5 A Mirror of Virtue: Commentaries on the Book of Ruth in Sixteenth-century Zurich
CHAPTER 5
A Mirror of Virtue: Commentaries on the Book of Ruth in Sixteenth-century Zurich Christian Moser In the Middle Ages the Book of Ruth may not have been an absolute favourite of biblical commentators, but the text enjoyed a certain popularity, as the commentaries and sermons of that period attest.1 In the age of the Reformation, however, interest in Ruth amongst Protestant authors was on the whole very limited. Although individual translations and editions of the Old Testament book were published,2 a Hebrew grammar was based on its text3 and a collection of wedding sermons drew on its contents,4 in comparison to other books of the Bible, Ruth maintained a low profile. The story was not much different when it came to biblical commentaries.
Among the Protestant commentaries on Ruth published in Germanspeaking lands in the sixteenth century were those by four Lutherans,
Johannes Brenz (1499–1570),5 Victorinus Strigel (1524–69),6 Lucas Osiander the Elder (1534–1604)7 and Aegidius Hunnius the Elder (1550–
1603),8 and one by Martin Cellarius (Borrhaus) (1499–1564),9 whose confessional affiliations are hard to place. Brenz's commentary met with particular success for it was republished three times10 and appeared in a number of German translations.11
When we turn our focus on Zurich, however, the picture is very different. Ruth received a great deal of attention in this centre of the Reformation, an interest that in the period between 1530 and 1600 generated a whole range of commentaries by a variety of authors, a number of which were reprinted several times and also translated. As we will see, the Book of Ruth was especially well suited to help propagate a distinct
Christian morality for the citizens of an early modern city, a cause championed by the reformers of Zurich.
This chapter falls into three parts: the first section provides an account of the commentaries on the Book of Ruth composed in Reformation Zurich; the second investigates the identification of the Moabite Ruth as a 'model
Christian'; finally, the third section moves beyond the more narrow
exegetical issues to examine the close relationship between exegesis and practical expressions of authority in the urban context.
Zurich Commentaries on the Book of Ruth Konrad Pellikan (1478–1556) was the first of the Zurich reformers to publish explicitly on the Book of Ruth.12 In 1526 Pellikan had become
Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament at the new school founded by Huldrych Zwingli. Five years later he published his 'Short and simple explanation of the book of Ruth', as its Latin title declared.13 The publication of this small work – eight sheets published in quarto form – appears to have been intended to test the market for a far more monumental undertaking by Pellikan, a commentary on all the books of the Bible.14 This comprehensive commentary, the only one of its type to be produced by a Protestant at the time of the Reformation, began to appear in 1532 under the title Commentaria Bibliorum; when complete it comprised six large format folio volumes with a seventh volume containing the index.15 The second volume, which was first published in 1533, contained a reprint of the commentary on Ruth that had first been published separately two years earlier.16 This second volume was itself reprinted in 1538 and again in 1582.17 Far less well known is that between 1538 and 1543 Pellikan also undertook a German commentary on the Old Testament.18 As part of this task, in April 1543 he wrote a new commentary on Ruth,19 although this work would remain unpublished until 1555, shortly before his death.20
Theodor Bibliander (1505–64), one of Pellikan's colleagues at the Zurich Academy, also turned his attention to Ruth.21 In his position as a professor at the Academy, Bibliander completed three series of lectures on the Old Testament.22 Ruth was his subject twice, in 1537 and 1549, on each occasion at the conclusion of his treatment of Judges.23 Unfortunately
Bibliander never published his exegetical observations, but his preparatory notes have survived24 and numerous handwritten records of the content of his 1537 lectures on Ruth also circulated, prepared by Heinrich Bullinger,
Rudolf Gwalther, Heinrich Buchmann and Christoph Schappeler, who had been in his audience.25
Unlike the other commentators on Ruth to appear in this chapter, Ludwig Lavater (1527–86) was never a professor at the Academy. From the
mid-sixteenth century, however, Lavater belonged to the innermost circle of leaders of the Zurich church, and he was the third most productive author in his city, ranked after Heinrich Bullinger and Rudolf Gwalther. Lavater became archdeacon of the Grossmünster in 1550 and succeeded Rudolf
Gwalther as head of the Zurich church in 1585. To subsequent generations he became known as 'Ghost-Lavater' ('Gespenster-Lavater'), a testament to his remarkably successful work Von den Gespenstern.26 Lavater directed a great deal of attention to Old Testament texts, and in 1578 he published in Latin The Book of Ruth, an exposition in twenty-eight sermons.27 This commentary would be republished in 1601 in Heidelberg, again in Latin,28 but in 1586 it had also appeared in an English translation that, according to the title page of the work, had been carried out by an 11-year-old child.29
The list of commentaries on Ruth composed in sixteenth-century Zurich is completed by the work of Johannes Wolf (1521–72), who had become
Professor of Old Testament in Zurich in 1562. The majority of Wolf's works appeared posthumously, including his commentary on Ruth, which was published in 1598 as an appendix to his commentary on Judges.30
The Genealogy of David Let us turn now to the exegetical results of these commentaries, all addressing the same biblical text and all written within a short period of only 40 years. The story that they seek to expound appears at first glance simple: under the judges and at a time of famine Elimelech and his wife,
Naomi, feel forced to emigrate to the land of Moab with their two sons.
