention of girls, an omission unusual for the delegation inscriptions. The boy designated ὁ ἱερεοὺς τῶν παίδων ("priest of the boys") seems to be an important position.49 This could be, I suggest, because he is more experienced in the affairs of cult of Klarian Apollo, either because of his more advanced age than the other boys or due to his previous visits to the site, thus being able to mentor new members to the choir. Busine speculates that the boys perhaps belong to the same family, but the evidence is too tenuous for such a sweeping conclusion.50 There is little doubt, however, that the boys are members of the aristocratic families of Heraklea, as the impressive career of another choir member from Heraklea, T. Statilius Solon, amply testifies during the reign of Hadrian.51
1.1.3. Hierapolis The oracle of Apollo Klarius at Hierapolis is found in the sanctuary of Apollo in the central part of the city. While Apollo Archegetes was the protector of Hierapolis,52 Apollo Kàreios, a local divinity, met the divina48. Busine translates "sculptor" (Paroles d'Apollon, 79; "Oracles and Civic Identity," 180), but Robert translates "stone cutter" (Jeanne Robert and Louis Robert, Le plateau de Tabai et ses environs, vol. 2 of La Carie: Histoire et géographie historique avec le recueil des inscriptions antiques [Paris: Librairie d'Amérique et d'Orient, AdrienMaisonneuve, 1954], 210 §146).
49. Busine "Oracles and Civic Identity," 195.
50. Busine "Oracles and Civic Identity," 179, 195.
51. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §4, esp. 208–13; Busine, Paroles d'Apollon, 75.
52. Tullia Ritti, Epigraphic Guide to Hierapolis (Pamukkale), trans. P. Arthur (Istanbul: Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis, 2006), §16.
Assessing Revelation
tory needs of enquirers in the sanctuary. A reused and re-sited oracular inscription (ca. 165–170) was found on the outside wall of the inner chamber of a small building. On the upper left side of the block, five lines of a fragmentary inscriptional text state that "[…]llianos, son of Th[…]eas, had the oracles incised at his own expense" by the "command of the god
Archegetes Apollo."53 On the right is displayed a thirty-line inscription setting out the oracular response of Apollo to the delegation from Hierapolis. The delegation had gone to Colophon in order to consult Apollo of Klaros at his famous oracular site.54 Tullia Ritti correctly notes that Apollo
Kàreios, the local divinity, would not have the capability to answer their question regarding the plague afflicting the town: "hit by the destructive miseries of the mortal pestilence, hard to heal … afflicted by the vindictive malevolence of the gods").55 The reason was that the Apolline god
Kàreios only provided revelation through brief predetermined alphabetic lot oracles.56
The answer given to the delegation was that (1) they should make the appropriate sacrifices and libations to the gods at Hierapolis upon their return; (2) they should also honor Apollos Kàreios and Mopsos, the founder of Hierapolis; (3) they should erect a statue of the bow-carrying
Apollo Klarius in the city; (4) and, after Apollo Klarius's arrows have driven away the "insatiable malady," the delegation should return to Colophon and give thanks to Apollo Klarius, thereby fulfilling the demands of the reciprocity system in not forgetting their benefactors, human or divine.
Here we see the soteriological power of Apollo wielded by Apollo Klarius, on behalf of Apollo Archegetes, the city's divine founder, when the power of the lot oracle of the local Apolline god Kàreios would not avail.
1.1.4. Laodicea and Smyrna The inscriptions of Laodicea refer to a prophet, Lucius Antonius Aurelianus, in an honorific dedication (ILaodikeia 67 [141/142 CE]).57 Although
53. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §16a.1–5. For another translation, see Robinson, Theological Oracles, C-17 296–301.
54. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §16b.22
55. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §16b.2–5.
56. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §38.
57. See the exhaustive discussion of Louis Robert, "Inscriptions," in Laodicée du
Lycos: Le nymphée. campagnes 1961–1963 (Paris: de Boccard, 1969), 289–312.
James R. Harrison this is a rare occurrence in the Laodicean epigraphic corpus, many more references to prophets from the city occur in the Klaros delegation corpus, mentioned above. Among the twenty-five inscriptions discussed by Robert touching on the delegations of Laodicea to the oracular sanctuary of Apollo of Klaros, various prophets of Laodicea are also referred to among the delegations.58 Robert argues that the prophets, whose tenure was annual, were either children or young men who had not yet reached puberty, mentioned along with the hymn singers to the god. The master of the choir also regularly features in Laodokeian inscriptions.59 Normally there were six boys and six girls for the choir in these delegations, though occasionally the numbers varied (e.g., two boys, six girls).60 Nevertheless, the Laodicean prophets conducted the delegations, accompanied by the choirs of children.61 What was the precise role of the prophet other than leading the delegation is never specified in the delegation inscriptions: it may well have been a largely honorific function, depending upon the age of the office holder. Moreover, it was the father of the prepubescent boys, who, as the θεοπρόπος ("public messenger sent to enquire of a god"), consulted the oracle on the majority of occasions.62 Robert rightly concludes that the epigraphic texts of Klarian Apollo show the great fidelity of Laodicea in sending delegations to consult the oracle at the site of the sanctuary and, while there, to sing hymns in praise of the god.63
However, the Laodicean delegation inscriptions also highlight the social status of those either conducting or participating in the procession to Klaros. In a unique inscription from the delegation corpus, two prophets, one representing Klarian Apollo and the other Pythian Apollo,
58. Robert, "Inscriptions," 299–303, §§1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 21, 22,
23, 24. The expanded edition of the Laodicean delegation inscriptions, with full Greek texts and commentaries, are Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, vol. 1, §§27, 31,
32, 34, 37, 40, 43, 45, 50, 54, 63, 96, 101, 105, 107, 111, 134, 139, 200, 209, 223, 224, 247,
281, 283, 287, 289, 290, 341–52.
59. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §§34, 43, 45, 50, 139, 209. The wideranging terminology for this official not only varies across the Laodicean inscriptions but the Klaros delegation inscriptions per se (Busine, Paroles d'Apollon, 76–77).
60. E.g. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §§31, 34, 37, 139. By contrast, at Chios, the eponymous magistrate leads the procession (276 §42). For variation in numbers, see, e.g. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §45.
61. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §§31, 34.
62. Robert, "Inscriptions," 304.
63. Robert, "Inscriptions," 303.
Assessing Revelation
honor their father, Chairemon, with a brief elogium at the end: "Chairemon, son of Aristides, the son (himself) of Herodes, having shown, in the exercise of magistracies and the more important liturgies, good will both from himself and towards his country."64 No such other elogium exists in the delegation corpus, so we are witnessing here a calculated departure from epigraphic convention in order to enhance family honor.
Elsewhere, in another unique inscription from the delegation corpus, a prophet of Apollo Pythia holds two prestigious positions simultaneously: priest of the children and agōnothetēs (ἀγωνοθέτης) of Deia Cleoxenia.65
Another eponymous magistrate from Chios is a choragus (ὁ χοραγός), gymnasiarchos (γυμνασίαρχος), nauarchos (ναύαρχος), and stephanēphoros
(στεφανηφόρος).66 Another interesting individual in the Laodicean delegation is designated "marvellous poet for life [ποιητὴς παράδοξος ὁ διὰ βίου], teacher of hymns [διδάσκολος τῶν ὕμνων]."67 Were some of the hymns sung to Klarian Apollo composed by this person? In conclusion, while Robert was correct in noting the faithfulness of Laodicea in sending such delegations to Klarian Apollo, another equally potent motivation animated the delegations: the opportunity for the Laodicean elites to display their civic status before the watching citizens of their own city and at nearby Klaros, as well as to exhibit their personal piety towards the god.
Last, a fragmentary oracle of a prophet of Klarian Apollo has been found at Laodicea (ILaodikeia 67 [141/142 CE]), as well as a fragmentary oracle of Klarian Apollo at Smyrna (ISmyrna 647.3–4 [second half of second century CE]), an Ionian city also addressed in Revelation (2:8–11): "those will be three-and-four times blessed who will live in the Pagos beyond the sacred Meles (rivers)." Notwithstanding the all-pervasive importance of the oracular at Sardis in Asia, there are nevertheless other revelatory phenomena that display the power of the gods in the city. For example, a dedication to the Nymphs at Sardis expresses its gratitude for the dream revelation associated with the healing cult of Asklepios. (I SardBR 1.89
64. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §289.20–26.
65. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §209. On other prophets of Apollo Pythia, see §§27, 32. On the agōnothetēs, see James R. Harrison, "Paul and the Agōnothetai at Corinth: Engaging the Civic Values of Antiquity," in The First Urban
Churches 2: Roman Corinth, ed. James R. Harrison and L. L. Welborn (Atlanta: SBL
Press, 2016), 271–326.
66. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §42.
67. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §222; see also §223.
James R. Harrison [175–150 BCE]): "Eutychianos the barber because of a vision in his sleep dedicated to the Nymphs for his complete health a shrine [alternatively, an 'image'] to Asklepios, and I gave thanks."
1.2. The Lot Oracles of Southern Asia Although the gods regularly dispensed favors and mercy to suppliants, the relations between the gods and their dependents were fraught with dangers and ambiguities and had to be approached carefully. A particularly valuable inscription in this regard is the dice oracle of Kremna in Central Pisidia, carved on all four sides of a tall rectangular pillar in the center of the west side of the forum.68 The fifty-six responses of the oracle are secured in each case by five throws of the dice, the sum of which leads the inquirer to the particular oracle of the god after whom each throw is named.
Most of the lot oracles dispense a prosperity theology, with various qualifications punctuating the promises dispensed to the inquirer. In particular, one constant refrain is divine delivery from sickness and disease.69
Little attention is given to the world of the enquirer outside of the oracular site: there is vague mention of judicial affairs, economic decisions, travel, and marriage,70 but everything else is couched in predictable generalities.
However, occasionally, there are clear limits to the unqualified grace of the god consulted. For example, the favor of Olympian Zeus is only available to those who "appease Aphrodite and the son of Maia."71 Elsewhere, the 68. For our text, see G. H. R. Horsley and S. Mitchell, eds., The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia: Including Texts from Kremna, Ariassos, Keraia, Hyia, Panemoteichos, the Sanctuary of Apollo of the Perminoundeis, Sia, Kocaaliler, and the Döşeme Bogˇazı
(Bonn: Habelt, 2000), §5 (117–138 CE). The inscription of Kremna is one of several editions of the same inscription found in several locations in Asia Minor, all collected and translated by Johannes Nollé, Kleinasiatische Losorakel: Astragalund Alphabetchresmologien der hochkaiserzeitlichen Orakelrenaissance, Vestigia 57 (Munich:
Beck, 2007), 31–221.
69. A.VIII; A.IX; C.XXXIV; C.XLIII; D. XLVII; D.LIV. The letters A, B, C, and D reference the four sides of the pillar, each of which faces (respectively) the direction of north, west, south, and east; the roman numerals identify the number of the lot oracle on each side.
70. Judicial affairs: see A.XIII; D.LI; economic decisions: see C.XXX; C.XXXIV; C.XXXVIII; C.XLIV; D.LIII; D.LV; travel: see A.III; A.XX; C.XLIII; marriage: see
A.XXV.
71. A.I; see also A.XI.
Assessing Revelation
oracles caution that one has to "obey the gods and be hopeful."72 But the danger of showing hybris is also strongly underscored at several junctures:
13334.14. Of Poseidon. One Chian, three threes and one four, the god proclaims: You are kicking against the goads, you are struggling against the waves that oppose you. You are looking for a fish in the ocean, don't hurry into the matter. It is not profitable for you to force the gods inopportunely.73
44446.22. Of Poseidon. Throwing seeds and writing letters on the ocean, both are pointless toil and a fruitless task. Since you are a mortal do not force the god, who will do you some harm.74
Despite promises of the future arrival of salvation,75 the total powerlessness of the enquirer to effect any change to the decision meted out by the gods is occasionally spotlighted:
43366.22. Of Ares Thourios. Do not go on the road which you intend to, stranger, for this road no one (travels). A great fiery lion wanders about—be on guard against it—a terrible one. The oracle is one against which nothing can be done. Wait in a calm manner.76
In sum, the grace of the gods cannot be presumed upon: tread warily, the ancients were advised, because the temperament of deities was unpredictable and especially vindictive towards the ritually disobedient.77 The latter point finds confirmation in the many inscriptions dedicated in antiquity to deities who had previously imposed punishment upon their suppliants.78
72. C.XXXI.
73. B.XIV. Similarly, B.XV: "Don't devise awful thoughts or make prayers against the Daimones." Once again: "Don't strive in vain, like the bitch that gave birth to a blind whelp" (B. XXI; see also C. XXXII).
74. C.XLV.
75. C.XLII: "you will arrive at a day of salvation."
76. C.XLVI.
77. Note in this regard the warning in an inscription from Sounion (Attica):
"Anyone who interferes with the god's possessions or is meddlesome, let him incur sin against Men Tyrannos which he certainly cannot expiate" (Greg. H. R. Horsley,
"Expiation and the Cult of Men," NewDocs 3 [1983]: §6, 21).
78. For examples, see Greg J. Horsley, "Two Confession Texts from GraecoRoman Phrygia," NewDocs 1 (1981): §7; Horsley, "Expiation and the Cult of Men,"
James R. Harrison To say this is not denying that there were spontaneous and intensely felt celebrations of the mercy of the gods by grateful suppliants in antiquity.79
But often the mercy was conditional, being somehow dependent on the worthiness of the worshiper.80
1.3. Alphabetic Oracles: A Case Study of Hierapolis Alphabetic oracles were a widespread phenomenon in the Greek world.81
A particularly interesting oracle is that of Apollo Kàreios from Hierapolis (second–third centuries CE).82 It consists of twenty-four verses that represent Apollo's replies to the anticipated consultations of his faithful enquirers. A system of lot oracles (cleromancy) operated, whereby the devotees of the cult extracted a letter by lot. The priest then issued one of the oracular responses for the enquirer, indicated in each case by the same letter at the beginning of the verse as the enquirer had received on the lot.
§6, 27; R. MacMullen and E. N. Lane, eds., Paganism and Christianity 100—425 CE: A Sourcebook (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992), §7.10, 104-105.
79. For example, see the text cited in MacMullen and Lane, Paganism and Christianity 100–425 CE, §7.3.
80. For example, see the dedication to the demigod Heracles by Lucius Mummius, destroyer of Corinth in 146 BCE. He concludes with this appeal to the god: "for this and other gifts grant thy blessings to a deserving man" (CIL 1.2). For a translation, see Frederick C. Grant, ed., Ancient Roman Religion (New York: Liberal Arts Press,
1957), 230. See, too, Mark Strom's discussion (Reframing Paul: Conversations in Grace and Community [Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2000], 118–19) of the Isis aretalogy in this regard.
81. For other examples, see SEG 18.592 (provenance: Soli in Cyprus; second century CE); SEG 38.1328 (provenance: Tymbriada in Pisidia, Asia Minor [second century CE]); SEG 38.1338 (provenance: Aspendos in Pamphylia, Asia Minor [second century CE]); TAM 2.3.947 (provenance: Olympos in Lykia, Asia Minor); CIG 4379
(provenance: Adada Pisidia, Asia Minor); Horsley and Mitchell, Inscriptions of Central
Pisidia, §159 (Kokaaliher [second–third centuries CE). On Tymbriada and Soli, see
Nollé, Kleinasiatische Losorakel, 265–76.
82. For the Greek text, English translation, and brief commentary, see Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39. In Italian, see Ritti, Hierapolis I: Fonti Letterarie ed Epigrafiche,
Archeologica 30 (Rome: Giorgio Bretschneider, 1985), 127–37. Additionally, Ritti,
"Oracoli alfabetici a Hierapolis di Frigia," Miscellanea greca e romana 14 (1989): 245–
86, not sighted by me; Ritti, "Appendice II: Oracoli a Hierapolis," in Hierapolis di Frigia
IX: Storia e istituzioni di Hierapolis (Istanbul: Ege Yayinlari, 2017), 248–67. See also
Nollé, Kleinasiatische Losorakel, 253–63; additionally, see the fragmentary alphabet oracle of Hierapolis on 263–65.
Assessing Revelation
The alphabetic oracle represents the type of popular wisdom known to us through the Delphic canon of the seven Greek sages and the Roman moralist Pubilius Syrus, among other expressions of proverbial teaching.83 The veneration of the main god of Hierapolis, Apollo, had found its oracular expression through the local god Kàreios, who is represented for us visually though a damaged cult statue and its dedication (Κά[ρ]ειος
Ἀπόλ|λων).84 But, like the delegations of Laodicea, the residents of Hierapolis had consulted Apollo at the famous oracular sanctuaries of Klaros and also at Delphi.85 Despite the fact that the oracular responses are dispensed in a random manner to their recipients in the lot process, we should not forget that the inscription unifies all the oracles on one monument, thereby asserting that the Apolline oracular mentality, in its local expression at Hierapolis, was also to be understood holistically by its readers.86
In the case of our alphabet oracle, Κάρειος "concedes fortune to him to whom the god is favourable," underscoring the unpredictability of divine grace, while affirming the soteriological power of the oracles of Κάρειος.87
Apollo, with the glorious bow, is depicted more generically as giving strength and activity. Furthermore, the fickleness of fortune necessitates the help of "venerable Tyche" in making good decisions: the (cultic?) appeasement of Nemesis ensures that the enquirer can "have faith in (his) action."
Given the caveat of appeasement, the enquirer should be confident that Nemesis (Retribution) "swings for mortals the balance of Dike (Justice)."
The divine world, it seems, is extremely "touchy" about how it is contacted and thus preserves the right to dispense favor and justice to those who are faithful and responsive to the local oracles of Kàreios as much as to oracular
83. See Teresa Morgan, Popular Morality in the Early Roman Empire (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007); James R. Harrison, "The Seven Sages, The Delphic
Canon and Ethical Education in Antiquity," in Ancient Education and Early Christianity, ed. Matthew Ryan Hauge and Andrew W. Pitts (London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark,
2016), 71–86.
84. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39: "Arator, as the proverb says, you are taking a viper to your bosom"; Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §40.
85. Klaros: Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §16; Delphi: Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §§12, 14,
23, 24, 43.