Their sons marry Moabite women, Orpa and Ruth, but soon die, as does their father, Elimelech. Naomi returns to her homeland accompanied by Ruth. Back in Bethlehem Ruth provides for herself and for Naomi by gleaning in the fields of Boaz, a relative of Elimelech. On the advice of Naomi, Ruth goes to Boaz in the night and begs him to act as a relative with responsibilities for them and to take her as his wife. Boaz declares himself ready to do so but must first arrange for a closer relative to step aside from his own claims. The union of Boaz and Ruth finally produces Obed, the grandfather of David.
From the outset, Christian commentators on Ruth identified two distinct parts to the text: the narrative of events up to and including the account of
the birth of Obed (Ruth 1–4:17) and the short genealogy that leads to David (Ruth 4:18–22). The Zurich commentators also adopted this traditional exegetical pattern, holding that the Book of Ruth, like the Bible as a whole, worked towards Christ. This interpretation, which understood the David genealogy as the climax of the Book of Ruth, was trailed to some extent by the fact that the New Testament made specific reference to this genealogy, at Matthew 1:5, but without any reference to the preceding story of Ruth.
For Pellikan the Book of Ruth told of the origin of David,31 while for Lavater, 'the goal and actual intention of this short account is show the ancestry of David and in particular of our lord and redeemer Jesus Christ'.32
The Book of Ruth was thus understood as a divinely inspired family tree of Christ.33 Heinrich Bullinger and Rudolf Gwalther entitled their contemporaneous record of Bibliander's second Ruth-cycle simply 'The short book of Ruth, which contains the ancestry of David'.34
If we were to linger with these preliminary issues, we would observe that all our Zurich authors noted inconsistencies in the chronology of David's ancestry, but none deemed these particularly problematic.35 Pellikan believed that the account might be ascribed to the time of the judge
Jephtha,36 while Lavater and Wolf eschewed a decisive dating.37 Pellikan also addresses the issue of a possible source; he finds a candidate in the 'Great Book of the kings of Judah', to which reference is made in Kings and Chronicles. He notes that although this 'Great Book' is now lost, its essence has survived.38 Pellikan had heard these ideas voiced in Bibliander's lectures and adopted them as part of his own interpretation of the text.39 Lavater, however, was sceptical about the authorship thesis advanced by Bibliander and Pellikan and with some hesitation ascribed the work to either Samuel or Esra.40 For Lavater authorship was not of particular significance for it was enough to know, he believed, that the Book of Ruth was written by holy men through the work of the Holy Spirit and that its canonicity was therefore without question.41
A Mirror of Virtue Although the Zurich commentators held the heart of the Book of Ruth to be the account of the genealogy of Christ, all four, and Pellikan, Lavater and Wolf in particular, dealt only briefly with the family tree of David, hardly
surprising in light of its own brevity, while giving far more space to the story of Ruth. All the commentators approached the Book of Ruth with the same intent: for all four the hermeneutical key was to be found in the exemplary and virtuous quality of the protagonists. The medieval exegetical tradition, which understood Boaz and Ruth in light of Christ and the church,42 is nowhere to be found.43 In its place the main actors – Ruth,
Naomi, and Boaz – are now Christian models and their actions are brought to the readers' attention in order to instruct them in appropriate Christian conduct and attitude. The exegetical pen of the Zurich theologians is used to redraw the Book of Ruth as a mirror of virtue that despite temporal distance provides its readers with a model of the true Christian life and seeks in the most practical terms to lead them to virtuous behaviour.