86. The original site of the monument is not known, since the inscription was found in a marble shrine, with the stone having being reused, in an octagonal building in honor of Saint Philip (Ritti, Hierapolis I, 130). On the Apolline oracular mentality, see Busine, Paroles d'Apollon.
87. For the quotation and what follows, see Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §38.
James R. Harrison Apollo in his other sanctuaries. Notwithstanding, some type of all-embracing soteriological transformation is imminent: "Know that purification of the soul and of the body is arriving." Consequently, the beneficent god,
"that looks over you," will dispense "unexpected joy." But concerted action is also required: "Take, divide, and receive thus joy." Humans, it seems, have to balance the unpredictability of the gods with the gods' commitment to beneficence and the justice of the gods with their arbitrariness. How then should humans live according to the oracular mentality of Kàreios?
The moral advice is to wait, not to rush into action unnecessarily, to appreciate the right time for such decisions and to persevere patiently, thus avoiding being consumed with anxiety.88 Notwithstanding the counsel of ethical caution, one oracle nevertheless says: "Resolutely take action and take it to its finish."89 There is a paradox here for the reader of the inscription. How does one discern between the requirement of timely caution and the requirement of resolute action? How does one decide which has priority?
Furthermore, one oracle counsels against navigating the waves of life alone but totally rejects local counselors in preference for "foreign counselors" in another oracle.90 But why reject the local counselor? We are left guessing the answer, but ethical caution is the underlying motive for the unexpected choice. In sum, the oracular advice rejects extremes in moral decisions by imposing strong boundaries around the ever-present danger of unthinking impulsiveness, opting for instead, I would argue, an Aristotelian mean in ethics.91 Finally, the social hierarchy of the aristocratic elites is endorsed in the operation of ancient friendship rituals: "Avoid worthless friends [φίλους], trust only the best ones [ἀρίστοις]."92 The status quo is paramount and perhaps this throws light on the reason for the continuous refrain of timely caution for the elite audience at which this alphabet oracle is aimed.
1.4. The Confession Inscriptions and the Oracles of Zeus Ever since the appearance of Georg Petzl's 1994 corpus, the number of extant confession inscriptions has swelled to well over 142 publications.93
88. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39.
89. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39.8.
90. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39.14, 17.
91. See Harrison, "Seven Sages."
92. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §39.21.
93. Angelos Chaniotis, "Constructing the Fear of Gods: Epigraphic Evidence from
Assessing Revelation
Each inscription has been found in the general region of Lydia and Phrygia in Asia Minor, an unusual feature that requires explanation, but so far there is no solution to the puzzle.94 The time range of the confession inscriptions congregates around 115–210 CE, with the only first-century texts being a fragmentary inscription datable to 57/58 CE, itself questionably a confession text, as well as a complete text belonging to 81/82
CE.95 The confession inscriptions were inscribed on stone stelae and were erected in sanctuaries. The offenders confessed to a series of "sins": religious misdemeanors, civic crimes, and personal offences. While the stela was erected voluntarily, as far as we can discern, the prior punishment of the gods invariably precipitated the suppliant to seek atonement with the gods.96 Release from punishment was only accomplished when the stela was erected.
One confession inscription, relating to Theodoros's sexual misdemeanors, exhibits oracular elements:
In the year 320, on the 12th of the month Panemos. In accordance with the fact that I was instructed by the gods, by Zeus and the great Men
Artemidoros: "I have punished Theodoros on his eyes according to the Sanctuaries of Greece and Asia Minor," in Unveiling Emotions: Sources and Methods for the Study of Emotions in the Greek World, ed. Angelos Chaniotis (Stuttgart: Steiner,
2012), 215–23. For new publications up to 2007, see Angelos Chaniotis, "Ritual Performances of Divine Justice: The Epigraphy of Confession, Atonement, and Exaltation in Roman Asia Minor," in From Hellenism to Islam: Cultural and Linguistic Change in the Roman Near East, ed. Hannah Μ. Cotton et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2009), 116 n. 7.
94. For the sites, see Chaniotis, "Constructing the Fear of Gods," 3–4.
95. Aslak Rostad ("Human Transgression—Divine Retribution: A Study of Religious Transgressions and Punishments in Greek Cultic Regulations and LydianPhrygian Reconciliation Inscriptions" [PhD Thesis, University of Bergen, 2006], 144) argues that the text is possibly an ex-voto inscription. For the dates of Petzl's epigraphic corpus in chronological order, see Rostad, Human Transgression—Divine Retribution, 142–44. See also Georg Petzl, "Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens," EA 22
(1994): 1–143.
96. See Angelos Chaniotis, "Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods: Aspects of Divine Justice in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor," in The Greco-Roman East: Politics, Culture, Society, ed. Stephen Colvin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2004), 1–43 for a useful summary of the transgressions confessed. Also see Clinton E.
Arnold, "'I Am Astonished That You Are So Quickly Turning Away!' (Gal 1.6): Paul and Anatolian Folk Belief," NTS 51 (2005): 443.
James R. Harrison transgressions (κατὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας) he committed." I had intercourse with Trophime, the slave of Haplokomas, wife of Eutykhes, in the praetorium (?) [εἰς τὸ πλετώριν]. He removed the first transgression [τὴν πρώτην ἁμαρτίαν] with a sheep, a partridge and a mole. The second transgression [Δευτέρα ἁμαρτία]: Even though I was a slave of the gods
[δοῦλος τῶν θεῶν] in Nonu, I had intercourse with Ariagne, who was unmarried. He removed the transgression with a piglet and a tuna.
At the third transgression [Τῇ τρίτῃ ἁμαρτίᾳ] I had intercourse with Arethusa, who was unmarried. He removed the transgression with a hen (or cock), a sparrow and a pigeon; with a kypros of a blend of wheat and barley and one prokhos of wine. Being pure he gave a kypros of wheat to the priests and one prokhos. As intercessor [παράκλητον],
I took Zeus. (He said): "Behold! I hurt his sight because of his deeds, but now he has reconciled the gods [εἱλαζομένου αὐτοῦ τοὺς θεούς] and written down (the events) on a stele and paid for his transgressions
[τὰς ἁμαρτίας]." Asked by the council (the god proclaimed): "I will be merciful [εἵλεος εἶμι], because my stele is raised on the day I appointed.
You can open the prison; I will release the convict when one year and ten months has passed."97
Chaniotis argues that the confessions of Theodoros "alternate with quotations of oracles given by Zeus, thus creating the impression of a dialogue between the sinner and the god."98 The text sounds like the minutes taken in a case presided over by an unidentified "council" (perhaps, as we will see, of priests or village elders?).99 The case is straightforward enough.
Theodoros, who was a temple slave (δοῦλος τῶν θεῶν), should have been committed to sexual abstinence, but he had violated the slave wife of Eutykhes in the praetorium (?).100 The charge of adultery would be much less serious than in modern society because it only involves the penetra97. Petzl, "Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens," §5.
98. Chaniotis, "Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods," 27.
99. Chaniotis, "Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods," 27. Petzl ("Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens," 10) proposes that it represents the actual trial proceedings, with a priest acting out the role of Zeus. Alan Cadwallader has drawn my attention to a "council of the gods" (σύνκλητος τῶν θεῶν) in another confession inscription (SEG
57.1186). This nuance is certainly a possibility in terms of our inscription, but the lack of specification of the "council" being "of the gods," as in SEG 57.1186, perhaps points to a human council in this instance, with the priest acting as Zeus.
100. Chaniotis, "Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods," 27. For the identification of εἰς τὸ πλετώριν with the praetorium, see Petzl, "Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens," 9.
Assessing Revelation
tion of a slave's body.101 Much more important is the fact that the sin was compounded by the fact that Theodoros had brought cultic impurity upon his role as a sacred slave in the temple.102 Two further sexual sins are confessed. But, as Theodoros obfuscates, his sexual immorality did not matter because he only seduced unmarried women.103 Nevertheless, Zeus upholds the importance of purity in sexual relationships in cultic matters,104 not accepting Theodoros's casuistry that he was only deflowering unmarried women and roundly condemning both his adultery and, as is clearly implied, the abdication of his celibacy as a temple slave. Zeus, therefore, damages the eyesight of Theodoros as punishment.105 How is this cultic crisis, which is the primary issue, resolved? Zeus only acts as intercessor for Theodoros after the offender has reconciled the gods by erecting his confession stela, with the god then forgiving him his sins (εἵλεος εἶμι). Significantly, the divine mercy is elicited by the appropriate ritual and the cultic flashpoint has been resolved. As Aslak Rostad remarks, Theodoros
"can no longer be accused of breaking the rules surrounding his status as a hierodoulos."106
In sum, there can be, as was the case with the alphabetic oracle of Hierapolis, oversight of ethical issues on the part of the god, coupled with propitiatory sacrifices in this instance, in order to resolve the crisis created by the cultic impurity of Theodoros. But, unlike the alphabetic oracles, the 101. See Jennifer A. Glancy, Slavery in Early Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
102. On Greek cultic relations and the importance of ritual purification after sexual activities, see Rostad, Human Transgression – Divine Retribution, 109–112.
103. Rostad (Human Transgression–Divine Retribution, 198) writes that Theodoros stresses that the two women were unmarried because "he wants to avoid being accused of having had sex with other men's wives."
104. Cultic purity rather than the morality of sexual ethics is the issue at hand.
Rostad (Human Transgression—Divine Retribution, 227) succinctly states: "With the exception of a few regulations from Asia Minor [e.g., LSAM 20], sexual activity … is not regarded as wrong, provided the pollution is properly dealt with before one enters a shrine."
105. Regarding punishment in the eyes, note the confession inscription at Sardis:
"To Artemis Anaitis Ammias, daughter of Matris, erected this because chastised in her eyes − − −" (ISardBR 7.1.95, with the iconographic incision of two eyes under the second line of the text). For discussion, see Louis Robert, Nouvelles Inscriptions de
Sardes (Paris: Librairie d'amérique et d'orient, Adrien Maisonneuve, 1964), 27–33. See also the eye in a relief in Petzl, "Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens," §90.
106. Rostad, Human Transgression—Divine Retribution, 198.
James R. Harrison god has seemingly intervened first, unilaterally blinding Theodorus for his sins, eliciting propitiatory sacrifices from the suppliant, and then reconciling upon the erection of the confession stela. The oracular responses simply chart the unveiling of guilt and the process of reconciliation. The legal proceedings ratify the resolution of this process, because of the seriousness of the disruption to open communication with the gods caused by the misdemeanors of the hierodoulos.
1.5. Disease and Plague Oracles: Sardis, Troketta, and Pergamum Inscriptions from the Asian cities reveal how the civic elites summoned the saving presence of the gods through oracular revelation when handling outbreaks of disease and plague during the Second Sophistic.107 Since we have already briefly discussed how an outbreak of plague was addressed by an oracle at Hierapolis,108 three further examples will suffice.
First, faced with an outbreak of a plague probably imported by the armies of Lucius Verus returning from Mesopotamia after 165 CE, the city of Sardis, in another oracle of Apollo, is summoned by the god to request Ephesus to send to the city an image of the virgin huntress goddess
Artemis and then place her in a temple.109 Both cities are also addressed 107. For discussion, see J. F. Gilliam, "The Plague under Marcus Aurelius," AJP
82.3 (1961): 234–36; Robinson, Theological Oracles, 68–73.
108. Ritti, Epigraphic Guide, §16a, b. Additionally, see the fragmentary IGBulg 224 (ll. 6–7: "[ … ] I (consulted?) Apollo at Klaros [ … ] I dispelled the plague"; provenance, Odessos, in Bulgaria, southeastern Europe [second century CE]), translated in Robinson, Theological Oracles, C-18, 301–03.
109. James R. Harrison, "Artemis Triumphs over a Sorcerer's Evil Art," NewDocs 10 (2012): §8. See also the Apolline oracle from Klaros inscribed at the city of Kallipolis, southern part of East Thrace (Merkelbach and Stauber, "Die Orakel des Apollon von Klaros," §9.20–25). It is designed to counter the effects of the disease by erecting a statue of Apollo with a bow in front of the city gate and by offering a magical milk libation. The curse designed to effect the deliverance is as follows (ll. 17–19): "[ … ] if they (the demons of the plague) exhibit fear of kateuche ('curse') so that they move fast at once into the inmost part of the netherworld, where the foundation of Tartaros appears [ … ]." For discussion and partial translation, see Zsuzsanna Várhelyi, "Magic,
Religion, and Syncretism at the Oracle of Claros," in Between Magic and Religion: Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religion and Society, ed. by Sulochana
Ruth Asirvatham, Corrine Ondine Pache, and John Watrous (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 19–21; Andrzej Wypustek and Izabella Donkow, "Christians and the Plague in Second Century Asia Minor," Palamedes 1 (2006): 127–28.
Assessing Revelation
with oracles in Revelation (2:1–7; 3:1–6). Explicit instructions are given to the city about honoring Artemis with thanksgiving sacrifices, feasts, and dances, coupled with a stern warning about "the penalty of fire" should they not obey the oracle of Apollo. In response, the divine "straight-hitting shooter of arrows," Artemis, would act decisively against the besieging powers of the plague and its occult instigators: she will provide escape from (your) sufferings and will dissolve the mandestroying poison (or "magic") of plague, having melted down with (her) fire-bearing torches by nightly flame the kneaded (figurines) of wax, the signs of (the) evil art of a sorcerer [μάγου].110
The reference to the "evil art of a sorcerer" in this oracle shows how the oracular phenomena of the Second Sophistic could be wielded against practitioners of magic as requited, reflecting in part the similar concern of Revelation regarding deleterious effects of sorcery (Rev 18:23; 21:18).
Second, in the preface to an oracle from Kaisareia Trakotta (in Lydia, west of Sardis),111 the Klarian god requests the citizens to set up a statue of Apollo Soter (IGRR 4.1498.2–5). Undoubtedly, the pilgrims to Klaros attempted to appease the god Apollo with the purificatory rituals and the erection of the statue prescribed in the oracle proper (ll. 22–28). The reason for these propitiatory ceremonies was the outbreak of a calamitous plague in the city, the origins and nature of which are not specified.
Is it an agricultural plague of some sort (locusts? mice? an unknown pollution [l. 12]?), affecting the crops and causing humans to perish from famine (ll. 10–11)?112 Or is this simply to confuse the oracular imagery with what is actually occurring at the city? Alternatively, the evidence for some type of disease can only be inferred from the hyperbolic references to widespread deaths (ll. 11, 25). The precise circumstances, therefore, are not known, but the tenor of the oracle may have reminded early
Christian readers of the elaborate apocalyptic imagery employed in the book of Revelation:
110. Harrison, "Artemis Triumphs over a Sorcerer's Evil Art," §8.6–9.
111. IGRR 4.1498 (second century CE). For translation (below), see Robinson, Theological Oracles, C-14, 283–87, cited in adapted form by Busine, "Oracles and Civic
Identity," 192.
112. Robinson (Theological Oracles, 286), drawing on previous scholarship, suggests "a local famine caused by the loss of crops, which threatens sickness and death."
James R. Harrison The oracle:
You who inhabit Troketta by snowy Tmolos,
Who are honored by Bromios and the mighty son of Kronos,
Why now, amazed, do you approach the threshold
Restrained from drawing near to the ground of truth?
To you who attend I shall shout forth an infallible oracle.
Alas, alas, a mighty calamity leaps to earth
An inexorable plague, wielding with one
Hand an avenging sword, with the other raising
Bitterly lamented phantoms of recently-struck mortals.
10 It distresses on every side the plowed ground.
11 It mows down the seedlings—the whole race perishes; 12 By oppressing men with pollution, it drives them out.
13 And such are the evils at hand that it contrives … — — — — — — — — — — — 20 But as you yearn to see an escape, as is lawful, from these things, O mortals, 21 Who are now so very anxious to approach for my aid,
22 From seven springs seek to prepare for yourselves a pure drink, 23 Which you ought to sulphur from a distance and quickly draw out,
24 And sprinkle (your) houses at once with the nymphs (water), who are lovely, 25 That at least those mortals left untouched on earth
26 May without end accomplish excellent things from their revived increase.
27 Moreover, prepare to set up (an image of) Phoebus in the midst of the land, 28 In one hand wielding (the bow) … At the outset of the oracle, the mythological origins of Kaisareia Trakotta are proudly asserted (ll. 1–2). On the basis of such prestige and the healing power of Apollo ("wielding [the bow]": l. 28), the city and the pressed inhabitants of the earth can look forward to their revived increase in the future (ll. 25–26). More telling, however, are the veracity claims made on behalf of the oracular site of Klaros. Such claims, to be observed in two further oracles below, have relevance for the oracular mentality in the book of Revelation.113 In coming to Klaros, the pilgrims approach "the ground of truth" and the oracle conferred there is "infallible" (ll. 5–6).
The oracle must be heeded for revival to occur. But what is noteworthy 113. See Stephen R. Llewelyn, "Faithful Words," NewDocs 9 (2002): 14.
Assessing Revelation
is the exotic imagery employed to describe the effects of the plague: a sword-wielding and phantom-raising menace that decimates the natural world and humanity at large. This is why the ποιητὴς παράδοξος, noted above, accompanied the Laodicean delegation to Klaros. The Klarian poet who rendered the oracle for Kaisareia Trakotta would have had similar literary skills.
Third, an inscription found in Pergamum, in which the city asserts its precedence over the other Asian cities,114 sets out extensively the richness of its Greek mythological origins in lines 1–9. Clearly the city was asserting its Greek identity, as many others did in the Second Sophistic, negotiating a respected place for their Homeric ancestry ("people of Aiakides," l. 6) in the face of the ever-present realities of Roman provincial rule. Significantly, it is asserted that the traditional Greek gods still have the capacity to protect from "baneful diseases" (l. 6), even though the Pergamum delegation to Klarian Apollo is born out of the current experience of "painful disease" resulting from the plague (ll. 10–16, 26–28). The oracle, without its preamble, is set out below, but it is worth recalling that Pergamum too, like six other Asian cities, also had its own oracle directed to its church in Revelation (2:12–17):
To the children of Telephos, who, honored by King Zeus, son of Kronos, more than others, inhabit the land of Teuthras, and also (honored by) the family of the thundering Zeus,
Athena, who is warring and inexorable, and Dionysos, who banishes care and gives life, and also the Physician, saviour from baneful diseases; among whom Ouranos' sons, the Kabeiroi, first
kept watch on the heights of Pergamon over the new-born Zeus the lightener, when he opened the maternal womb;
I would accurately tell a defence with truthful words [ἀψευδέσιν], lest for too long the people of Aiakides be born out
12 by painful disease; it shall be that which is pleasing to my son. Therefore I urge you, O leader of the delegation to the oracle, to divide into four parts under leaders all those
114. The oracle of Klarian Apollo, inscribed at Pergamum, asserts its preeminence thus (IPergamon 324): "which oracle the Council and People of the first metropolis of Asia and twice neokoros, the city of the Pergamenes, resolved to inscribe on steles and to erect both in the market place and in the temples."