In keeping with the Zurich reformers' intentions, the terms exemplum, virtus and imitatio serve as leitmotivs of their exposition. The character of their exegesis is well expressed in the title of Pellikan's German commentary, according to which the Book of Ruth is a 'holy short book, that contains much that is of use and many good lessons and that teaches many virtues that become every pious Christian', additionally this book 'is of great service and use to the head of every household and to all who love the Word of God'.44 Within the text itself Pellikan addresses the usefulness of the narrative of Ruth in greater detail: in this book the reader will learn of fear of God, of a holy and honest life and of true faith and true hope and will see how piety, faithfulness and willingness to serve receive their due reward.45 Listening to Bibliander's first Ruth-cycle, Bullinger and Gwalther summarized his exposition under the title 'Ruth, a memorable play, in which in a wondrous way faith, womanly modesty, virtue and blessing are described'.46 According to Lavater the Book of Ruth provided outstanding examples and guidance on how to act for 'married couples, parents-in-law, daughters-in-law, widows, fathers, servants and day labourers'.47 The various protagonists are thus also representative of various offices, roles and situations in which individuals might find themselves in the course of their lives, and these figures therefore model the ideal performance of these roles, or how their challenges are to be overcome. According to Wolf, the Holy Spirit, the author of this book, wants to spur the reader to contemplate the examples presented in the story;48 Bibliander stressed the rewards of a virtuous life such as that presented in the Book of Ruth.49
How, according to the theologians of Zurich, could Ruth, Naomi and Boaz serve as practical role models for their readers? A synopsis of their commentaries generates a catalogue of virtues that is almost the epitome of a perfect, virtuous life.
In her attitude towards her mother-in-law Ruth showed herself to be both loyal and responsible; she was obedient, very hard working and also deferential. For Pellikan these characteristics were more desirous in a woman than beauty and physical appeal.50 Ruth also demonstrated great persistence, even in difficult circumstances. She was grateful and patient, possessed great piety and placed all her trust in God. Additionally, in both speech and behaviour she was restrained. In Wolf's summation, 'She is a model for all women'.51
Naomi also distinguished herself – in her love for Ruth, her modesty on her return and her piety, gratitude and intelligence.52 And finally, Boaz is the perfect head of the household53 and as such provides a model for the father in every family,54 his maintenance of his household is exemplary, he shows concern for his workers and he is friendly. He also helps the poor and those in need.55 The humility and discipline of Boaz are to be valued, unlike the carefree attitudes of youth.56 He did not drink to excess and was a man of honour. He kept his promise to marry Ruth, even though it was not made publically. He did not marry Ruth for his own sexual pleasure, but because it was the will of God that he do so.57
From the interaction of these model figures, the Zurich theologians are repeatedly able to draw more general principles, such as the observation that children learn from their elders and should obey their parents,58 that it is necessary for children to be raised well,59 that parents have a role as models, that is it is the duty of parents to tend to their children and their children's affairs.60 If one reads Ruth, one will also learn how to greet someone and respond in a way that is respectable and orderly,61 and how a betrothal should be formed – in particular, children should not marry without the permission of their parents.62 The readers will also be shown that restraint is necessary when eating, drinking or celebrating63 and that their words and behaviour should not cause offense, especially in relations with the opposite sex.64
The exposition of the Zurich commentators makes clear, sometimes explicitly, that they believed that the accumulated virtues that could be found in the Book of Ruth were lacking in contemporary Zurich society.
For this reason, the mirror metaphor that appears in the title of this chapter seems particularly apposite, for the Book of Ruth functions as a mirror of the virtues that allows society to identify the discrepancies between the ideal and the actual. A marginal note in Wolf's commentary makes the point clearly: 'Exemplum Ruthae omnibus imitandum' – the example of Ruth should be followed in everything.65
'That no one should think anything scandalous here': the Delicate Problem of Sexual Morals If the hermeneutical key to a commentary on the Book of Ruth is to be found in the 'Christian model', as the Zurich theologians believed, then an unavoidable and somewhat delicate problem raises its head and requires an exegetical solution. In chapter three Ruth follows the advice of Naomi and slips unrecognized in the night to Boaz as he sleeps, in order to ask him to spread his 'wings' over her. Her actions can be interpreted as a request for protection and support in the context of Boaz's legal responsibilities as guardian, but this scene must have given the early modern commentators who sought to demonstrate Ruth's model qualities something of a headache.
Why did Ruth, following the advice of her mother-in-law, have to first bathe, oil her body and dress herself in her most beautiful clothes and then steal secretly in the night to where Boaz was sleeping, 'uncover his legs', lie at his feet and await his reaction? The Hebrew text allows room for a number of interpretations, but even an early modern commentator could not have been unaware of the clear sexual connotations of the scene. The Zurich lecturers and writers faced a problem – at this point in the text they could not simply represent Ruth and her mother-in-law to their audiences as models. Different Zurich theologians resolved the conundrum in different ways, but it is interesting to note that despite the disparities between their solutions, all the commentators retained the principle of the Christian example.
For Pellikan there was absolutely nothing offensive to be found in this episode: he instructed his audience 'that no one should think anything scandalous here' and that 'here the talk is not of the desires of the flesh'.66
For Pellikan Ruth's appeal to Boaz is nothing other than the legitimate request for protection and support mentioned above;67 that her actions should take place secretly in the darkness of the night is explained by the
fact that Naomi and Ruth did not know how Boaz would respond and wished not to cause any offence.68 Pellikan suggests that Boaz could have completely misinterpreted the scene – that is, as a blunt invitation to sexual relations – in particular if he had indulged in too much drinking beforehand.