James R. Harrison who beneath the sacred tower wear the chlamys (ephebes), 16 and to make them follow the four leaders in columns.
The first of these (will sing) of Kronos' son with a hymn, the next of (Dionysos) Eiraphiotes, another of Trito-born (Athena), a maiden bold in war, the other of Asklepios, my dear son.
20 For seven days let them over thigh-bones on the altars, burning to Pallas those of a pure, unmated, two-year-old calf, those of a three-year-old ox to Zeus and Zeus Bacchus; likewise also sacrificing to Koronis' son (Asklepius) the thigh-bones
24 of a domesticated bull, prepare a sacrificial meal, you youths who wear the chlamys, as many of you as are not without your own fathers. But with each libation as you pour, request from the immortals a noble remedy for the plague, that into a distant land of hostile men it might go far away. (IPergamon 324)115 The delegation was directed to appease Zeus, Dionysos Eiraphiotes, Athena, and Asklepius with sacrifices and hymns (ll. 17–29). We have already seen that the traditional healing power of Dionysos is enunciated in the inscription. The reference to Zeus, whose birth at Pergamum is claimed in the oracle (ll. 1, 9–11, 17), "refuted a host of competing cities which claimed that they, not Pergamum, had received the newly born god."116 But the mention of Asklepius (ll. 19, 23), the healing god, in the Apolline oracle was also apposite, because Asklepius was the son of Apollo. Moreover, the presence of the famous Asklepion at Pergamum, with its promises of healing through incubation at the sanctuary,117 also makes the reference to Asklepius in the oracle particularly potent. But whether this clever therapeutic gambit came from the initiative of the Klarian officials themselves,118
115. Datable between Trajan and Caracalla. For translation, see Robinson, Theological Oracles, C-16, 291–96, cited in adapted form by Busine, "Oracles and Civic
Identity," 193–94.
116. Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians in the Mediterranean World from the Second Century AD (Harmondsworth: Viking, 1986), 232.
117. See Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to New Testament Times, BZNW 83 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1998), 83–95.
118. See Gil H. Renberg, Where Dreams May Come: Incubation Sanctuaries in the Greco-Roman World, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 138–45. Busine ("Oracles and Civic
Identity," 186) writes: "For Klarian officials, this could be a way of asserting the influence of their Apollo."
Assessing Revelation
in order to secure the influence of Klarian Apollo at Pergamum, or from the strategizing of the socially powerful Pergamum delegation, in order to ensure a more locally favorable outcome in terms of the oracle, is difficult to say. The local competition in Asia between the various gods at their prestigious oracular and incubatory sites in antiquity is revealed implicitly in this inscription.
1.6. Political Oracles: Hadrianoi What is particularly surprising in the Greco-Roman documentary literature is the almost total absence of oracles legitimizing the house of Julio-Claudian rulers and their political heirs from the early imperial period to the Second Sophistic. Conversely, it is equally surprising that there are no oracles critical of the imperial rulers, apart from the sole exception of the book of Revelation, reminiscent to some extent of the famous Egyptian Potter's Oracle from the Hellenistic age. Only one example, so far as I know, exists from the Julio-Claudian period:
I, Gaurus, have obtained the prophet's faithful words [πιστοὺς λόγους] and inscribed the victory of Caesar [νίκην Καίσαρος] and the contests of the gods [ἄ(θ)λους θεῶν], through whom by prayers [κατευχαῖς]
I grasped all things from start to finish, and repaying ungrudgingly the gifts [δῶρα ἀμισῶς ἀποδίδων], I exult.
Gaurus, son of Asclepiades, from Torea (set up) the statue at his own expense.119
Stephen R. Llewelyn has argued that this prophecy, emanating from an oracular site at Hadrianoi, Mysia, in Asia Minor, has come from an unidentified prophet at the site.120 The original editor argues that Gauros was a scribe from the office where oracles were recorded [χρησμογράφιον:
IDidyma 31, 32]121 and had copied down our oracle. This is proposed on the original editor's restoration of ἄ[λ]λους θεῶν as opposed to ἄ[θ]λους
119. Llewelyn, "Faithful Words."
120. For the names of prophets mentioned in the Hadrianoi epigraphic corpus, see Llewelyn, "Faithful Words," 9.
121. Elmar Schwertheim, Die Inschriften von Hadrianoi und Hadrianeia, IGSK 33 (Habelt: Bonn, 1987), §24, 21–24.
James R. Harrison θεῶν in lines 3–4 in our text. If the original editor is correct, the text would be translated as "inscribed the victory of Caesar and the others of the gods." However, a new restoration, proposed by Llewelyn,122 understands the reference as ἄ[θ]λους θεῶν ("contests of the gods"). This is more likely.
Given that the "victory of Caesar" must refer to both Caesar's victory at Pharsalus and Augustus's victory at Actium,123 then the "contests of the gods" could well allude to the coalition of the gods, headed by Apollo, the tutelary deity of Augustus, who defeated the loathsome Egyptian gods and commanders of Antony and Cleopatra at Actium (Vergil, Aen. 8.698–713; see also Anth. Pal. 9.553; Dio Cassius, Hist. rom. 51.1.2–3; Horace, Carm.
3.4.60–64; Propertius, Eleg. 4.6.37–84; Ovid, Trist. 3.1.39–46).
Other aspects of the oracle have intrinsic interest. The prayers of Gauros to the gods are said to have aided his comprehension of the oracle and its sacral significance from beginning to end, allowing him to repay their unspecified beneficence by erecting the statue (of Augustus?) and its inscription. The importance of understanding and rendering the oracle accurately is seen in the nature of the prophetic communication itself: the prophet's words are "faithful"—a concept of revelation that has already been reflected to some degree in the references to "infallible oracle" and "truthful words" in the plague and disease oracles above.
Having investigated the place of the oracular in Asia Minor in the first three centuries, it remains to ask what pertinence this documentary oracular evidence has for the early Christian prophecy of Revelation, widely considered by scholars to be critiquing the Asian imperial cult under Flavian rule as opposed to being concerned about the local oracular sites.
2. The Prophecy of Revelation and the Asian Oracular Inscriptions Scholars have expended considerable energy in discussing the challenges posed by the imperial cult for believers living in Asia Minor,124 focusing
122. Stephen R. Llewelyn, "Contests of the Gods," EA 32 (2000): 147–49.
123. See Llewelyn, "Faithful Words," 9, for the arguments.
124. See David E. Aune, "The Influence of Roman Court Ceremonial on the Apocalypse of John," BR 2 (1983): 5–26; Adela Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984); Thompson, The Book of Revelation; Richard Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy: Studies on the Book of Revelation (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993); J. Nelson Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commerce in John's Apocalypse, JSNTSup 132 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic, 1996); Kraybill, Apoca-
Assessing Revelation
on how the rhetoric of Revelation addresses the threats posed for the seven churches, both in terms of accommodation to its seductions (2:6, 14, 20;
3:17; 18:1–24) and the very real danger of martyrdom for Christ (Acts 2:13).
Indeed, the oracle honoring Julius Caesar and Augustus for their victories at Pharsalus and Actium, discussed above, shows how the representatives of the indigenous oracular mentality of Asia Minor had ingratiated themselves with the new Julian rulers. Somewhat overlooked in the scholarly literature, however, are the threats that the local indigenous revelatory cults still posed to the early Asian Christians, though the challenge issued by revelatory magic in Revelation (9:20–21; 21:8; 22:15; see also 13:13–15; 19:20) has been comprehensively addressed by Aune and Rodney Lawrence Thomas.125 But, as we have seen, the strong resurgence of the oracular sites in the Second
Sophistic had already begun by the late first century BCE and continued to grow steadily during the first century CE. The provincial elites of Asia
Minor were just as deeply immersed in the quest of honor, benefiting the oracular sites and acquiring their priestly and prophetic offices, as were the elites in advancing their family fame through prestigious posts of the imperial cursus honorum. How is the threat of the indigenous revelatory oracles lypse and Allegiance: Worship, Politics, and Devotion in the Book of Revelation (Grand
Rapids: Brazos, 2010); Wes Howard-Brook and Anthony Gwyther, Unveiling Empire:
Reading Revelation Then and Now (New York: Orbis, 1999); Barbara R. Rossing, The Choice between Two Cities: Whore, Bride and Empire in the Apocalypse (Harrisburg,
PA: Trinity Press International, 1999); Hans-Josef Klauck, "Do They Never Come Back? Nero Redivivus and the Apocalypse of John," CBQ 63 (2001): 683–98; Steven
J. Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John: Reading Revelation in the Ruins
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Friesen, "Satan's Throne, Imperial Cults and the Social Settings of Revelation," JSNT 27.3 (2005): 351–73; Christopher A. Frilingos, Spectacles of Empire: Monsters, Martyrs, and the Book of Revelation (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); Craig R. Koester, "Roman Slave Trade and the Critique of Babylon in Revelation 18," CBQ 70 (2008): 766–86; Koester, "Revelation's
Visionary Challenge to Ordinary Empire," Int 63 (2009): 5–18; Koester, "The Number of the Beast in Revelation 13 in Light of Papyri, Graffiti, and Inscriptions," JECH 6
(2016) 1–21; Michael Naylor, "The Roman Imperial Cult and Revelation," CurBR 8 (2010): 207–39.
125. See David E. Aune, "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-Roman Revelatory Magic," NTS 33.4 (1987): 481–501; Rodney Lawrence Thomas, Magical Motifs in the Book of Revelation, LNTS 416 (London: T&T Clark, 2010). See also the excellent neglected study of Bruce J. Malina, On the Genre and Message of Revelation: Star
Visions and Sky Journeys (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1995).
James R. Harrison handled in Revelation, even if it is somewhat oblique to the main purpose of the prophecy? Our approach will be suggestive rather than exhaustive.
First, in several of the oracles above the importance of the veracity and faithfulness of the words has been spotlighted. Significantly, similar motifs recur throughout Revelation. Christ is identified as the "faithful witness" (ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστός: Rev 1:5), the "faithful and true witness" (ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστὸς καὶ ἀληθινός: 3:14; see also 19:11), as is his martyr Antipas at Pergamum (ὁ μάρτυς ὁ πιστός μου: 2:13). Conversely, the opponents of the early Christians are labelled "liars" (ψεύδονται: 3:9: see also 2:9) and practitioners of "falsehood" (ποιῶν ψεῦδος: 22:15), whereas believers are blameless because no lie is found in their mouths (14:5; see also 2:18; 3:7).
The judgements of God are also described as just and true (ἀληθιναὶ καὶ δίκαιαι: Rev 16:6–7). The key representative of the oracular culture in Revelation is the "false prophet" (ψευδοπροφήτης: 16:13; 20:10), depicted as a demonic figure (16:13a, 14a) and symbolic of "deceit and falsehood at any time and in any place."126 The term ψευδοπροφήτης perfectly encapsulates the relentless fabrication emanating from the second beast from the earth (13:13–14; 19:20). He deludes the nations with counterfeit miracles, drawing his deceptive power from the "ancient serpent" (12:9), the cosmic "deceiver of the nations" (20:3, 8, 10).127 This beast on the earth, probably symbolizing the high priest of proconsular Asia, stages cultic wonders in the local Asian theatres as part of the imperial cult before awestruck audiences (Rom 13:13–15), not only breathing life into the Roman ruler's image by cleverly staged conceits but also by erecting, in liaison with the provincial elites, honorific statues of the Roman ruler throughout the entire province.128 While the primary referent of ψευδοπροφήτης is clearly imperial, later prophetic pretenders such as Alexander of Abonuteichos also staged fraudulent oracles (Lucian, Alex. 12–26). Aune is correct in saying that no evidence exists of imperial cult images being
126. Stephen S. Smalley, The Revelation of John: A Commentary on the Greek Text of the Apocalypse (London: SPCK, 2005), 345
127. Grant R. Osborne, Revelation, BECNT (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2002), 514 128. George Raymond Beasley-Murray, The Book of Revelation, NCB (London:
Oliphants, 1974), 216–17; Paul Barnett, Apocalypse Now and Then: Reading Revelation
Today (Maryborough: The Book Printer, 1989), 110; Stephen J. Scherrer, "Signs and Wonders in the Imperial Cult: A New Look at a Roman Religious Institution in the Light of Rev 13:13–15," JBL 103.4 (1984): 599–610; Thompson, Book of Revelation,
162–63; Osborne, Revelation, 514–15.
Assessing Revelation
"believed to actually give oracles."129 But, if our sole Julian oracle from Hadrianoi had an accompanying imperial statue, as we have suggested, then the connection between the statue and oracle would be visually clear in its symbolism: the member of the Julian house, whoever he might be, presides over the oracle, endorsing perpetually the divinely waged Julian victories. Although only one such oracle has survived, there must have been others erected either by local prophets or provincial benefactors in Asia. Pivoted against all types of false prophecy, indigenous and imperial, is the spirit of prophecy (Rev 14:13b; 19:10; 22:17a), who inspires a special group of Christian prophets within the churches (11:18; 16:6; 18:20, 24;
22:9) and provides life-changing ministry within the Asian churches.130
Second, whereas in the case of Klaros and Didyma the delegations come to the oracular site, the messenger carrying the prophecy of John, who was exiled to Patmos at the time (Rev 1:9), would have passed through Miletus on his way to the first church, Ephesus (Rev 2:1–7). However, the idea of a circular postal road connecting the seven churches in the order of progression of Rev 2:1–3:22 has found no archaeological confirmation.131
It may be the case that the messenger simply followed the route that John had regularly chosen as a peripatetic pastor and teacher before his exile.
The crucial difference between the oracles of Klaros and Didyma and the prophecy of John is that the initiative comes from the delegation cities or individuals who approached the oracular centers, whereas in the case of Revelation the initiative originates with the God-given ἀποκάλυψις from Jesus Christ. The ἀποκάλυψις is entirely unsolicited by John, but it is conveyed to him by an angel and is addressed to God's servants in the Asian cities (Rev 1:1). The striking chain of revelatory command—God, Christ, the angel, and, last, John—accords "an unheard-of authority to the content of John's prophecy,"132 differentiating its claim to legitimacy from the famous oracular sites of antiquity.
Third, in terms of actual allusions to the Asian oracular sites and their gods in Revelation, the first horseman in Rev 6:2—crowned, bow-holding, riding a white horse and conquering—has been proposed to be the god
Apollo on the basis of the crown and bow imagery.133 Thus the figure is 129. David E. Aune, Revelation 6–16, WBC 52b (Nashville: Nelson, 1998), 764.
130. Bauckham, Climax of Prophecy, 160–62.
131. David E. Aune, Revelation 1–5, WBC 52a (Nashville: Nelson, 1997), 131.
132. Smalley, Revelation of John, 51.
133. Kerkeslager, "Apollo, Graeco-Roman Prophecy."
James R. Harrison said to be symbolic of the rise of false messiahs and false prophecy in Asia
Minor, particularly Klarian Apollo.134 Many commentators shy away from such an identification, seeing the imagery as more reflecting the bowcarrying Parthian hordes. The Parthians, for example, included some of their sacral white-colored horses in their armies and remained a continuous threat of conquest at the eastern edges of Asia Minor (e.g., 53 and 35 BCE; 62 CE). The military threat associated with the Parthians, it is argued, fits better the conquest envisaged in Rev 6:2 than the Apolline referent.135 However, this overlooks the role of Apollo as the commander of the gods in bringing military victory to Augustus at Actium.136 Apollo can adopt either a warlike or peaceful persona in the Julian ideology of rule, being both avenger and savior.137 A multivalent image, therefore, embracing both Parthian and Apolline elements, is more likely in this instance.
This vignette has been brought into dialogue with Rev 9:11 where there is mention of the Angel of the Abyss, "whose name in Hebrew is
Abaddon, and in Greek Apollyon [Ἀπολλύον]." Although both names mean "Destroyer," the majority of Revelation commentators see in the name
Ἀπολλύον a punning reference to the god Apollo.138 The locust (Rev 9:3–10) was one of several symbols of Apollo.139 As we have seen, Apollo was the patron deity of Augustus, having been his divine protector at the battles
134. G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation, NIGTC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 378), 1999.
135. See Benjamin Witherington III, Revelation, NCBC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 133, for a detailed exposition of the Parthian elements underlying Rev 6:2.
136. For discussion, see Karl Galinsky, Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 215–20; Carste Hjort Lange,
"Res publica constituta: Actium, Apollo and the Accomplishment of the Triumviral
Assignment" (PhD thesis, University of Nottingham, 2008), 142–86; John F. Miller,
Apollo, Augustus, and the Poets (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
Robert Alan Gurval (Actium and Augustus: The Politics and Emotions of Civil War [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995]) is unsuccessful in trying to diminish the centrality of Apollo in the Augustan conception of rule.
137. Galinsky, Augustan Culture.
138. J. Sweet, Revelation, TPINTC (London: SCM, 1979), 170; Wilfred J. Harrington, Revelation, SP 16 (Collegeville, MN: Glazier; Liturgical Press, 1993), 110.
139. However, R. H. Charles (A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John, ICC [Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1920], 246–47) is ambivalent about the suggestion and symbolism: "This is possible but not probable."