But because Boaz was always restrained in his consumption of alcohol, he did not misinterpret Ruth's intentions.69 Pellikan had earlier attended
Bibliander's 1537 lectures on Ruth, in which his colleague had resolved the issue in similar form, declaring 'Nil inhonesti egerunt' – they did nothing that was dishonourable.70
The episode is interpreted differently by Lavater. Naomi and Ruth's intention was not in and of itself questionable; they only chose the wrong means to achieve it and other paths and possibilities had been open to them.71 The positive outcome of the affair is not to be attributed to the two women, but rather to the goodness and providence of God and to Boaz's blameless behaviour.72 Lavater does not believe Ruth's broader exemplary quality to be diminished, and indeed he relieves her of some responsibility when he points out that Ruth was not sufficiently acquainted with local customs.73 But he does limit her exemplary nature in that he acknowledges that in this particular case on three grounds Ruth's behaviour cannot serve as in any way exemplary. First, the Bible tells of the behaviour of holy men that must be adjudged bad, such as Lot's incest, David's adultery and the disobedience of the prophet Jonah, in order to provide not models but, by contrast, examples of the sinful nature of humans.74 Secondly, a number of Old Testament practices have been made obsolete by the New Covenant.75
Thirdly, there are exceptional circumstances, such as the sacrifice of Isaac, that are so individual that they cannot be drawn upon for arguments in support of contemporary behaviour.76
Lavater is concerned to protect the integrity of Ruth as a Christian model, but at the same time it is evident that he wants keep at bay any wrongful application of her behaviour in his own time. In other words,
Lavater's understanding retains Ruth's exemplary role, but in this particular case it is as a negative example, brought to the readers' attention in order to show how they should not act, as Lavater never tires of stressing: 'Although
Boaz subsequently will praise Ruth, one must not believe that he agrees with all aspects of her actions. And therefore no one may misuse these women as models and argue thus: "If it was permitted of them, then it is
also permitted of me". The errors of those who are holy should make us more cautious and not incite us to sin'.77
Wolf is somewhat more reticent than Lavater. He notes that for a number of reasons the advice of Naomi must appear reprehensible to the reader, but suggests that this response is principally a result of the distance in time from the events recorded in the Book of Ruth and lack of knowledge of the customs of that time.78 Wolf avoids any criticism of Naomi and Ruth, allowing the events to appear in his commentary entirely virtuous and correct. This rendering does not appear to have sat entirely easily with him. Certainly an insertion entitled 'Much that is recorded in Holy Scripture is not to be imitated' suggests that he did not interpret the behaviour of Naomi and Ruth as an 'exemplum': 'Now it is however so, that much is reported in Holy Scripture that God in no way intends for us to imitate, or he himself indicts it and warns us by its example to be careful, or he leaves it to us so that we might consider it with attention to laws, morals and the times'.79
The Pastorate and the Propagation of Christian Morals in the Context of Social Discipline Because the Zurich theologians understood the Book of Ruth in terms of exemplum and imitatio, their exegetical exposition took on a distinctly practical character directly applicable to its immediate context. The Book of Ruth provided a guide to correct behaviour in a variety of situations. It was indeed their intention that the practical relevance of their exegesis would reach far beyond a simply theological and exegetical context, for their elucidation of Scripture was closely bound up with the ambitions of the authorities for society more broadly.
It must be noted that the primary purpose of the exegesis that emerged from the Zurich Academy was neither to contribute to scholarship nor to sustain the faithful; this theological work was intended for other pastors, who would allow it to feed into their sermons and thus magnify its impact and ensure it found a wide audience. The best-known of such works is
Bullinger's collection of sermons, the Decades, which had never been preached but rather served as exemplars for pastors working on their own exposition of scripture.80 A similar intention also lay behind the
commentaries on Ruth. Today Pellikan's Commentaria Bibliorum might be termed a handbook of exegesis, for it provided its reader with the essential exegetical material in concise form that could be rapidly assimilated; its
German version was specifically intended for 'the educated and the uneducated, that is for both pastors and laity'.81 Both Lavater and Wolf also appear to have had a wide audience in mind, as is made evident by their division of their commentaries not into books or parts or chapters but into sermons. These sermons were never given as printed – and certainly not in Latin – but their content could be adopted by pastors into their own sermons. In both content and form the Zurich theologians' exegesis shared a common final goal: the shaping of society according to moral principles drawn from and exemplified by biblical models.