Assessing Revelation
of Pharsalus (42 BCE), Naucholos (36 BCE), and Actium (31 BCE).140 In 40–41 CE Caligula annexed a temple at the site of Didyma, situated within the territory of Miletus and being built for Apollo, for the purposes of his own cult (Dio Cassius, Hist. rom. 59.28.1).141 Famously, Caligula liked to appear in public dressed as one of the gods, including Bacchus and Apollo
(Philo, Legat. 95–96). Claudius, in his 52 CE letter to Delphi,142 flatters the citizens of Delphi, writing regarding Delphic Apollo: "For long have
I been well-disposed to the city of Delphi, and I have always observed the cult of Pythian Apollo." Coins show Nero with either a laureate head or radiate head (symbolizing divinity) on the obverse, with Apollo—or Nero impersonating Apollo—advancing to the right with a lyre on the obverse.143 The likelihood of impersonation is stronger because Nero had identified himself with Apollo the citharode (Suetonius, Nero, 39; Tacitus, Ann. 15.10–16; Dio Cassius, Hist. rom. 63.6.2; 63.20.5; Calpurnius
Siculus, Ecl. 4.159).144 There is, however, no Roman literary evidence for Domitian identifying himself with the god Apollo, as is widely reported by Revelation commentators.145 Rather Minerva was Domitian's patron deity, as her empaneled image placed above the famous frieze in his Forum
Transitorium at Rome visually demonstrates.146 Nevertheless, as J. Nelson 140. On Augustus and the cult of Apollo, see Galinsky, Augustan Culture, 213–24.
141. IDidyma 148.4–6, trans. in Robert H. Sherk, The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), §43: "when Gnaeus
Vergilius Capito was high-priest of the temple of Gaius Caesar in Miletus for the first time." See A. A. Barrett, Caligula: The Abuse of Power, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge,
2015), 193–94.
142. James H. Oliver, "The Epistle of Claudius which Mentions the Proconsul Junius Gallio," Hesperia 40.2 (1971): 239–40. Trans. Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, St Paul's Corinth, 3rd ed (Collegeville, MN: Glazier; Liturgical Press, 2002), 161-69.
143. RPC 1.1752 (laureate head issue); Kraybill, Apocalypse and Allegiance, 63 fig.
3.10 (radiate head issue).
144. Edward Champlin, "Nero, Apollo and the Poets," Phoenix 57.3–4 (2003):
276–83. For Apollo on the Neronian coinage, see 277. On Nero as New Apollo, see IG
II/III2 3278, cited Champlin, "Nero, Apollo and the Poets," 277 n. 7.
145. Robert H. Mounce, The Book of Revelation, NICNT (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978); Beasley-Murray, Book of Revelation, 162–63; Aune, Revelation 6–16,
535; Smalley, Revelation of John, 234; Osborne, Revelation, 374; Beale, Book of Revelation, 504.
146. On the centrality of Minerva to Domitian's ideology, see Eve D'Ambra, Private Lives, Imperial Virtues: The Frieze of the Forum Transitorium in Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 3–18. Martial's cryptic reference to "Palatine
James R. Harrison Kraybell notes, coins of Domitia, the wife of Domitian, show their infant child depicted as the naked sun god Apollo, seated on a zoned globe, with his arms stretched out and surround by seven stars—the globe indicating world dominion and the stars denoting the divine nature of the young son.147 The close connection between the imperial cult and Apollo in Asia Minor is well illustrated by Sagalassos in Pisidia, southwest Turkey.
There the indigenous worship of Apollo was integrated with the worship of the Roman ruler from the time of Vespasian onwards,148 with Sagalassos sending delegations to Klarian Apollo.149 In conclusion, Apollo was incorporated into the Julio-Claudian conception of rule, with Caligula, in particular, opportunistically monopolizing the glory associated with the oracular site of Didyma.
Therefore, Rev 9:11 could possibly allude to the Apollo-impersonating Nero, highlighting how "the destructive host of hell had as its king the emperor of Rome!"150 The implications of this, if George Raymond
Beasley-Murray's proposal has validity, would have been sobering for any believers from Neronian Rome who might have relocated to Asia Minor after the 64 CE persecution of believers in the capital, if Revelation was written in 69 CE. The popular rumor abroad was that the dead Nero would reappear redivivus at the head of the Parthian armies and ascend to a throne in the East (Jerusalem or Parthia), with the appearance of various Nero pretenders soon to follow (69, 80, 88 CE).151 The strong Julio-Claudian attachment to the god Apollo in the early empire, therefore, would have
Minerva" (Epigr. 5.5.1), signals the transition from the Augustan worship of Apollo on the Palatine at Rome to the worship of Minerva at the site under Domitian.
147. RIC 2.179; Ernst Janzen, "The Jesus of the Apocalypse Wears the Emperor's Clothes," in Society of Biblical Literature 1994 Seminar Papers, ed. Eugene H. Lovering
Jr., SBLSP 33 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994), 645–47. Janzen, however, identifies the child as the naked Jupiter.
148. See Peter Talloen and Marc Waelkens, "Apollo and the Emperors (I): The Material Evidence for the Imperial Cult at Sagalassos," Ancient Society 34 (2004):
171–216; Talloen and Waelkens, "Apollo and the Emperors (II): The Evolution of the Imperial Cult at Sagalassos," Ancient Society 35 (2005): 217–49.
149. Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations, §§60, 80, 97, 358–359.
150. Beasley-Murray, Book of Revelation, 163.
151. Rev 13:3; 17:8–11; Sib. Or. 4.119–124; 5.137–141; 5.361–396; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 21; Tacitus, Hist. 1.2; 2.8–9; Dio Cassius, Hist. rom. 46.19.3; Suetonius, Nero
40; Dom. 57. The case for a 69 CE date for Revelation is argued by John A. T. Robinson,
Redating the New Testament (London: SCM, 1976), 221–53.
Assessing Revelation
lent additional prestige to the revival of the two major Apolline oracular sites in first-century Asia Minor. But John encourages his auditors, upon the sounding of the seventh angelic trumpet (Rev 11:15; see also 8:7, 8, 10,
12; 9:1, 13), that the growing threat posed by the Apolline oracular sites and, relatedly, the incorporation of Apollo into the imperial cult and the ideology of Julio-Claudian rule, would soon be supplanted by the advent of the eternal kingdom of God and his Christ (11:15b–18). Last, while there are clear intertextual echoes of the Exodus plagues in Rev 9:11,152 we do not have regard this, as G. K. Beale does, as the "best background" for identifying the Angel of the Abyss." Rather, allowance has to be made for the polyvalent nature of John's imagery.
Fourth, throughout Revelation John continuously refers to the outbreak of plagues and famine (Rev 6:8b; 9:18, 20; 11:6; 15:1, 6, 8; 16:2, 9,
11, 21; 18:4, 8; 22:18). We have no evidence for plagues in first-century Asia Minor. However, in the second century there is the famous Antonine plague that occurred under the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161–180 CE),153 destroying the entire population in some areas and elsewhere decimating the Roman army. Undoubtedly, this event lies behind many of our disease oracles discussed above. But to invoke a possible (unknown) first-century plague as conceptual background for the Revelation references, given the parallelism between the seven trumpets (Rev 8:3–11:19) and seven bowls of God's wrath (15:1–16:21) with the Exodus plagues,154 would be perilous. Nevertheless, as noted, the graphic imagery of the disease oracles in Revelation may have resonated with Greco-Roman audiences later in the second century CE. But, in the case of the oracles of Klarian Apollo at Sardis and Kallipolis, the disease is interpreted as the result of the malevolent arts of magicians, whereas in Revelation the plagues represent the cosmic outpouring of God's wrath against sin and idolatry. The conceptual worlds—that is, the power of oracular Apollo over magic as opposed to John's proclamation of God's eschatological judgement—are vastly different.
152. Beale, Book of Revelation, 504.
153. For discussion and sources, see David Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after Christ, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1950), 1:663; 2:1533–34.
154. Beasley-Murray, Book of Revelation, 238–41; Beale, Book of Revelation, 121–32, 808–12; Smalley, Revelation of John, 393–94; Mitchell G. Reddish, Revelation
(Macon, GA: Smyth & Helwys, 2001), 164, 306.
James R. Harrison Fifth, the collision between the traditional understanding of honorific culture in Asia Minor and its redefinition by John in Revelation is revealing. As far as coronal rituals, the crowning of prophets in the sanctuary inscriptions of Didyma, noted above, demonstrated the centrality of the quest for honor and offices on the part of the Asian provincial elites at the oracular sites. However, in Revelation the indigenous and imperial coronal honorific system is inverted.155 Thus, in Rev 4:10, while the four living creatures continuously hymn God (4:8), the twenty-four gold-crowned elders cast off their crowns before the heavenly throne. Uncrowned, they eulogize their beneficent God as worthy to receive all glory, honor, and power (Rev 4:10–11). Moreover, all creation hymns the Enthroned One and his reigning Lamb (Rev 5:6–14). Importantly, not only does this puncture the relentless boasting and quest for glory on the part of the provincial elites, but also it dismisses the coronal rituals associated with the Artemis cult at Ephesus, including the disputes emerging over the crowning of its priests during the reign of Claudius (IEph 1a.18a.11–17), as well, importantly for our context, the stipulation of an Apolline oracle from Sardis that the devotees of Artemis should wear myrtle crowns.156 But, because similar coronal rituals are also found in the imperial cult and are reflected in its numismatic and gem iconography,157 we must again acknowledge the polyvalence of John's honorific imagery, which pinpricks both the imperial and oracular quest for ancestral honor. Significantly for believers in the Asian churches, the honor of crowning is postponed until the eschaton, given in reward for their faithful discipleship under suffering in the face of strong opposition from the indigenous and imperial cults (Rev 2:10; 3:11).
Another example of the polyvalent nature of John's honorific imagery is also found in the hymns being sung to God and the continuous rejoicing punctuating the heavens in Revelation.158 Significantly, the song sung by believers is a new song, embodying in their praise the eschatological newness of Christ's Kingdom they are experiencing (Rev 5:9; 14:3).
155. For discussion, see James R. Harrison, "'The Fading Crown': Divine Honour and the Early Christians," JTS 54 (2003): 509–18.
156. Harrison, "Artemis Triumphs over a Sorcerer's Evil Art," §8.15–16; see also
IEph 5.1448.
157. Harrison, "'Fading Crown,'" 511–13.
158. Rev 1:5b–6; 4:8, 11; 5:9–10, 12, 13b, 14; 7:10, 12; 11:15, 17–18; 12:10–12;
14:3; 15:3–4; 16:5–6, 7b; 18:2–3, 4–7, 10, 16–17a, 19, 20, 21–24; 19:1b–3, 4, 5, 6b–8.
Assessing Revelation
The polemical parallelism against the imperial cult here is clear enough.159
Tacitus tells us that Nero was followed everywhere by 5000 equestrians who continually acclaimed him: "Then it was that Roman knights were enrolled under the title of Augustiani, men in their prime and remarkable for their strength.… Day and night they kept up a thunder of applause, and applied to the emperor's person the voice and epithet of deities" (Ann.
14.15). But, the Apolline cult at Klaros also experienced a continuous flow of delegations from eastern Mediterranean cities, which hymned the god at his sanctuary in preparation for their consultation and after his reply, bringing with them in the case of Laodicea the "marvelous poet for life
Thus the implicit polemic against the earthly counterparts to John's heavenly choirs is aimed equally at imperial and Apolline cultic worship in Asia Minor.
Sixth, how does John counter the ethics promulgated by the Apolline cults in Asia Minor? We have seen how the provincial elites were attached to the indigenous oracular cults, gaining prestigious offices through them, and flaunting in some cases the importance of their cities through their delegations. Some of the prophets of Didyma, we have argued, had significant contacts with Rome. Furthermore, I have proposed that the alphabetical oracle of Hierapolis advocates the Aristotelian mean, cautiously navigating between the excesses of the virtues and vices. Moreover, the prosperity theology that undergirded the lot oracles was also noted, allowing the enquirer confidence about a prosperous outcome if the god was rightly reverenced. While Revelation does not touch on these aspects of oracular culture directly, John does savagely criticize the prosperity accumulated by the provincial elites and their merchants under Roman rule (Rev 18:1–
24; see also 3:17a; 12:16–17),160 the reciprocity system that ties together its patrons and clients by gift-giving (11:10), and the folly of charting the middle course of least ethical resistance by ethical compromise (3:15; cf.
2:14, 20). The powerful figures of this world will be swept aside (Rev 19:18) and the just judgements of God effected (16:5–6), surpassing in scope the divine judgements of the confession inscriptions. Since the oracular cults of Apollo were inextricably entwined with the Julio-Claudian regime, it is
159. See Paul Barnett, "Polemical Parallelism: Some Further Reflections on the Apocalypse," JSNT 35 (1989): 111–20.
160. Bauckham, Climax of Prophecy, 338–83; Kraybill, Imperial Cult and Commerce in John's Apocalypse, passim.
James R. Harrison hard to see how this critique did not also apply to the oracular mentality of Asia.
Seventh, how does John allay the deep anxiety aroused by the reemergence of powerful oracular sites in the first century CE? These centers of Apolline revelation were not only serviced by prophets but they were also increasingly visited by elite delegations from across the eastern Mediterranean basin, thereby reinforcing the social and religious honor that accrued to the local Apolline cults and their status-conscious personnel. The inability of the Asian churches to withstand the rapid urban expansion of such idolatrous cults demonstrated how precariously exposed they were as a religious group in the large cities of Asia Minor. Compromise with idolatry would have been tempting for some believers who were anxious to acquire or maintain social status (Rev 2:14, 20; 3:4, 17). Indeed, the fact that the early believers were publicly mocked in the oracular responses of the god at Didyma and Miletus161 points to their personal vulnerability, high visibility, and social powerlessness in their Asian cities (Rev 3:8: μικρὰν ἔχεις δύναμιν). Moreover, in terms of the imperial cult, the economic isolation of believers was precipitated by their refusal to accept the ink-mark of the beast on their wrist or forehead (Rev 13:16–17; 20:4), accompanied by a sacrificial pinch of incense on the imperial altar, rituals which would allow them entry into the city market. The decision to refuse the mark and to refrain from its accompanying sacrifice resulted in their exclusion "from the trading community—an implied apartheid policy such as was eventually put into regular effect."162
Furthermore, it was popularly rumored that the Apollo-impersonating Nero, having committed suicide in 68 CE, would soon appear redivivus at the head of the Parthian armies, with a view to establishing anew his imperial throne somewhere in the East. Would the site be located in Jerusalem or Parthia? Public speculation was unable to specify. We do not know the extent to which the popular imagination spiraled out of control regarding Nero's projected return, but one could conceive that early believers were unsettled by such rising fears and wondered whether their
Apolline persecutor might seek them out this time in the Greek East in contrast to the Latin West previously. But John the Seer does not shy away
161. Note 17, supra.
162. Edwin A. Judge, "The Mark of the Beast, Revelation 13:16," in The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays, ed. James R.
Harrison, WUNT 229 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008), 425.
Assessing Revelation
from addressing the great cost of following Christ. He reminds his believing auditors of past martyrs (Rev 6:9–11; see also 20:4)—presumably the casualties of Nero's recent persecution at Rome (64 CE)—and of a more recent local martyr at Pergamum (2:13).163 Persecution was still very much a present reality and would remain a continuing experience well into the future (Rev 2:10). The fear and unease experienced by Asian believers is all the more explicable if Revelation was written at the time when the social fabric of the Roman Empire was totally unraveling: the chaotic year of the four emperors (69 CE).
It is therefore highly significant that "fear" terminology regularly surfaces in the book of Revelation: that is, φοβέομαι (Rev 1:17; 2:10; 11:18;
14:7; 15:4; 19:5) and φόβος (11:11; 18:10, 15). What is fascinating is how John turns the believer's contemporary experience of fear topsy-turvy, but in ways that are commensurate with traditional Jewish scriptural teaching.164 John's usage of the verb φοβέομαι consistently highlights how fear is appropriately reserved for the believer's relationship with God and his risen Son of Man. All other sources of fear—whether they are the Apolline cults, the threat of Nero redivivus and persecution, exclusion from the city's markets, or death itself—are ruled out. The fear envisaged is reverence for God (Deut 10:20; Ps 34:11 [MT 34:12]), expressing itself in unwavering faithfulness, no matter the status of the believer.165 Crucial for the believer's personal comfort here is the placement of the Son of Man's hand gently on John (Rev 1:17a) who had fallen before the Son of Man's feet "as though dead" (Rev 1:17b). Significantly, the admonition Μὴ φοβοῦ
("Do not fear": Rev 1:17) of the risen Christ, accompanied by this intimate and very tangible gesture, is given right in the midst of John's suffering congregations. The imminence and presence of the Conqueror of death and hades among them (1:18–19) is strongly emphasized.166 Finally, the noun φόβος in Rev 18:10, 15 is reserved for the fear that Rome's unbelieving and self-sufficient merchants feel as they witness the devastating
163. F. Gerald Downing, "Pliny's Prosecutions of Christians: Revelation and 1 Peter," JSNT (1988): 105.
164. On the rhetoric of fear in Revelation, see Robyn J. Whitaker, Ekphrasis, Vision, and Persuasion in the Book of Revelation, WUNT 2/410 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015), 71–103.
165. Whitaker, Ekphrasis, Vision, and Persuasion, 98.
166. Whitaker, Ekphrasis, Vision, and Persuasion, 99–100.
James R. Harrison judgment that is divinely dealt out to Rome: believers, in sharp contrast, will be exempted from such eschatological terror.
3. Conclusion This chapter has looked at how the oracular mentality of Asia intersected with the genre of epigraphic evidence and how the early Christians responded to the revival of oracular sites spanning the late first-century
BCE to the third century CE. We have argued that although this corpus of inscriptions largely post-dates the New Testament documents, there is sufficient evidence to assume that the oracular explosion that occurred under the Second Sophistic had its first glimmerings from the late first century BCE to the mid first century CE onwards. Thus John, in his written προφητεία, is engaging the rise of the oracular in Asia, which had become integrated with the ideology and imperial cult of the Julio-Claudian rulers in its Apolline form, highlighting in sharp contrast the beneficial presence of believing prophets in the house churches and the continuously transformative impact of the "Spirit of prophecy" in the lives of believers.