The efforts of the pastorate to forge the moral character of society were supported by similarly aimed measures by the secular authorities that are often identified by the term 'social discipline'.82 The latter processes, which were socio-politically motivated and must be understood within the context of attempts to consolidate political authority, did not always replicate the motives of the church precisely: in content, however, they were closely related to the concerns of the church. The intentions of the authorities can be read from the flood of regularly announced so-called morals mandates and parallel the views expressed in the sixteenth-century Zurich commentaries on the Book of Ruth. The morals mandates denounce idleness and a dissolute life; they criticize the consumption of alcohol, lavish wedding celebrations and luxury. Clothing mandates were intended to ensure the citizens were decently and suitably dressed; eating and drinking, gambling, dancing and overly exuberant activity at markets and fairs were regulated; and, finally, a close eye was kept to ensure the interaction of the sexes took place within correct boundaries.83
The moral precepts and behaviour that we find in the exegetical commentaries drawn from the example of Ruth are nothing other than the ecclesiastical counterpart to the social disciplining conducted by the secular powers. Ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which in Zurich were particularly closely intertwined, had different motives and different means – preaching for the former, decrees for the latter – but they shared a common goal, to forge a society characterized by an ideal common morality. The proximity of the interests of the two bodies could hardly be better symbolized than by the fact that it was the parish clergy who proclaimed the
secular mandates.84 From one pulpit the congregation received both the decrees of the secular authorities and their exegetical underpinnings. The secular and ecclesiastical powers came together in that pulpit as they worked towards the moral improvement of society.
1 See Gérard de Martel, Répertoire des textes latins relatifs au livre de Ruth (VIIe–XVe s.) (Dort:
Kluwer, 1990). Examples of medieval commentaries include Gérard de Martel (ed.), Commentaria in Ruth: E codicibus Genovefensi 45 et Clagenfurtensi 13 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1990) (Corpus
Christianorum. Continuatio mediaevalis 81); Gérard de Martel (ed.), Petri Cellensis Commentaria in Ruth (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983) (Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio mediaevalis 54); G. Colvener et al. (eds), Deux commentaires sur le Livre de Ruth: Raban Maur, Claude de Turin (Paris: Éditions du
Cerf, 2009) (Sources chrétiennes 533).
2 See Johann Böschenstein, Die warhafftig histori der Moabitischen frawen Ruth …, von
Hebraischer sprach … verteuetscht durch Johann Boeschenschenstayn (Nürnberg: Hans Hergot,
1525) (Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des XVI. Jahrhunderts
[Stuttgart 1983–2000] [cited VD 16], no. B 3046); Konrad Neander, Ruth, libellus historicus:
Ebraice Graeceque, Latine ac Germanice editus (Wittenberg: Johann Krafft the Younger, Samuel
Selfisch the Elder, 1592) (VD 16 ZV 1582).
3 Johannes Isaac, Ruth: Meditationes Hebraicae in artem grammaticam, per integrum librum
Ruth explicatae (Cologne: Jakob Soter, 1558) (VD 16 B 3044; I 327).
4 Georg Edelmann, Hochzeitpredigten aus dem Büechlein Ruth im alten Testament … In 34
Predigten bey Hoechzeiten etc. geprediget (Wittenberg: Johann Schwertel, 1572) (VD 16 ZV 4882); further editions: Wittenberg: Clemens Schleich, 1580 (VD 16 E 524); Wittenberg: Lorenz Säuberlich and Samuel Selfisch the Elder, 1597 (VD 16 ZV 18439).
5 Johannes Brenz, In librum Iudicum et Ruth commentarius (Hagenau: Peter Braubach, 1535)
(VD 16 B 7759; B 7765).
6 Victorinus Strigel, Libri Esdrae, Nehemiae, Esther et Ruth, ad Ebraicam veritatem recogniti et argumentis atque scholiis illustrati (Leipzig: Hans Steinmann and Ernst Vögelin, 1571) (VD 16 B
3045; B 3069; B 3073).
7 Lucas Osiander der ältere, Liber Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, Primus et secundus Samuelis, Primus et secundus Regum, Primus et secundus Paralipomenon iuxta veterem seu vulgatam translationem ad
Hebraeam veritatem emendati et brevi ac perspicua explicatione illustrati (Tübingen: Georg
Gruppenbach, 1574) (VD 16 B 2640; B 2641); another edition: Tübingen: Georg Gruppenbach, 1578
(VD 16 B 2646; ZV 1537).
8 Aegidius Hunnius, Ruth Moabitis, in Comoediarum seu dramatum sacrorum libellus
(Frankfurt/Main: Johann Spieù, 1586) (VD 16 H 6075; H 6117).
9 Martin Cellarius, In sacram Iosuae, Iudicum, Ruthae, Samuelis et Regum historiam commentarius (Basel: Johannes Oporin, 1557) (VD 16 B 6740).