We can posit a series of interpretative scenarios for John's prophecy depending upon when Revelation was written. If we date Revelation to the late first century CE, assuming with the majority of scholars that the work is a product of the Domitianic persecution, then the author shows considerable Spirit-given prescience about the problem that the oracular mentality would eventually pose for early believers, not to mention the current imperial challenge. But if the work is dated to the early second century CE, then it represents the vigorous response of an early Christian seer to the explosion of renewed interest in the oracular sites in the early Second Sophistic period. Last, if the work is dated to the year of the four emperors (68–69 CE), then the recent persecution of believers at Rome would be fresh in the memory of believers throughout the empire.
There would have been the very real fear among Asian believers that Nero redivivus would reestablish his capital somewhere in the East, if popular rumors were true, continuing not only his commitment to the Apolline cult but also his vendetta against Christians. Perhaps this last scenario best explains John's full-blown rhetorical response to the dramatic events occurring around him.
One final set of questions remains: How do we explain the emergence of anti-Christian oracles at the Apolline sites? What provoked these? What is common in each oracular response is, to borrow a Pauline phrase, the
Assessing Revelation
derision of the foolishness of the cross. But why did delegations feel that it was worth bringing news of this new eastern cult to the attention of the Apolline oracular sites? Why not, alternatively, inform the Roman authorities about their growing destabilization of the status quo? The unsolicited and noncultic nature of early Christian inspired speech, available for nonbelieving outsiders to observe (1 Cor 14:24–25), was a phenomenon with little precedent.167
What made it intolerable was the ludicrous claim that their crucified and risen founder figure had poured out his prophetic πνεῦμα impartially upon the nonelites. The prestigious cult-sites and the quest for honor on the part of the provincial elites had been bypassed by this new competitor, threatening as a result the social concord with the gods. The coercive magic of occult practitioners, too, no longer posed sufficient threat to the early Christians because of their superior pneumatic power and thus was marginalized. The very success of the early Christians in democratizing access to Jesus's revelatory and indwelling πνεῦμα, which orchestrated an ever-expanding ministry across the eastern Mediterranean, would become a serious liability in the estimation of their opponents.
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Assessing Revelation
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Assessing Revelation
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Contributors Clinton E. Arnold studied New Testament exegesis at Aberdeen University and graduated from the doctoral program in 1986. He also did postdoctoral research at the Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen in 1991. Arnold is dean and professor of New Testament at Talbot School of Theology (Biola University) in La Mirada, California. His monographs include Ephesians: Power and Magic (Cambridge University Press, 1989) and The Colossian Syncretism (Mohr Siebeck, 1995). He is the general editor of the Zondervan Exegetical Commentary: New Testament and wrote Ephesians (2012) for that series.
Peter Arzt-Grabner studied theology and classics at the University of Salzburg and at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, graduating from the doctoral program of Biblical Studies at the University of Salzburg in 1991. Since 2007 he has been associate professor of papyrology at the Department of Biblical Studies and Ecclesiastical History, University of Salzburg. He has edited several papyri (documentary and semiliterary) and is the chief editor of the series Papyrologische Kommentare zum
Neuen Testament—Papyrological Commentaries on the New Testament (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht), in which he authored volume 1 on Philemon
(2003) and volume 4 on 2. Korinther (2014).
Allen Brent read classics and theology at Cambridge University (Emmanuel College) and was awarded a higher doctorate (DD) of that university (in 2008) following peer examination of the corpus of his published works. Until recently he was professor in early Christian history and iconography at King's College, University of London, and professore invitato at the Augustinianum (Lateran University), Rome. He has been an affiliated lecturer in Cambridge University's Faculty of Divinity (2008–
2010), and acting dean of Saint Edmund's College (2012–2013) where he continues with a fellowship. He has continued to publish extensively,
Contributors and among his principal monographs are Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge University Press, 2010), Ignatius of Antioch and the Second
Sophistic (Mohr Siebeck, 2006), and A Political History of Early Christianity (T&T Clark, 2009).
Alan H. Cadwallader, a doctoral graduate of Flinders University in 2003, is a researcher and Anglican priest, combining interests in archaeology,
Scripture, and contemporary issues. His most recent monograph is The Politics of the Revised Version (T&T Clark, 2019). He has written extensively on the ancient site of Colossae, authoring Fragments of Colossae
(ATF Press, 2015) and editing, with Michael Trainor, Colossae in Space and Time: Linking with an Ancient City (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011), with a forthcoming monograph on the Letter to the Colossians and material culture (Eerdmans, 2021). He is also a foundation member of the Earth Bible Project, currently completing an ecological commentary on Mark's Gospel (T&T Clark, 2020). He is a research fellow at the Centre for Public and Contextual Theology at Charles Sturt University in Canberra, Australia.
Rosemary Canavan studied theology at Flinders University and graduated with a PhD in the area of biblical studies in 2011. Canavan is senior lecturer in New Testament and academic dean at Catholic Theological College, University of Divinity. Her doctoral thesis was published as Clothing the Body of Christ at Colossae: A Visual Construction of Identity
(Mohr Siebeck, 2012). Recent book sections include "Armor, Gladiators and Peace: A Visual Exegesis of Ephesians 6:10–20" (The Art of Visual
Exegesis: Rhetoric, Texts, Images, SBL Press, 2017) and "Weaving Threads:
Clothing in Colossae" (Fragments of Colossae, ATF Press, 2015). Her current major work is a sociorhetorical exploration commentary (SREC) on 1 and 2 Thessalonians. She is a member of the editorial team for SREC series
(SBL Press).
James R. Harrison studied ancient history at Macquarie University and graduated from the doctoral program in 1997. Harrison is Professor of New Testament and the research director at the Sydney College of Divinity.
His recent monographs include Paul and the Imperial Authorities at Thessalonica and Rome (Mohr Siebeck, 2011), Paul and the Ancient Celebrity
Circuit (Mohr Siebeck, 2019), and Reading Romans with Roman Eyes (Fortress, 2019). He is the chief editor of New Documents Illustrating the History
Contributors
of Early Christianity, volumes 11–15, and is editor of the Cascade collection (2019) of E. A. Judge, The Conflict of Cultures: The Legacy of Paul's Thought
Today. Harrison is a Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities.
Ulrich Huttner, DPhil.habil. (DPhil 1995 Munich, habilitation 2001 Leipzig), is professor of ancient history at the University of Siegen (Germany). He has published several monographs on ancient history and currently focuses on early Christianity in Asia Minor. His recent work on the topic is Early Christianity in the Lycus Valley (Brill, 2013).
Harry O. Maier studied patristics at Oxford University and graduated with a DPhil in 1987. Maier is professor of New Testament and early
Christian studies at Vancouver School of Theology and Fellow at the Max Weber Center for Advanced Cultural and Social Studies at the University of Erfurt. His recent monographs include Picturing Paul in Empire: Imperial Image, Text and Persuasion in Colossians, Ephesians and the Pastoral
Epistles (T&T Clark Bloomsbury, 2013) and New Testament Christianity in the Roman World (Oxford University Press, 2018), and he is editor of Seeing the God: Image, Space, Performance, and Vision in the Religion of the Roman Empire (Mohr Siebeck, 2018).
Angela Standhartinger studied Protestant theology at the Universities of Frankfurt/Main, Munich and Heidelberg. She graduated at Frankfurt in 1994 (dissertation) and 1998 (habilitation). Since 2000 she has been professor of New Testament at the Philipps-Universität Marburg, Germany. Her recent publications include the following: "Polis and Ekklēsia at Philippi:
A Response to Kathy Ehrensperger, Paul Holloway, and Julien Ogereau," in The First Urban Churches 4: Roman Philippi (SBL Press, 2018); "Der
Kolosserhymnus im Lichte epigraphischer Zeugnisse," in Epigraphical Evidence Illustrating Paul's Letter the Colossians (Mohr Siebeck, 2018); and "Colossians and the Pauline School," NTS 50 (2004): 572–93. Currently she is finishing a commentary on Paul's Letter to the Philippians.
Michael P. Theophilos studied New Testament at Oxford University and graduated from the doctoral program in 2008. Theophilos is senior lecturer in ancient languages and biblical studies at the Australian Catholic University. In addition to over twenty articles and book chapters, his monographs include Jesus as New Moses in Matthew 8–9: Jewish Biographical Typology in First Century Greek Literature (Gorgias, 2011); The Abomination of Desola-
Contributors tion in Matthew 24:15 (T&T Clark, 2012); Numismatics, Lexicography, and the New Testament (Bloomsbury, 2019); and the forthcoming Matthean and Lukan Sondergut in the Papyrologische Kommentare zum Neuen Testament series (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht).
Michael Trainor is senior lecturer in biblical studies at Australian Catholic University. In 2007 Trainor received an Order of Australia (AM) for his services to theology, archaeology, and interfaith relations. His latest books include Earth's Child: An Ecological Listening to the Gospel of Luke (Sheffield
Phoenix, 2012); The Body of Jesus and Sexual Abuse: How the Gospel Passion Narratives inform a Pastoral Response (Wipf & Stock, 2015); and, most recently, coauthored with Paul Babie of Adelaide University Law School,
Owning and Consuming: Neo-liberalism and the Biblical Voice (Routledge, 2018). He is a contributor to the forthcoming volume, Enabling Dialogue about the Land: A Resource Book for Jews and Christians to be published by Paulist Press/Stimulus Foundation.
L. L. Welborn (PhD Vanderbilt University) studied New Testament and early Christianity at Yale University and Vanderbilt University and is currently professor of New Testament and early Christianity at Fordham
University and honorary professor of ancient history at Macquarie University. His recent publications include An End to Enmity: Paul and the "Wrongdoer" of Second Corinthians (de Gruyter, 2011), Paul's Summons to Messianic Life (Columbia University Press, 2015), and The Young against the Old: Generational Conflict in First Clement (Fortress, 2018).
Primary Sources Index Old Testament Sibylline Oracles 4.106
4.119–124
5.137–141
5.361–396
Genesis 46:2
Deuteronomy 10:20
28:22
28:28–29
Testament of Solomon
Wisdom of Solomon 4:27
Psalms
LXX 34:11 [MT 34:12]
93:2–5 124, 131 117:22
Ancient Jewish Writings 4Q405
23 I, 8–10
Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae Proverbs 25:6–7
4.115–116
12.137–153
12.148–153 132, 243 12.149
12.150
12.152
134–35 12.152–153
12.401
14.241–243
Isaiah 28:16
Daniel 7:13
Deuterocanonical and Pseudepigraphical Books m. Avodah Zarah 1 Maccabees 10:36–37
13:40
1:1–3
Philo, In Flaccum
2 Maccabees 8:20
Philo, Legatio ad Gaium
Primary Sources Index Philo, Legatio ad Gaium (cont.) 20:18–31
20:23
21:4
21:10–12
95–96
Sepher Harazim
Romans 12:8
12:16
13:13–15
16:1
305–6 16:2
New Testament Matthew 5:31–32
6:1–10
19:19
19:30
20:16
22:15–22
22:20
24:23
1 Corinthians 4:9
4:10
4:12
4.16
7:11
8:6
8:10
9:6
11:1
12:24
14:24–25
15:30–32 55–56 15:32
16:15
Mark 10:31
12:13–17
Luke 2:1
2:1–3
13:30
14:7–11
14:12–14
18:9–14
20:20–26
22:25–27
2 Corinthians 5:19
6:5
10:1
11:23
John 8:44
Galatians Acts 5:23
2:10
119, 133 2:13
8:27
14:11–12
16:6
119, 239 18:23
119–20, 239
182, 184 20:17
Ephesians 1:21
3:16
5:14
Colossians
1:1
Primary Sources Index
1:2
1:3–8
1:6
1:7
1:7–8
1:10
1:12
1:13
97, 100 1:15
1:16
1:18
100, 250 1:21
1:24
250–51 1:29–2:1
2:1
120, 251, 277, 282 2:8
99, 167 2:9
2:10
2:11
100, 251 2:13–23
2:15
277, 319 2:16
2:16–19
2:17
2:18
75, 88, 127, 130, 175, 180, 183,
2:19
101, 250 3:1–3
3:9–14 216, 225 3:10
82, 97, 101 3:11
14, 77, 82, 95, 132, 140, 247, 249, 313 3:12
82, 97, 98, 101 3:14
82, 101 3.18–19
3:18–4:1
3:22
223, 322 3:22–25 216, 222 3:23
223–24 4:1
4:3–4
4:8
4:9
211–13 4:11
4:12
74, 239 4:12–13
4:13
251, 277, 282, 302, 312 4:13–16
4:15
277, 282, 313, 315 4:15–16
4:16
250–51, 277, 282 4:17
1 Thessalonians 1:6
2:9
2:14
2 Timothy 4:20
Philemon 73, 303 1–2
5–6
216, 226, 230 15–16
225, 230
307, 310
Revelation 1:1
1:1–8
1:3
1:5
1:5–6
1:8
1:9
1:9–3:22
1:11
277, 282 1:17
1:17
1:18–19
2–3 36, 274 2:1
2:1–7 316, 389, 397 2:1–3:22
Primary Sources Index Revelation (cont.) 6:8
6:9–11
7:10
7:12
8:3–11:19
8:7
8:8
8:10
8:12
9:1
9:3–10
9:11
398, 400–401 9:13
9:18
9:20
9:20–21
11:6
11:10
11:11
11:15
401–2 11:15–18
11:17–18
11:18
397, 405
12:9
12:10–12
12:16–17
13:3
13:4
13:13–14
13:13–15
13:14–17
13:16–17
14:3
14:5
14:7
14:9
14:13
15:1
15:1–16:21
15:2
15:3–4
15:4
15:6
15:8
2:6
2:8
2:8–11
2:9
2:10
402, 405 2:12
2:12–17
2:13
396, 405 2:13–23
2:14
395, 403–4 2:18
37, 396 2:18–29
2:20
395, 403–4 3:1
3:1–6 316, 389 3:4
3:7
37, 396 3:7–11
3:8
3:9
3:11
3:14
37, 277, 282, 284, 396 3:14–21 250, 295 3:14–22 316–18, 364 3:15
3:15–22
3:16
3:17
283–84, 395, 403–4 3:17–18 22, 166, 317 3:18
3:19
283, 317 3:20
3:21
4:8
4:10
4:10–11
4:11
5:6–14
5:9
5:9–10
5:12
5:13
5:14
6:2
397–98
Primary Sources Index
16:2
283, 401 16:5–6 402–3 16:6
16:6–7
16:7
16:9
16:10
16:11
16:13
16:14
16:21
17:8–11
18:1–24 395, 403 18:2–3
18:4
18:4–7
18:8
18:10
402, 405 18:15
18:15–17 302, 318 18:16–17
18:19
18:20
397, 402 18:21–24
18:23
18:24
19:1–3
19:4
19:5
402, 405 19:6
19:6–8
19:7–10
19:10
19:11
19:16
19:18
19:20
283, 395–96 20:3
20:4
283, 404–5 20:8
20:10
21:8
21:18
389, 401 22:7
22:10
22:15
395–96 22:17
22:18–19
22:21
Early Christian Literature 2 Clement 13.1
Acts of John 120, 124 Acts of Pagan Martyrs
Acts of Philip 120, 124, 129, 131 2.18
Acts of Thecla
Apollonius Citiensis, Hippocratis de articulis commentaries 1.7
Asterius of Amasea, Homilies
Augustine, De civitate Dei 19.23
Clemens Romanus, Epistula ad Corinthios 2.7.6
Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus 2.32–41
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Peri thematõn 1.3
Eusebius, Chronicon 2.154
Primary Sources Index Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica Ignatius, To the Trallians 5.16.3
2.2
3.1
7.1–2
Gregory of Nazianzus, Orationes 4.77
John Chrysostom, Homilies on Colossians Gregory of Nyssa, De sancto Theodoro 3.1
PG46:741B
PG46.741D
PG46.744A
PG46.744D–745A
PG46.745A
John Malalas, Chronicle 13.19
Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho
Historia Augusta Lactantius, Epitome divinarum institutionum Comm. 7.7
Ignatius, To Polycarp 4.13.11
6.1
Martyrdom of Philip
[15]26
Ignatius, To the Ephesians 4.1–2
7.1
Ignatius, To the Magnesians Melito, On Pascha 2.1
3.2
4.1
7.1
13.1–2
Michael of Chronai = Bonnett, Miraculo a Michaele Archangelo Chonis Patrato 1–2 (Bonnet, 1.5–3.7)
3.1 (Bonnet, 3.8–10, 11–12, 14) 123,
3.2 (Bonnet, 3.15, 17–19)
3.2–4 (Bonnet, 3.14–5.3)
3.3 (Bonnet, 4.2, 9–10) 127, 131 3.5 (Bonnet, 4.5, 17; 5.2–3) 123–24,
3.6 (Bonnet, 5.3–5)
4.1 (Bonnet, 5.6, 6–9) 123–24 4.2 (Bonnet, 5.10)
4.4 (Bonnet, 4.16–17)
5.2–4 (Bonnet, 8.13–9.11)
5.4 (Bonnet, 9.9–10)
7.3–4 (Bonnet, 11.5–12.4)
7.4 (Bonnet, 11.10, 12) 123, 128 Ignatius, To the Philadelphians inscrip.