10 The additional editions are Schwäbisch Hall: Peter Braubach, 1544 (VD 16 B 7761; B 7767);
Frankfurt/Main: Peter Braubach, 1553 (VD 16 7762; B 7768); Frankfurt/Main: Peter Braubach, 1562
(VD 16 B 7763; B 7769).
11 Auszlegung d. Johannes Brentzen über das Buoch Ruth: Ausz dem Latein verdeüdscht durch
Erasmum Alberum (Hagenau: Valentin Kobian, [c. 1536]) (VD 16 B 7770); Eyn troestliche schoenne auùlegung durch Johann Brentzen uber das Buch Ruth: Auù dem Latein verteütschet durch Erasmum
Alberum (Schwäbisch Hall: Thomas Biber, 1551/1552) (VD 16 ZV 2440); Das Buoch der Richter unnd Ruth auùgelegt durch Johann Brentzen. Durch Hiob Gast verteütschet (Augsburg: Heinrich
Steiner, 1539) (VD 16 B 7764; B 7771); Das Buch Ruth mit kurtzer Christlicher Auslegung Johannis
Brentii. Verdeutschet aus dem Latein durch Stephanum Agricolam [that is, Stephan Castenbauer]
(Leipzig: Wolfgang Günther, 1551) (VD 16 B 7772).
12 On Pellikan see Christian Zürcher, Konrad Pellikans Wirken in Zürich 1526–1556 (Zurich:
Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 1975) (Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 4); Bernhard
Riggenbach (ed.), Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan (Basel: Bahnmaier, 1877); Religion in
Geschichte und Gegenwart, 4th ed., vol. 6, p. 1086; Biographisch-bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, vol. 7, cols 180–83.
13 Konrad Pellikan, Explicatio brevis, simplex et catholica libelli Ruth (Zurich: Christoph
Froschauer the Elder, 1531) (VD 16 P 1253).
14 See the reference at ibid., p. 4.
15 VD 16 B 2598–603; 2606–7.
16 Tomus secundus. In quo continetur historia sacra, prophetae inquam priores, libri videlicet
Iosue, Iudicum, Ruth, Samuelis, Regum et ex Hagiographis Paralipomenon, Ezrae, Nehemiae et
Hester (Zurich: Christoph Froschauer the Elder, 1533) (VD 16 B 2599); the commentary on Ruth is found on fols 56r–60v.
17 VD 16 B 2609 and B 2654.
18 See Riggenbach, Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan, p. 134: 'Scripsi praeterea sub illud temporis germanice expositionem christianissimam …'
19 Pellikan's autograph in Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 98, fols 78v–84v.
20 Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments (Zurich: Andreas Gessner and Jakob Gessner,
1555) (VD 16 B 3047).
21 On Bibliander see Emil Egli, Analecta Reformatoria, vol. 2 (Zurich: Zürcher & Furrer, 1901), pp. 1–144; Christine Christ-v. Wedel (ed.), Theodor Bibliander (1505–1564): Ein Thurgauer im gelehrten Zürich der Reformationszeit (Zurich: Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 2005); Christian
Moser, Theodor Bibliander (1505–1564): Annotierte Bibliographie der gedruckten Werke (Zurich:
Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2009) (Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 27).
22 See Egli, Analecta, pp. 30–41, 135–6.
23 The first series of lectures on Ruth lasted from 11 to 29 May 1537; the second series on Ruth was given in August 1549.
24 Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 75–88. Bibliander's preparatory notes for his Ruth lectures in 1537 are in Ms. Car I 78.
25 Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 119a (Bullinger); Ms. D 40 (Gwalther); St Gall,
Kantonsbibliothek, Ms. 362 (Schappeler). On the notes taken by Bibliander's brother Heinrich
Buchmann see Ernst Staehelin, 'Die biblischen Vorlesungen Theodor Biblianders in einer Abschrift seines Bruders Heinrich Bibliander', in Zwingliana 7/8 (1942), pp. 522–6. Notes taken by an unidentified audience member are found in London Lambeth Palace Library, 2751–7. Notes from the Ruth lectures of 1549 are by Heinrich Bullinger (Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 120) and Rudolf
Gwalther (ibid., Ms. D 39).
26 See Historisches Lexikon der Schweiz, vol. 7, p. 717; Dominik Landwehr, 'Ludwig Lavaters
Gespensterbuch von 1569: Ein Beispiel populärer Literatur aus Zürich im späten 16. Jahrhundert', in Zürcher Taschenbuch 106 (1986), pp. 31–44.
27 Liber Ruth per Ludovicum Lavaterum Tigurinum homiliis XXVIII expositus (Zurich: Christoph
Froschauer the Younger, 1578) (VD 16 L 824).
28 Liber Ruth per Ludovicum Lavaterum Tigurinum homiliis XXVIII expositus (Heidelberg:
[Johann Lancelot?], 1601).
29 The book of Ruth expounded in twenty eight sermons, by Levves Lauaterus of Tygurine, and by hym published in Latine, and now translated into Englishe by Ephraim Pagitt, a childe of eleuen yeares of age (London: Robert Waldegrave, 1586) (A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland and of English Books Printed abroad 1475–1640, comp. by Alfred
William Pollard and Gilbert R. Redgrave, 2nd ed. [London: The Bibliographical Society, 1986], no.
15319).
30 Johannes Wolf, Historia Iudicum sermonibus CXCI explicata … Accessit Ruthae historia, quae historiae Iudicum est appendix, explicata sermonibus XV (Zurich: Johannes Wolf, 1598) (VD 16 W
4221; W 4225).
31 Pellikan, Explicatio brevis, simplex et catholica libelli Ruth, fol. A2r: 'Legis et prophetarum finis et scopus Christus dominus est, natus ex semine David secundum carnem, cuius ideo tam diligenter genealogia texitur, tam ab exordio humani generis, ab ipso Adam per Noe et Abraham ad
David, quam etiam a Davide per reges Iuda donec ad Christum veniatur. Is itaque libellus Ruth, qui
Iudicum libro appendix, ad declarandum progeniem Davidis scriptum est'.
32 Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fols 2v–3r: 'Scopus et intentio praecipua huius historiolae est, ut ostendatur genealogia Davidis atque adeo domini et servatoris nostri Iesu Christi'. Cf. also Wolf,
Ruthae historia, fol. 141v.
33 See Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 2r: 'ita cum omnium piorum unanimi consensu constet hunc libellum Spiritum sanctum habere authorem, de organo, quo in illo consignando usus est, non debemus multum laborare'.
34 'Libellus Ruth continens genealogiam Davidis', Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 120 and Ms. D 39.
35 See Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 7, 49; Lavater, Liber Ruth,
1578, fol. 114v.
36 Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 7.
37 Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 5r; Wolf, Ruthae historia, fols 123v–124r.
38 Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 5: 'Dises klein buochlin ist genommen vor alten zeyten auù dem grossen buoch, so geschriben von den geschichten der Künigen
Juda, das gar vil mal anzogen wirt in den buocheren der Künigen und in der Chronick. Ist aber vorlangest verloren worden, doch one nachteil der nottürfftigen leer vom heil der seelen und rechtem glauben'.
39 Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 119a and Ms. D 40.
40 Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fols 1–2.
41 Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 2.
42 See for example Hrabanus Maurus's comment on Ruth 3:7: 'Ad istum lectum Redemptoris nostri properavit Ecclesia, et "discooperto a pedibus eius pallio", hoc est, revelato de Incarnatione eius sacramento, illuc se humiliter veniam deprecando et salutem quaerendo prostravit' (Colvener et al., Deux commentaires, p. 100). An example taken from the commentary by Claudius of Turin:
'Ruth vero, in typo Ecclesiae …'; 'Booz enim, qui interpretatur "fortitudi" seu "in quo est virtus",
Domini nostri gestabat personam …' (Colvener et al., Deux commentaires, p. 176).
43 See on this point Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fols 115v–116r: 'Quidam Booz Messiae typum faciunt, Rutham ecclesiae sponsae Messiae. Quem varie cum sponsa sua in scripturis figuratum non nego, sed malui simplicem et literalem sensum sequi etc. Qui allegoriis delectantur, aliunde petant'.
44 See the wording of the full title: 'Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, mit einer schönen kurtzen auùlegung, darinn vil nutzlicher, guoter leeren und underricht viler tugenden, so einem yeden frommen Christen wol anstandt unnd sunderlich zierend, gegeben und angezeigt werdend. Allen hauùvätteren und liebhaberen Göttliches worts gantz dienstlich, nutzlich und guot'.
45 Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 6–7.
46 'Ruth: Comoedia nobilissima, in qua mire describitur fides et pudicitia matronalis, virtus et foelicitas, ex ore d[omini] Theodori excepta expositio', Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 119a and Ms. D 40.
47 Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fols 3v–4r.
48 Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 123v.
49 'Et hic praeter communia videtur esse insigne exemplum, quod probitas suum habet praemia',
Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 119a and Ms. D 40.
50 See Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 20: 'Redt [Boaz] auch erberlich von der Moabitischen jungenfrauwen, lobt die tugend, thuot jr das wort uffs aller best, und sunderlich
lobt er die arbeitsamme und bestand in fleyssiger arbeit und üebung den gantzen tag an der sonnen.
Söllichs soll man mögem loben von frauwen mee dann schöny der gstalt unnd zierden des leybs'.