162–63 4.1
7.1
7.2
8.2
10.1
Ignatius, To the Smyrnaeans 8.1
8.2
9.1
12.12
Primary Sources Index
8.2 (Bonnet, 12.13)
8.2–3 (Bonnet, 12.8–13.2)
10.1–3 (Bonnet, 13.16–14.7)
11.1 (Bonnet, 14.11–15) 124, 131 12.3 (Bonnet, 17.13–14)
12.4 (Bonnet, 18.13–14)
PG 620D
Theodoret, Interpretatio in xiv epistulas sancti Pauli
PG 82.628.4
Theophanes, Chronicle Nicetas Choniates, Chronica
Vita Sancti Abercii Orosius, Historiarum Adversum Paganos Libri VII 1–6
2–8
9–11
20–23
33–43
39–40 334, 349
45–49
47–50
48–49
48–51
50–51
52–56
334, 350 65–66
331, 350
76–77
335, 337–38 7.12
Pseudo-Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 5.7.30–34
5.9.60
7.29.4–7
9.15.67
Severus of Antioch, Epistles 5.6
Shepherd of Hermas, Similitudes 93(9.16).4
Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica 2.20.7–11
Synod of Laodicea 7–8
32–34
6, 130, 248
Tertullian, De baptismo Zonaras, History 1.3
13.12
Theodoret, Interpretatio epistulae ad Colossenses
PG 82.613
Primary Sources Index Cicero, De amicitia Greco-Roman Literature 27.1
Aelius Aristides, Orationes Cicero, Pro Flacco 33.6
48.38–39
51.25
133, 243, 285 67–68
Aelius Aristides, Sacred Tales
Demosthenes, De Falsa Legatione
Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae divi Augusti Digesta 22.5.4
21.1.1.1
21.1.17.14
Anthologia Palatina 9.553
Dio Cassius, Historiae romanae Appian, Bellum Mithridaticum 46.19.3
51.1.2–3
59.28.1
63.6.2
63.20.5
71.2.4
80.9–10
62–63
Apuleius, Apologia
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 11.23
Dio Chrysostom, Orationes Arrian, Anabasis
4.4
Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca historica Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogue 14.80.8
1.42–88
4.10
4.84–159
4.159
Diogenes Laertius, Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers 8.76
Cicero, Epistulae ad Atticum Epictetus, Dissertationes 5.15.2
5.16
6.3.9
4.5.16–19
Herodian, History of the Empire 5. 5.6–7
Cicero, Epistulae ad familiares Herodotus, Historiae 2.17.2
3.5.4
22, 279 12.14–15
7.30
109, 240 Homer, Odyssey 24.6–8
Primary Sources Index
Horace, Carmina 25.9.67
3.4.60–64
Plutarch, Table Talk Iamblichus, De mysteriis 1.2.2
3.11
Plutarch, On the Obsolescence of Oracles
Julian, Orationes
5.180.A
Polyaenus, Stratagems in War 7.16
Polybius, The Histories Julian, Contra Galileios 96C–E
5.57.5
5.772
Julian, Fragmentum epistolae
295C–D
Propertius, Elegies 4.6.37–84
Justin, Epitome historiarum Trogi Pompeius Seneca, Apolocyntosis
4.21–32
15.4.3–9
Lucian, Alexander the False Prophet 363 Seneca, De clementia 12–16
2.2.1
97, 101 Martial, Epigrams Stephanus, Ethnica 5.5.1
Ovid, Tristia
3.1.39–46 Strabo, Geographica 12.8.13
22, 241 12.8.16
246, 267–68, 279–80 12.8.20
13.4.2
13.4.14
Pausanias, Graeciae descriptio 7.2.8–9
Philostratus, On Heroes
Philostratus, Vitae sophistarum Suetonius, Vitae caesarum Domitianus 13
Domitianus 57
Nero 7.2
Nero 39
Nero 40
Tiberius 8 22, 268–69 2.24
Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historiae 2.232
5.29
5.105
20, 22 8.73.190
10.96.7
21.9.27
21.27.51
Tacitus, Annales 2.54
4.55
Primary Sources Index Tacitus, Annales (cont.) Aydaş, "New Inscriptions from Asia Minor"
EA 37 (2004): 124
12.58
14.15
14.27
22, 243, 269, 280 15.10–16
Bean, "Notes and Inscriptions"
85–87, no. 2
Bulletin de correspondance hellénique Tacitus, Historiae 11 (1889): 353f., no. 16
107 (1983) 352, no. 9
1.2
2.8–9
Bulletin épigraphique Vergil, Aeneid (1939) 392
(1970) 584
(1979) 15
(1984) 421
(2013) 407
8.698–713
Vitruvius, De architectura 8.3.14
22, 279 Xenephon, Anabasis 1.2.6
1.3.6
Berlin Griechische Urkunden 1.27
1.28
194–96 1.110
1.111, col. 2
194–95, 199 1.124
1.232
1.252
1.183
1.316
2.243
2.372
2.632
215–16 3.859
3.887
188, 190–91, 219 3.887–9.22–23
3.987
3.913
4.423
4.632
4.1059
4.1103
4.1141
122, 223 9.56
11.2020
194–95 13.2228
15.2471
16.2615
Inscriptions and Papyri L'Année Épigraphique (1913) 2
(1993) 1521
(2001) 1347
Alt. v. Hierapolis
Anderson, "A Summer in Phrygia II"
90, no. 25
90, no. 26
Ascough, Harland, and Kloppenborg, Associations in the Greco-Roman World 148–58
150–51
Primary Sources Index
16.2617
16.2618
6:20
6:66
6:69
6:96
6:155
6:172
6:198
7:10
7:16
188, 190, 219 7:66
7:93
7:113
7:129
7:216
7:216–17
8:6
8:9
8:19
8:20
8:27
190, 215 8:35
8:36
8:42
8:55
205, 219 8:186
8:198
8:324
8:427
8:461
202, 210 8:479
8:481
9:20
190, 215 9:141
9:162
9:170
9:179
9:243–44
9:356
10:12
10:98
10:137–38
10:269
11:25
11:72
11:112
Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten 1:9
194, 196 1:21
1:22
1:24–25
1:45
1:58
190, 215 1:74
1:77
188, 190 1:82
188, 190 2:141
2:154
1:245
1:290
1:319
1:320
1:350
188, 190, 219 1:390
2:2
194, 203 2:94
3:6
3:15
188, 190–91, 219, 221 3:17
3:34
3:37
3:39
3:61
3:94
3:101
3:170
3:236
3:242
4:2
4:6
188, 190 4:32
5:10
5:54
5:81
6:10
194, 196 6:19
6:19–20
Primary Sources Index Berichtigungsliste (cont.) Ch.L.A.
11:143
11:238
11:268
11:278
12:10
12:11
12:16
12:248
12:284
12:268
12:279
12:284
11.477
12.547
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
8–9
8–9
4380k3 8, 11, 213 Corpus inscriptionum judacarum 2.760
2.775
Cadwallader, "Honouring the Repairer of the Baths"
11, 246 Corpus inscriptionum Latinarium 1.2
1.2.728
2.3349
3.6
3.7
3.14195
4.91–94
8.15447
Cadwallader, "A New Inscription"
109, no. 1
111, no. 2
9, 246 112–18, no. 3
Cadwallader, "One Man, Two Women"
Clerc, "Inscriptions de la vallée du Méandre"
Cadwallader, "Revisiting Calder"
56.108
353, no. 10
10, 245 353, no. 11
353, no. 12
Carter, Gladiatorial Spectacles, "Catalogue of Inscriptions"
341–48
351–55a
Codex Coislinianus
(H) 145 Codex Parisianus graecus C.Epist.Lat.
(A) 1480
(M) 1484
(C) 1495
(D) 1494
(E) 1501
(F) 1512
(G) 1503
(P) 1540
1.16–71
1.87–88
3.88bis.1–4843
Chaniotis,"Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion"
Primary Sources Index
Cotton, Cockle, and Millar, "The Papyrology of the Roman Near East"
378–79
341–352
358–359
214–35
Corpus Papyrorum Raineri 15.24
C.Ptol.Sklav.
Dieterich, Die Grabschrift des Aberkios 12–16
Fontenrose, Didyma Epigraphica Anatolica A6
177–244
17 (1991): 53–54, no. 3
Ferrary, Les mémoriaux de délégations
112 n. 20
374–75
French, Roman Roads and Milestones 101, no. 266
106, no. 279
111, nos. 294–295
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 48 (2009) 334
Primary Sources Index Harland, North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor, vol. 1
IGBulg
Inscriptiones graecae ad res romanas pertinentes Herrmann, "Inscriptions of Miletos"
3.174
3.175
4.353
4.468
4.469
4.834
4.841
304–5 4.868
4.868–869
4.869
10, 12, 124, 245 4.870
6, 10, 246, 297 4.871
4.1033
4.1436
4.1498
389–90 Horsley and Mitchell, The Inscriptions of Central Pisidia
380–82
IBoubon
ICUR 2.1 proemium XV–XVII
IDenizli
IDidyma Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis 2 4, 138
187–209 242–43
56, 138 191A
191B
192–93
192–94
56, 138, 306
56–57 196.n 242–43
56, 139
201–3
205–9
496A
496B 371–72
370–71
IEph 1a.18a.11–17
1a.26
3.987
5.1799
7.2.3157
Primary Sources Index
139, 243 212–13
139, 243
22, 36
62A
42, 377, 379 68–69
73–78
81A
43–44, 267
Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 23.440
59.56
59.57
59.95
59.96
59.170
ILaodikeia
20, 42
31–32
20, 31, 42
30, 50
34, 42
33, 42
30, 34, 42
36, 42
30, 42, 272 16–17
33, 42
20, 42
24b 43, 309, 277
20, 31 32–33
IMagnesia
IMilet 1.3.150
1.7.205
1.7.205b
IMylasa
IPergamon
374, 391–92 ISardBR 1.89
7.1
ISmyrna
Primary Sources Index Monumenta Asiae Minoris antiqua IStratonikeia
2.1.194 (IIa)
4.276
4.276A (I)
4.276A (III)
118, 124, 136 4.276B
4.277A (I)
4.277A (II)
118–19 4.279
4.281
4.283
4.289
4.297
20, 301
6.1–37
6.38–49
6.39
10, 245 6.40
10, 139, 246 6.41
6.42
6.44
6.45
6.46
6.47
10, 84–85, 246 6.48
6.49
6.50
8, 10, 246 6.51
8, 9 6.52
6.53
6.87
6.142
6.156
6.177
6.335
6.666
9.9
Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe 2.306
133, 139 Journal of Hellenic Studies 18 (1898): 25
18 (1898): 26
35 (1915): 22–65, no. 2
Jur.Pap.
Konakçi-Duman, Denizli Sempozyumu 1.61, no. 8 (pl. 12b)
Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions grecques et latines
1693B
Lois sacrées d l'Asie Mineure
MacMullen and Lane, Paganism and Christianity 100—425 CE 7.3
7.10
Macridi, "Altertümer von Notion"
165, no. 2.2
168, no. 4/5.4
170, no. 5.4
Macridi, "Altertümer von Notion II"
46, no. 1.1
46, no. 2
Meer, Ostia
90–91
Magie, Roman Rule 986 n. 22
Primary Sources Index
94–97
107–108
O.Brux.
O.Cret.Chers
Merkelbach and Stauber, "Die Orakel des Apollon von Klaros"
O.Did.
187–88
Merkelbach and Stauber, Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten vol. 1
Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae
Meyboom, The Nile Mosaic of Palestrina
P.Abinn.
Milner, An Epigraphical Survey in the Kibyra-Olbasa Region
219, 221 3.4.11
7, 11
P.Amh.
2.76
P.Ant.
Miranda, "La comunità giudaica di Hierapolis di Frigia"
1.37
P.Berl.Cohen
194–95 Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts, Atheniasche Abteilung
P.Bingen
192, 197 16:199
18:206, no. 3
NewDocs 1 (1981) P.Cair.Masp.
1.67120
NewDocs 3 (1986) P.Cair.Preis.
NewDocs 10 (2012) P.Cair.Zen.
49, 388–89
1.59036
1.59037
1.59056
1.59758
Nollé, Griechische und lateinische Inschriften (5–16) P.Choix 497, no. 497
Primary Sources Index P.Col.
7, 246 1.inv. 480
8.231
10.262
10.267
P.Euphrates
P.Fam.Tebt P.Corn.
196–97 P.Diog.
198, 371 2–4
P.Fay.
P.FuadUniv.
P.Dime
3.39
3.40
P.Gen.
12.16
4.162
194, 199 P.Dura
Papyri Graecae Magicae Pennacchietti, "Nuove iscrizioni di Hierapolis Frigia"
1.296–300
139–40 P.Hamb.
1.63
Petzl, "Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens"
P.Hever
Picard, "Un Oracle d'Apollon Clarios"
190–97
P.Jud.Des.Misc Pflaum, Les Carrières
4–6
16–19
1.262, no. 109
Pfuhl and Möbius, Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs
7, 246
10, 246
7, 246
1665b 7, 246
7, 246
7, 246 P.Köln 2.87
196–97 P.Laur.
3.79.3
P.Lond.
1.229
Primary Sources Index
2.208
2.229
2.324
3.904
3.1178
12.1552
13.2858
14.1765
18.2191
38.2858
196–97 43.3136
196–97 43.3137
43.3183
49.3491
50.3593
54.3754
65.4489
66.3295
74.4993
74.4994
196–97 74.4995
196–97 74.4999
78.5166
38.2855
P.Masada
P.Mich.
192, 229 3.170
3.171
3.172
5.264
5.265
5.278
5.279
5.355
8.487
8.490
8.491
8.501
9.546
11.603
P.Oxy.Hels.
P.Petaus 1–2 195–96, 200 P.Michael P.Petra
P.Rain.Cent.
P.Münch.
3.63
P.Ryl.
P.Murabba'ât
2.154
207, 209 4.654
P.Oxy.
2.254
2.265
2.288
2.275
227–28 3.497
6.905
10.1267
196–97 P. Scholl.
5.3
PGI (Vitelli, Papiri greci e latini) 1.36a
3.164
6.690
8.393
8.902
Primary Sources Index PGI (cont.) Ritti, An Epigraphic Guide to Hierapolis 12.1257
49, 51, 383
51, 383
49, 376 16a 377, 388 16b 377, 388
49, 51 22–23
51, 89
49, 377, 383
382–84
53, 383
P.Sijp.
P.Stras.
6.505
7.634
197–98 P.Tebt.
2.292
2.298
2.299
2.384
P.Turner
189–91, 199, 212, 219, 221 P.Ups.Frid.
192, 197 Ritti, Fonti Letterarie ed Epigraphi 97–101
100 plate 11b
102 plate 13
102–03, plate 12d
P.Vind.Bosw.
P.Warr.
194–95 Ritti, Hierapolis di Frigia IX 388–95
P.Wisc.
1.4
Ritti, Museo Archeologico di Denizli-Hierapolis P.Yadin
27–47
31A
31B
32–34
8, 245, 11 60–61
62–63, plates 62–63
8, 10, 246
Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics
Reasoner, Roman Imperial Texts 138–39
Primary Sources Index
8, 246
8, 100 Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten 3.6016
3.6260
3.6204
3.6304
3.6695
3.6696, col.
5.8007
219, 221 8.9557
10.10220
10.10236
12.11103
16.12742
16.12743
16.12764
16.12950
20.14284
20.14440
22.15538
22.15765
24.16253
24.16257
223–24 Ritti, Grewe, and Kessner, "Water-Powered Stone Saw Mill"
Ritti, Şimşek, and Yıldız, "Dediche"
34, no. K44.
Robert, Les gladiateurs dans l'orient grec
Robert, "Inscriptions"
Schubart and Olsson, Papyrusbriefe aus der frühesten Römerzeit
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 2.447
8.1328
18.592
20.411
24.1109
26,16803
29.1391
32.1252
33.1128
37.961
38.1328
38.1338
40.1109
41.1336
42.1791
43.711
Robert, "Monuments des gladiateurs"
140 (plate 16)
Robert, Opera Minores 3.1587, no. 53
Robert and Robert, La Carie vol. 2
Primary Sources Index Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (cont.) Strubbe, ΑΡΑΙ ΕΡΙΤΥΜΒΙΟΙ
47.1745
54.1330
57.1382
57.1383
57.1384
57.1385
57.1186
57.1385
6, 9, 246 61.1160
62.1235
Tituli Asiae Minoris 2.194
2.3
5.1
T.Dacia
T.Hercul.
189, 219
189, 219, 221 Sylloge inscriptonum graecarum
Thonemann, "Abercius of Hierapolis"
Şimşek, "Laodikeia Water Law"
34–35 Grabschrift 3, 6
Grabschrift 4, 6
Grabschrift 7–9
Grabschrift 12
Grabschrift 13–16
Grabschrift 14, 16
Grabschrift 20–22
Grabschrift 36–43
Şimşek and Guizzi, "A Dedication of the Praeses Dyscolius"
Şimşek, Okunak, and Bilgen, Laodikeia Nekropulü
T.Jucundus
T.Sulpicii
189, 219, 221 Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde
20.11
20.15
22.37
22.100
T.Vind.
T. Vindol.
Warmington, Remains of Old Latin IV 1. Inscriptions Proper, 23
Spratt and Forbes, Travels in Lycia 2.289
Coins Straus, L'achat et la vente des esclaves Armstrong, "Roman Phrygia"
179–219, nos. B65–66
268–70, nos. 95–110
Primary Sources Index
271–76, nos. 120–58
279, nos. 174–174
351, no. 12
357, no. 28
Domitian 2.179
Nero 1.48
Tiberius 1.55
Trajan 2.750
BMC Phrygia Roman Provincial Coinage 1 1.1–7, plate 2.1
54–66 plate XXX.6
1269–1270
1842–1863
1937–1938
2893–2896
276–77 2893–2895
276–77
278, 284
2896–2897
39, 279
39, 284 2898–2900
39, 276–77 2901–2005
39, 278–79
39, 279
2906–2907
39, 87, 278, 284
39, 276–77 2908–2910
39, 279
39, 279
39, 269 Houghton and Lorber, Seleucid Coins 1.20
1.32–33
1.343–344
1.355–356
1.418
1.420
1.423
1.528–59
1.625–26
1.635–37
1.638
1.162.2
1.173.16
1.174.9
1.165.1
1.169
1.177.1
1.179
1.188
1.900–03
1.989–98
2.223
Newell, The Coinage of the Western Seleucid Mints
922 plate 17.5, 6
946–51
Roman Imperial Coinage Augustus 1.72
Galba 1.35
Primary Sources Index Roman Provincial Coinage 1 (cont.)
1079–1093
274, 278 1268–70
274, 278, 280 1269–1270
39, 269, 283 1272–1280 30, 269
114, 274
1276–78
114, 279 1279–80
274–75, 283 1281–95
1281–1296 269, 274
39, 274, 278–79
274, 283
274, 283
274, 283
1282–83
39, 278
274–75, 283, 295 1290–92
274–75, 283, 295
39, 278
274, 279
40, 274, 279
1297–1299
272–73, 278, 283 2912–114
2912–16
274, 278
272, 278
274, 278 2917–2918
274, 278
278, 280 2920–2925
114, 279 2924–2925
114, 279, 284
2926–2927
39, 278, 284
29, 40, 269, 272–73, 283 2969–2973 73, 77
77–78
74, 78
Roman Provincial Coinage 2
471–482
559–653
Primary Sources Index
Roman Provincial Coinage 3
2310A
2313A
Roman Provincial Coinage 4
9991–3
Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Copenhagen
Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum von Aulock 2.43–46
2.83–94
2.443–46
2.448–52 17, 112 2.455–57
2:458–60 108, 112 2.471–82
2.483
2.487–93
2.496–506
2.515–17
2.518–19
2.534–36
2.545
2.546
2.546–47
2.547
2.548
2.547
2.564
2.580
2.588
2.590
Modern Authors Index Abel, Adolphe 339–41, 343, 348, 358 Adams, J. N.
249, 252 Aitken, Ellen Bradshaw 45, 63 Akıncı, E.
16, 60 Alberigo, Giuseppe 128, 145 Alföldi, Andreas 76, 78 Alkac, A.
26, 68 Allen, Pauline
Alston, Richard 374, 408 Amandry, Michael 244, 253 Ameling, Walter 46, 59, 131, 135, 139, 141–42, 242–43, 252 Anagnostou-Laoutides, E.
9, 60 Anderson, Janice C.
12, 59 Anderson, J. G. C. 245–46, 252, 260, 286 Andorlini, Isabella 208, 238 Annese, Andrea 193, 231 Aperghis, Gerassimos G.
136, 142 Armstrong, Andrea J. 18, 20–23, 38–41, Aune, David E. 14, 69, 365, 367, 394–95,
397, 399, 407 Austin, Michel M.
20, 60 Avramea, Anna 327, 358 Aydaş Murat 183–84 Aytaçlar, P. O.
16, 60 Badian, Ernst 270, 286 Bagnall, Roger S.
107, 195, 201–3, 206, 232–33, 294, 320 Bain, Katherine 296, 300, 306, 314, 320 Balabanski, Vicky 212, 232, 295, 320 Bang, Peter F.
294 320, 322 Barber, E. J. W.
85, 102 Barclay, John M. G.
133, 142, 182, 185 Bar-Kochva, Bezalel 107, 137, 142 Barnett, Paul 396, 403, 407–8 Barrett, Anthony A.
77–78, 399, 408 Barth, Markus 108, 142, 181, 185 Barton, Tamsyn 39, 60 Bauckham, Richard 317, 320, 394, 397, 59, 242, 244–45, 252 Arnaoutoglou, Ilias 207, 231 Arnold, Clinton E.
5, 18, 59, 108, 142, 173, 176, 181, 183–84, 247, 252, 385, 407 Arundel, V. J.
6–9, 59 Arzt-Grabner, Peter 5, 193–94, 197, 203, 207, 210, 213–14, 218–19, 221– 23, 225, 226, 229–32, 235, 308, 319 Ascough, Richard S. 45, 59, 90–91, 102 Ashton, Richard A.
112, 142 Asirvatham, Sulochana R. 179, 186, 388, 403, 408 Baysal, H. Hüseyin 50–51, 67, 149, 255,
Bazzana, Giovanni 230, 232 Bean, E.
371, 408 Bean, Georg 241, 252 Beale, G. K.
398–99, 401, 408 Beasley-Murray, George R.
396, 399– 401, 408 Beatrice, Pier Franco 369, 408 Beck, Astrid B.
Beê, N. A.
121, 142 Bejor, Giogio 19, 28, 60 Bélis, Annie 191, 232 Bell, G.
10, 60
Aulock, Hans von 12, 17, 59, 107–8, 112, 114–16, 125, 142, 241, 244–45,
Modern Authors Index Belley, A.
7, 9, 60 Bellia, Andria 191, 232 Benda-Weber, Isabella 94, 102, 242, 252 Bennett,Robert 18, 60 Benson, Bailey 47–49, 60 Berenson McLean, J. K.
45, 63 Bergamasco, Marco 226, 232 Bevere, Allan R.
181, 185 Bianchini, Mariagrazia 218, 237 Bibauw, Jacqueline 225, 238 Bieżuńska-Małowist, Iza 212, 225 Bilgin, M.
26, 37–38, 69 Billows, Richard A.
107, 142 Binder, Gerhard 76, 78 Bird, Michael 181, 185 Birley, Anthony R.
12, 60, 116, 142 Biscottini, Maria Valentina 226–27, 233 Blanke, Helmut 108, 142, 181, 185 Blanton IV, Thomas R.
293, 320 Blois, Lukas de
Blümel, Wolfgang
Blumell, Lincoln H.
191, 233 Bobrinskoy, Boris 355, 360 Böcher, Otto 250, 255 Boer, W. den 275, 288 Boissonarde, Jean F.
338, 359 Boiy, T.
134, 142 Bolden, Ron
Bombardieriet, Luca 261, 291 Bonnet, Max 123, 142 Bonetto, Jacopo 28, 60 Boretius, Alfred 128 142 Bormann, Lukas 12, 15–16, 60, 75, 78, Brooke, C.
263, 287 Broughton, T. R. S.
243, 252 Brubaker, Rogers 164, 168 Bruce, F. F.
23, 60 Brunt, P. A. 206, 233, 270, 286, 294, 321 Buckler, William H.
8, 24, 85, 140 Bujard, Walter 239, 253 Bülow-Jacobsen, A.
Bundy, David 341, 359 Burnett, Andrew 47, 67, 114, 244, 253 Busine, Aude 363, 373–76, 382, 389, 392, 408 Buttrey, T. V.
281, 286 Cadwallader, Alan 3, 5–11, 58, 60–61, 85–86, 88, 102–3, 118, 125, 128, 143– 44, 225, 233–34, 240, 244–46, 249–50, 253–54, 256, 300, 306, 309, 314, 320, 322, 386 Calder, W. M.
8, 24, 85, 140, 337, 348, 352, 359 Callaghan, Allen Dwight 308, 311, 320 Callu, Jean Pierre 273, 286 Caltabiano, M. Caccamo 261, 286 Camilleri, V. G.
6, 69 Camodeca, Giuseppe 218, 233 Campagna, L.
261, 286 Campbell, J. B.
118, 144 Canavan, Rosemary 5, 15, 18–19, 62, 85, 86, 88, 96, 97, 101–2, 118, 144,
225, 233, 249, 253 Capozza, Maria 232–33 Carlebach, Elisheva 131, 144 Carletti, Carlo 343, 359 Carney, T. F.
303, 320 Carter, Michael J. D.
29, 55, 62 Carter, Warren 261, 286 Cary, M.
270, 286 Castelli, Emanuele 343, 359 Champlin, Edward 399, 408 Chaniotis, Angelos 15, 62, 249, 253, 384–86, 408 Charles, Robert Henry 398, 408 Christol, Michel 5, 62, 119, 125, 136,
Claytor, W. Graham 202, 233 108, 245, 249, 252 Bosch, Clemens 258, 286 Bourke van der Meer, I.
298, 320 Bovon, François 129, 149 Bowersock, Glen W.
328, 358 Brennan, Peter 262, 286 Brent, Allen 5, 325–61, 333–54, 356–57,
Breytenbach, Cilliers 55, 64 Brink, Laurie 333, 360 Brixhe, Claude 249, 252 Brock, Ann Graham 129, 149
Modern Authors Index
Cleland, Liza 85, 102 Clerc, Michel Armand 10, 62, 245, 253 Cockle, Walter E. H.
189, 233 Cohen, Getzel M.
107, 137, 144 Cole, R. A.
Collins, Adela Yarbro 394, 409 Colvin, Stephen 385, 408 Concannon, C. W.
29, 62 Cooper, Kate 300, 320 Corsten, Thomas 3, 19, 24, 29–30, 36, 60–62, 70, 89, 102, 110, 143, 213, 231, 253, 304, 314, 320–21 Costa, V. M. da 258, 286 Cotton, Hannah M.
46, 59, 131, 148, 189, 206, 233, 385 Coutras, Andrew J.
367, 409 Coynbear, Frederick C.
340, 359 Cramer, John A.
130, 144 Crawford, Michael H. 261, 263, 286–87 Crone, Theodore M.
365, 409 Cross, Lawrence 118, 143 Cuvigny, Hélène
D'Agostino, Anacleto
Dain, Alphonse 11, 15, 62 D'Aiuto, F.
121, 144 D'Ambra, E. Eve 399, 409 D'Andria, Francesco 3–4, 19, 26, 47–48, Dölger, Franz Joseph 355–57, 359 Dominik, William J.
Donkow, Izabella 388, 415 Downing, F. Gerald 405, 409 Drew-Bear, Thomas 5, 62, 119, 125, 136,
Drexhage, H.-W. 187–88, 220, 234, 237, 242, 254 Drijvers, H. Jan Willem 110, 144 DuBois, Thomas A.
178, 185 Duchesne, Louis 334, 340, 343–44, 359 Duff, Paul B.
166, 168 Duman, B.
11, 17, 26, 63, 68, 92, 103, 240, 254 Duncan-Jones, Richard 265, 287, 294,
Dunn, Geoffrey D.
118, 143 Dunn, James D. G.
132, 144, 174, 185 Dyer, K. D.
261, 287 Eck, Werner 73, 78, 130, 148, 328, 359 Eden, P.T.
76, 78 Edwards, James R.
273, 287, 365, 367,
Eger, Otto 218, 234 Eitrim, Samson 363, 409 Elsner, Jaś 179, 186 Elton, Hugh 258, 290 Emrys-Evans, D.
10, 63 Erdemir, Hatice 86, 103, 225 234 Erdkamp, Paul 265, 288, 294, 321 Erim, Kenan T.
89, 104 Esler, Philip 95, 103 Esty, Warren W.
281, 287 Fairchild, Mark R.
25, 63 Fears, J. Rufus 262, 280, 287 Ferrary, Jean-Louis 248, 254, 306, 321, 366, 373–79, 400, 409 Ferrua, Antonio 335, 359 Ficker, Gerhard 340, 342, 344, 348, 352–53, 359 Filges, Axel 240, 254 Fine, Steven 131, 144 Fink, Robert O.
Finley, M. I.
294, 321 Fitzmyer, Joseph A.
308, 321 53, 62, 65, 67–68, 242, 244, 253, 304 Daniell, Edward T.
8, 69 Daniell, Patrice 13, 69 Daubner, Frank 107, 134, 144 Davies, Glenys 85, 102 Davila, James R.
182, 185 Dehandschutter, Boudewijn
Deissmann, Adolf 202, 216, 233 Delattre, Daniel 191, 232 Delmaire, Roland
Dennis, George T.
140, 144 Destro, Adriana 193, 231 Devambez, Pierre.
245, 255, 291 Dibelius, Martin 174–75, 185, 248, 254 Dieterich, Albrecht 342, 348–50, 353–
Dignas, Beate 327, 361 Dittmann-Schöne, Imogen 242, 254
Modern Authors Index Flavianus, K.-M.
Flexsenhar, M.
17, 60 Fontenrose, Joseph 363, 370–73, 409 Forbes, Christopher 365, 407, 409 Forbes, E.
8, 69, 366 Foss, C.
10, 63 Foster, Paul 12, 15, 63 Fox, Robin Lane 392, 409 Fragiadakis, Charilaos 212, 234 Francis, Fred O.
174, 176, 180, 185 Franco, Carlo 328, 359 Franke, Peter R. 188, 234, 258, 273, 287
French, David 20, 63 French, David H.
217, 234 Frerichs, Ernest S.
130, 146 Frier, Bruce W. 195, 201, 203, 232, 294, Grant, Michael 259, 287 Grant, Robert
Green, David 168, 243, 254, 260, 333,
Greeven, Heinrich 175, 185 Grégoire, H.
337, 360 Grenfell, B. P.
Grewe, Klaus 54, 68, 298, 320, 323 Grierson, Philip
Grudem, Wayne A.
365, 410 Guarducci, Guido
Guarducci, Margherita 333, 339, 355,
Guichard, Celeste L. 178, 185, 364, 410 Guizzi, F.
32, 67, 69, 149, 255, 276 Gurval, Robert Allan 398, 410 Gwyther, Anthony 395, 411 Haacker, Klaus 250, 255 Habicht, Christian 275, 287–88 Habinek, Thomas N.
115, 145 Halfmann, H.
12, 63 Hall, A. S.
370, 410 Halla-Aho, Hilla 208, 235 Hamilton, W. J.
6, 24, 63 Hans, Linda-Marie 264, 288 Harland, Philip A.
46, 56–59, 63–64, 84, 90–91, 102–3, 138–39, 145, 242–43, 254 Harnack, Adolf von 154, 168, 334, 340,
Friesen, Steven J. 17, 60, 275, 287, 294, 296, 298, 321, 395, 409 Frilingos, Christopher A.
395, 409 Fugmann, Joachim 76, 78 Funke, Peter 271, 287 Gagniers, Jean des 19–20, 24, 32–33, 63, 65, 68, 245, 255, 275, 277–78, 287, 291, 413 Gagos, Traianos 218, 232 Galinsky, Karl 76, 78, 398–99, 409 Garnsey, Peter 270, 287 Garthwaite, John 76, 78 Gauger, Jörg-Dieter 133, 145 Gauthier, Philippe 133, 145 Gemünden, P. von 260, 292 Gianotto, Claudio 223, 232 Gielen, Marlis 212, 234 Gilles, Carole 86, 94, 104 Gillespie, Thomas W.
365, 409 Gilliam, Johnson Frank 137, 388, 409 Ginouvès, René.
245, 255, 291 Glancy, Jennifer A.
387, 409 Gleba, Margarita 94, 242, 252 Gnilka, Joachim 175, 185 Grabbe, Lester L.
133, 145 Graf, Fritz 176, 178–79, 185 Grainger, J. D.
133, 136, 145 Grant, Frederick C.
382, 410 342, 360 Hanson, Ann E.
224, 234 Harrill, J. Albert
Harrington, Wilfred J.
398, 410 Harris, William V.
270, 288 Harrison, James R.
3–5, 24, 36, 42, 44, 49, 52, 55, 63, 262, 289, 379, 383–84, 388–89, 402, 404, 410 Harrison, Stephen 179, 186 Hathaway, Stephanie L.
128, 143 Hauge, Matthew Ryan 383, 410 Haverfield, Francis H.
270, 288 Haysom, Matthew 369, 410 Head, Barclay
Hefner, Herbert
Heftner, Herbert 188, 235
Modern Authors Index
Hekster, Olivier 265, 288, 294, 321 Heller, Anna 106, 124, 145 Hellholm, David 353, 361 Hemer, Colin J.
285, 288 Hengstl, Joachim 226, 229, 234–35 Henry, Olivier 364, 412 Herda, Alexander 363, 369, 410 Herrmann, Johannes 226, 235 Herrmann, P.
372, 410 Hernández, Juan P. S.
137, 147 Herz, Peter 188, 235 Herzer, Jens 216, 237 Heuchert, Volker 47, 67, 114 Hill, David 365, 410 Hirschmann, Vera 340, 352, 360 Hock, Ronald F.
119, 145 Højte, Jakob Munk 75, 79 Holmes, Michael 162–63, 168 Hölscher, T.
264, 288 Holtheide, Bernard 73, 79 Homann, Margit 216, 237 Hombert, Marcel 201, 235 Hopkins, Keith 294, 321 Horsley, Greg H. R.
44, 64, 380–82, 410–11 Horsley, Richard A.
277, 288, 311, 320 Horst, Peter W. van der 45, 64, 132, 139, Ikeguchi, Mamoru 294, 322 Instone-Brewer, David 207, 235 Isaac, Benjamin 270, 288 Ismaelli, Tommaso 299, 322 Jackson, John 280, 291 Jakab, Éva 217–18, 235 Janse, Mark 249, 252 Janzen, Ernst 400, 411 Johnson, Sherman E.
24, 64 Johnston, Ann 4, 64, 114, 145, 257–59, 281, 288–89 Jones, A. H. M.
293–94, 321 Jones, Christopher 75, 79 Jones, Horace Leonard 268, 291 Jones, Tamara 31, 65, 373, 411 Jones, Tom B.
258, 289 Jongman, Willem 294, 321–22 Jördens, Andrea
Judeich, Walther 52, 65, 139, 145 Judge, Edwin A.
262, 289, 404, 411 Jütte, Robert 135, 141 Kagan, Y. O.
7, 65 Kahil, Lilly 33, 66, 245, 255, 291 Kajava, Mika 364, 411 Kampmann, Ursula 258, 289 Karanastasi, P.
145, 216 Katsari, Constantina 304, 320 Kaufmann, Carl Maria 342, 360 Kearsley, Rosalinde A.
42, 65, 88, 103, 105, 115, 146, 306, 309, 322 Keenan, James G.
205, 236 Keddie, G. Anthony 17, 61 Kehoe, Dennis P.
294, 322 Kelp, Ute 249, 254 Kerkeslager, A.
365 397, 411 Kerschbaum, Saskia 73, 79 Kessner, Paul 54, 68, 298, 320 Kienast, Dietmar 74, 79, 273, 289 Kiley, Mark Christopher 311, 322 Kim, David W.
128, 143 Kinns, Philip 281, 289 Klauck, Hans-Josef 395, 411 Klauser, Theodor 343, 360 Kleijn, Gerda de 288, 294, 321 Kleiner, Fred S.
266, 289
Houghton, Arthur 109, 112–13, 145 Howard-Brook, Wes 395, 411 Howgego, Christopher 47, 67, 109, 114, 145, 263, 265, 281, 288 Hoyland, Robert G.
59, 142 Hoz, María Paz de 137, 147 Huber, Lynn R.
34–36, 39, 64 Humann, Carl 4, 64, 139 Hunt, A. S.
Huttner, Ulrich 4–5, 10, 18–19, 64, 73–74, 79, 81, 83–84, 88–89, 91–92, 94–95, 98, 103, 112, 118–20, 123–30, 133, 139–40, 153–54, 158–60, 163, 168, 219, 235, 242–43, 247–48, 250– 51, 254, 275–76, 278, 282, 288, 293, 300, 306, 308–9, 314–16, 318, 321 Hyatt, Adam 218, 232
Modern Authors Index Kloppenborg, John S.
46, 59, 89–91, 102, 366 Klöpper, Albert 311, 322 Klose, Dietrich O. A. 115, 146, 273, 289
Klutz, Todd E.
182, 185 Kneissl, Peter 275, 289 Knox, John 308, 322 Knuf, Hermann 225, 237 Koch, Dietrich-Alex 210, 235 Koester, Craig R.
34–35, 65, 395, 411 Koester, Helmut 109, 150, 258, 289 Kolb, F.
113, 146 Konakçi, E. 11, 17, 63, 65, 92, 103, 240, Lefebvre, Henri 167, 168 Leitz, Christian 225, 237 Leiwo, Martti 208, 235 Leschhorn, Wolfgang 74, 79, 234, 258– 59, 267, 281–82, 287, 289 Lesses, Rebecca M.
182, 185 Levick, Barbara 108, 146, 271, 289 Lewis, Peter 266, 289 L'Hôte, Eric 364, 411 Lieu, Judith
Lightfoot, J. B.
127, 146 Limberis, Vasiliki M.
123, 146 Lindemann, Andreas
Lindgren, Henry Clay 28, 66, 255 Lintott, Andrew 284, 290 Llewellyn–Jones, Lloyd 85, 102 Llewelyn, Stephen R. 390, 393–94, 412 Lohse, Eduard 175, 186, 250, 255 Long, Lea Emilia 30, 66 Longenecker, Bruce W.
296, 322 Lorber, Catharine C.
109, 112–13, 145 Lotz, John Paul 41, 66 Lovén, Lena Larsson 86, 103 Lovering, Eugene 400, 411 Luckensmeyer, David 118, 143 Lüdtke, Willy 325, 360 Luijendijk, AnneMarie 191, 235 Lyon, C. S. S.
281, 290 Ma, John 133–34, 146 MacDonald, David 247, 255 MacDonald, Margaret 132, 147 MacMullen, Ramsay 382, 412 Macridy, Theodore 176, 186, 248, 255 Magie, David 10, 18, 20, 66, 109, 147, 401, 412 Magness, Jodi 111, 147 Maier, Harry O. 5, 13, 19, 66, 74, 77, 79
Malay, H.
134–35, 137, 147 Malbon, Elizabeth S.
356, 360 Malherbe, Abraham J.
56, 66 Malina, Bruce J.
316, 322, 395, 412 Malouta, Myrto 205, 236 Manders, Erika 260, 290 Manning, Joseph G.
205, 236 Manthe, Ulrich 218, 233
Konstan, David 43, 65 Kooten, George H. van 248, 254 Kosmin, Paul J.
110, 146 Kovacs, Frank L.
28, 66 Kraabel, A. Thomas 56–57, 65, 130 146 Kraft, Konrad 257, 289 Krampe, Christoph 218, 233 Krause, Victor 128, 142 Kraybill, J. Nelson 394, 399, 403, 411 Kreinecker, Christina M.
229, 235 Kreitzer, Larry J.
53, 65 Kretschmar, Georg 355, 360 Kritzer, Ruth E.
Kruse, Thomas 192, 195–96, 199–200, 229, 235 Kumsar, Halil 22, 65 Kupisch, Berthold 218, 235 Kustermann, Abraham P.
135, 141 Labahn, Michael 183, 186 La Genière, Juliette de 248, 254 Laiou, Angeliki E.
327, 358 Lamberz, Erich 127, 146 Lampakis, G.
9, 65 Lampe, Peter 219, 235, 308, 322 Lampinem, Antii 364, 411 Lane, Eugene N.
278, 289, 382, 412 Lang, Markus 203, 231 Lange, Carste Hjort 398–99, 411 Latyšev, Basilius 121, 146 Leemans, Johan 122, 146 Leeming, David 280, 289
Modern Authors Index
Mare, W. Harold 9, 66 Marshall, Anthony J.
133, 147 Martin, Beatrice 76, 78 Martin, Katharina 18, 66 Marucchi, Orazio 339–40, 343, 360 Maschek, Dominik 299, 322 Masino, Filippo 31, 69 Matthews, Christopher R.
Matthews, Elaine 139, 149 Mattingly, David J.
274, 290, 292 Mattingly, Harold 261, 274 Mauritsch, Peter 220, 237 Mayer, Wendy 6, 61, 118, 125, 143, 146 McDowell, Robert H.
109, 133, 147 McKechnie, Paul 19, 66 McLaren, James S. 14, 61, 132, 143, 250, Möbius, Hans 7, 67, 246, 255 Moffatt, James 154, 168 Mols, Stephan T. A. M.
Mommsen, Theodor 271, 290 Montevecchi, Orsolina 201, 207, 225,
Moretti, Jean-Charles
Morgan, Teresa 383, 412 Mørkholm, Otto 111, 148, 266, 290 Morris, Ian 294, 321, 323 Mounce, Robert H.
399, 412 Müller, Brigitte
Müller-Luckner, Elisabeth 130, 148 Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome 399, 412 Nasrallah, Laura 365, 412 Naylor, Michael 395, 412 Neil, Bronwyn 6, 9, 60–61, 125, 143 Nesbitt, John W.
140, 144 Neusner, Jacob 130, 146 Neverov, O. Y.
7, 65 Newell, Edward T.
109, 148, 111 Ng, Diana Yi-man 47–48, 50, 67 Nicholson-Smith, Donald
Nissen, Theodor 325, 337–38, 352, 360–61 Noe, Sydney P.
Nollé, Johannes 130, 148, 188, 217, 234,
Meadows, Andrew
Meeks, Wayne A.
174, 185 Merkelbach, Reinhold 10, 66, 176, 186, 244, 246, 248, 255, 328–30, 340–41, 350, 352, 360, 363, 388, 412 Meshorer, Ya'akov 263, 290 Metcalf, William E. 114, 147, 259, 267, 282, 290 Meyer, H. G.
270, 286 Meyboom, P. G. P.
7, 66 Michon, E.
11, 66 Mighetto, Paolo 31, 69 Milanese, Marco 304, 324 Mileta, Christia 106, 147 Millar, Fergus G. B.
189, 233 Miller, John F.
398, 412 Millett, Martin 270, 290 Milne, J. Grafton 111, 147 Milner, N. P.
11, 66, 105, 147 Minnen, Peter van 226, 236 Miranda, Elena 56, 66, 76, 138, 149, 255, 276 Mitchell, Margaret M. 308, 333–35, 341, 236, 364, 380, 382, 412 Norden, Eduard 76, 79 Nordling, John G.
218, 236 Norwich, John J.
225, 148 North, John A.
56, 63 Nosch, Marie-Louise B.
86, 94, 104 Noy, David 139, 148 Nutton, V.
372, 412 Ogereau, Julien M.
230, 236 Oikonomides, Nicolas 140, 144 Okunak, M.
26, 37–38, 69 Öhler, Marcus 3, 15, 19, 60–61, 70, 110, 143, 203, 213, 231, 314, 321 Oldfather, W. A.
263, 290 Oliver, James H.
Olshausen, Eckart 273, 287 Olsson, Bror 222, 236 Önal, Mehmet 191, 236 346–47, 353, 360 Mitchell, Stephen 20, 25, 28, 44, 66, 126,
147, 267, 271, 290, 304, 320, 322, 327, 361, 380, 382, 411 Mitteis, Ludwig 201, 238
Modern Authors Index Ormerod, H. A.
83–84, 103 Orsi, Valentina
Osborne, Grant R.
396, 399, 412 Osborne, Robert E.
55, 67 Ozan, Ali 19, 67 Pache, Corrine Ondine 388, 414 Palme, Bernhard 201, 236 Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A.
121, 148 Papathomas, Amphilochios 222, 236 Papazoglou, Fanoula 138, 148 Parke, H. W.
363, 413 Parker, Barry F.
134, 148 Parker, Robert 110, 148 Parkin, Tim G.
311, 322 Parrish, David 4, 62, 242, 253 Pastori, Franco 218, 237 Pásztόkai-Szeöke, Judit 94, 242, 252 Peachin, Michael 311, 323 Pearl, O. M.
Peerbolte, B. J. Lietaert 182, 183, 186 Peers, Glenn 118, 148, 248, 255 Pennacchietti, Fabrizio A.
139, 148 Peregrine, Peter 106, 149 Pesce, Mauro 193, 231 Petzl, Georg 119, 148, 384–86, 413 Pflaum, H-G.
10, 67 Pfuhl, Ernst 7, 67, 246, 255 Picard, Charles 176, 186, 413 Pickett, Raymond
Pinzone, A.
261, 286 Pippidi, D. M.
Pitts, Andrew W.
383, 410 Pizzuto, Vincent A.
244, 255 Pleket, Henri W.
354, 361 Poblome, Jeroen 93–94, 103 Pohl, Daniela 188, 234 Pollard, J.
263, 287 Pomeroy, Arthur
Posner, Daniel N.
130, 148 Porter, S. E.
36, 64 Pratscher, Wilhem 203, 231 Préaux, Claire 201, 235 Price, Simon R. F. 47, 56, 63, 67, 74, 79,
Rabatel, Liliane 364, 412 Rajak, Tessa 138, 148 Ramelli, Ilaria 355, 361 Ramsay, William M.
10, 23, 67, 83, 85, 103, 247–48, 255, 259–60, 276, 290, 340, 344–48, 352, 361 Rathbone, Dominic W.
206, 237 Ratté, Christopher 105, 148 Rea, John R.
Reasoner, Mark 11, 14, 67 Rebillard, Éric 58, 67, 164–65, 168 Recklinghausen, Daniel von 225, 237 Reddish, Mitchell G.
401, 413 Reger, Gary 258, 290 Reike, Bo 243, 255 Reinach, Salomen 347, 361 Reinmuth, Eckart
Reiter, Fabian 225, 237 Renberg, Gil H.
392, 413 Ricl, M.
112, 149 Ripollès, Pere Pau 244, 253 Ritti, Tullia 4–5, 8, 10–11, 20, 39, 47, 49–56, 62, 67–68, 89, 103, 118, 135, 149, 243, 245–46, 255, 276, 291, 298–99, 301, 305, 320, 322–23, 376–77, 382–84, 388, 413 Robert, Carl 345, 361 Robert, Jeanne 179, 186, 328, 361, 376,
Robert, Louis 10–11, 24, 29, 54–55, 68, 179, 186, 245, 255, 278, 291, 328, 370, 376–78, 387, 413 Robbins, Vernon 95, 100, 103, 254 Robinson, John A. T.
400, 413 Robinson, Thomas Lonzo 363, 366, 374–75, 388–89, 392, 413 Roche, Paul A.
Romeo, Ilaria 49, 62 Rosler, Andrés 271, 291 Rossing, Barbara R.
395, 413 Rostad, Aslak 385, 387, 414 Roueché, Charlotte 105, 149 Ruffing, Kai 187–88, 220, 234 Ruggeri, Paolo 304, 324 Rüpke, Jörg 263, 292 115, 142, 273, 283, 290 Psoma, S.
Modern Authors Index
Rupprecht, Hans-Albert 218, 237 Russel, Ben 298, 320, 323 Rutherford, Ian 179, 186 Rutledge, Steven H.
73, 79 Ryan, Judith M.
Saller, Richard 270, 287, 294, 323 Sampley, J. Paul 29, 61 Sánchez-Moreno Ellart, C. 192, 196–97, Sobra, Giorgio 31, 69 Soja, Edward 167–68 Solin, Heikki
Soriano, Isabel Velázquez
Sperti, Luigi 25, 69 Spinelli, Marianna 261, 291 Spratt, T. A. B.
8, 69 Staab, Karl 130, 149 Standhartinger, Angela 5, 18–19, 68, 249–50, 256, 310, 323 Stauber, Josef 10, 66, 244, 246, 248, 255,
199–200, 237 Sanctis, George de 340, 359 Sbardella, Francesca 223, 232 Scardozzi, Giuseppe 299, 322 Schacter, Jacob J.
131, 144 Schalit, Abraham 134, 149 Scheidel, Walter 201, 237, 294, 298, 321, 341, 350, 360, 363, 388 Stegemann, Ekkehard W.
300, 323 Stegemann, Wolfgang 300, 323 Strelan, Rick 15–16, 69, 249 Stephens, Christopher W. B.
127, 150 Stevens, Gerald L.
284, 291 Steward, B.
263, 287 Stewart, Eric C.
156, 168, 256 Strachan, Lionel R. M.
202, 233 Straus, Jean A.
212–13, 220–21, 224– 25, 237 Strom, Mark 382, 414 Strootman, Rolf 107, 150 Strubbe, Johann 52, 69 Swain, Simon 179, 186, 249, 252 Sweet, John 398, 414 Tabbernee, William 126, 150 Talloen, Peter 400, 414 Tanriver, C.
137, 140, 147, 150 Taubenschlag, Rafael 201, 224, 238 Teichmann, Jutta 188, 234 Temin, Peter 293–98, 310, 323 Tenney, Frank 243, 252 Temporini, Hildegard 114, 150 Theophilos, Michael P.
Thomas, Rodney L.
395, 414 Thompson, Leonard L. 14, 69, 166, 168,
Scherrer, Stephen J.
396, 414 Scholl, Reinhold 216, 220, 237 Schreiber, Stefan
Schubart, Wilhelm
Schuler, Christof 75, 79 Schultze, Victor 259, 291 Schumacher, Leonhard 311, 323 Schuman, V. B.
Schütte, Anke 188, 234 Schwertheim, Elmar 393, 414 Scullard, Howard H.
270, 291 Segre, M.
133, 149 Sekunda, Nicholas 136, 149 Ševčenko, Nancy Patterson 221, 149 Sezgin, M. A.
5, 31, 69 Sheppard, A. R. R.
217, 291 Sherk, Robert H.
399, 414 Sim, David C. 14, 61, 132, 143, 250, 253 Şimşek, Celal 3, 5, 19, 22–23, 25–28, 30–
34, 37–38, 53, 62, 65, 67–69, 94, 103, 118, 131, 148–49, 274, 291, 304, 323 Sitlington Sterrett, J. R.
325, 336, 339, 346–48, 361 Slater, R. N.
Slootjes, Dani-Elle 294, 321 Smalley, Stephen S. 396–97, 399, 401, 414 Smith, Michael E.
106, 149 Smith, R. R. R. 85, 89, 104–5, 148, 327, 316, 323, 394, 396 Thonemann, Peter 20, 40, 69, 107, 112, 118, 126, 142, 147–48, 150, 166, 218, 240, 249, 254, 256, 266–67, 272, 276, 291, 301–2, 323, 327–31, 346, 348–49,
Tomaschitz, Kurt 134, 188, 235
Modern Authors Index Tougher, Shaun 128, 150 Threatte, Leslie 115, 150 Thurston, Bonnie Beattie 308, 323 Tolmie, D. Francois 220, 231, 308, 320 Trainor, Michael 3, 5, 12, 17, 42, 61, 65, 69, 86, 88, 103, 118, 120, 143, 149,
225, 234, 240, 253, 256, 295, 309, 312, 322–23 Travaglini, A.
6, 69 Traversari, Gustavo 19, 25, 27–28 31– 32, 60, 69 Trebilco, Paul 45, 69, 119–20, 130, 150 Triado, Jésus Bermejo 304, 323 Trinkl, Elisabeth 92, 104 Tuplin, Christopher 136, 150 Turner, Max 365, 414 Turner, Michael 262, 286 Unwin, James R.
29, 69 Uphus, Johannes B.
127, 146 Valentini, Stefano
Valero, Carlos Molina 137, 147 Vanacker, Wouter
Várhelyi, Zsuzsanna 179, 186, 388,
Velázquez, Soriano 190, 238 Verboven, Koenrad 294, 324 Verheyden, Joseph 3, 15, 19, 60–61, 70, Welborn, Laurence L.
23–24, 44, 56, 63–64, 70, 379, 410 Welles, Charles Bradford
Wells, Louise 392, 414 Wendt, Friedericke 259, 260, 292 Werner, M.
157, 169 Westermann, William L.
226, 238 Westermark, Ulla
Wet, Chris de 118, 143 Whitaker, Robyn J.
405, 414 White, L. Michael 119, 145 Whitmarsh, Tim 44, 66 Whittaker, C. R.
270, 273, 292 Wilcken, Ulrich 201–2, 238 Wild, John Peter 225, 238 Williams, Jonathan 263, 292 Williams, Margaret H.
Wilpert, Joseph 334, 361 Wilson, C.
10, 70 Wilson, H. L.
217, 292 Wilson, Mark 366, 368–69, 415 Winter, Bruce W.
271, 292 Winter, Engelbert 187, 234 Winter, John G.
229, 238 Winter, Sarah 308, 324 Wiotte-Franz, C.
15, 70 Wire, Antoinette Clark 365, 415 Wischmeyer, Wolfgang 337, 339, 346, 354, 361 Witherington III, Ben 181, 186, 398, 415
Wolff, Hans Julius 206–8, 239 Wolter, Michael 214, 238 Wörrle, Michael 20, 70, 135 Wright, Nicholas L.
107, 111, 113, 262,
Wypustek, Andrzej 388, 415 Yamauchi, Edwin 26, 30, 70, 265, 292 Yarbrough, O. Larry 119, 145 Yiftach, Uri 209, 238 Yiftach-Firanko, Uri 205, 207–9, 236,
Yıldız, H.
118, 149 Yilmaz, Salim 54, 68 Young, Robin Darling 14, 69 Zambas, Kostas 364, 412 110, 143, 150, 213, 231, 314, 321 Veyne, Paul 122, 270, 292 Villiers, Pieter de 365, 414 Vismara, Cinzia 304, 324 Volk, T.
263, 287 Waelkens, Marc 400, 414 Waetzoldt, Hartmut 94, 104 Wallace, Sherman L.
201, 220, 238 Wallensten, Jenny 369, 410 Walsh, Kevin 117, 150 Walter, Christopher 122–23, 150 Walters, James
Warmington, E. H.
21, 70 Wasserstein, David J.
59, 142 Watrous, John 388, 414 Weber, Leo 4, 70 Weiss, Peter 114, 115 Weissenrieder, Annette 260, 292
Modern Authors Index
Zambon, Angela 226, 238 Zanker, Paul 264, 292 Zgusta, Ladislav 16, 70 Ziche, Harmut G.
294, 322 Zimmerman, B.
157, 169 Zuiderhoek, Arjun