51 Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 132r: 'Exemplum est foeminibus omnibus'. Note also Lavater, Liber
Ruth, 1578, fol. 38r: 'Imitari egregium hoc laboris et humilitatis exemplum piae mulieres debent'.
52 See Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 127v: 'Commemorantur autem virtutes eius quatuor: humanitas, modestia, pietas, prudentia'. Note also Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 17r: 'Imitandum autem est praeclarum hoc exemplum Naemi'.
53Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 20–21: 'Boas ist ein exempel eins vernünfftigen und tugentlichen haußhalters, dem die tugend gfallen, die selben auch belonet nach gelegenheit'. Note also Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 41r: 'Proponitur etiam exemplum oeconomicum boni patrisfamilias'.
54 Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 124v: 'Boozi industria omnibus patribusfamilias imitanda'.
55See Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 45r: 'Proponitur nobis hoc loco insigne exemplum humanitatis erga pauperes, viduas, peregrinos et in primis ad fidem veram recens conversos'.
56Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 22–3: 'Rechte tugend und zucht ist grosses lobs wärd, vor allen vernünfftigen und frommen, wie Boas was ein rechter eeren und edel mann. Sölchen leüten gefallen, ist lobs werdt, nit jungen leichtfertigen menschen'.
57Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 41: 'darumb er auchz mit eerlichen zeügen zuor frauw Ruth … thuot des nit umbs wollusts willen, aber umb eeren willen dem heiligen gsatz Gottes zuo willfaren'.
58See Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 69v: 'Hoc officium est liberorum, ut obediant suis parentibus et illis, qui sub hoc nomine continentur, nisi illa, quae ab eis postulant, pugnent cum verbo Dei';
Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 127v: 'Magnis dignus est laudibus et non sine causa propositus ad imitationem Ruthae erga socrum amor'.
59Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 135r: 'Omnium autem gravissime in eam peccatur ab ipsis parentibus, qui vel exemplo vitae sceleratae liberos ipsi offendunt, vel indulgentia nimia malis moribus assuescere sinunt vel iniqua aut in constantia, id est modo nimis intenta, modo nimis remissa disciplina deteriores reddunt, vel eos, qui de moribus eorum improbis indicia amica fecerint in conspectu liberorum repellunt'.
60See Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 26–7: 'Die kinder und auch die jungen sollend den elteren ansagen, was jr handel sige, dz sollend auch die elteren erforschen und wöllen wissen, was man thuot. Sol man also sorg haben uff die jugend, uff ire gselschafften getreüwlich. So sy nit recht handlen, muoß man sy straffen und so wol freüntlich loben: so wachßt die tugend'.
61Cf. Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 19: 'Hie magst du lernen nit allein wie und mit was worten man züchtigklich grüessen und antworten sol, sonder auch lieblikeit und demuot der herren gegen den knechten, der haußvätteren gegen jrem gesind'.
62See Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 34: 'Also sol man handlen in sachen der Ee, offentlich, rechtlich, mit guoten treüwen, yederman one schaden. Nit in wincklen, nit mit trug, nit umb wolusts willen und auß anfächtung des fleisches und unbedacht, one verwilligung der elteren'. Note also Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 64v: 'Multa continentur hoc capite, quae ad formandum coniugium pertinent'.
63See Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fols 70r–v: 'Deus nobis dat vinum, panem, carnes, pisces et alia, quibus in cibo et potu utamur … Cavendum tamen, ne affluentes Dei donis, ipsius obliviscamur, sed danda est opera, ut recte eius dona usurpemus'.
64See Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 35: 'Dann nit gnuog ist fromm sein, man sol auch sich hüeten vor aller bösen gestalt, sunderlich in der gfarlichen sach der keüscheit, da sol man guot sorg haben, mit worten, gebärden, zeichen unnd wercken. Eer und glimpff nicht leycht halten oder verschetzen'.; ibid., p. 27: 'also sollen jung frauwen zuo jrem guoten lümbden sorg
tragen, und vor allen dingen nit müessig gon, aber mit züchten arbeiten, so wirt jn nit manglen, weder an eeren noch am guot'.
65Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 132r.
66Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 32: 'Das an disem ort niemants ettwas schandtlichs gedencke'; p. 28: 'Hie ist nit vil trachtens umb fleischlichen lust'. Cf. auch
Pellikan, Explicatio brevis, fol. B2r: 'Nihil de libidine cogitans'.
67Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, pp. 31–2: 'Dz sy aber redt von flügel spreiten, hat dise meinung, die er auch bald verstuond, kummen sein auß dem angeben der Naemi, das er sy solt nemmen in seinen schirm als eine, die von rechts wägen zuo seinem geschlecht gehörte, und sy solt beschirmen unnd rächen, seine hand über sy halten und dem gsatz Gotts deßhalb gnuog thuon'. Cf. Pellikan, Explicatio brevis, fol. B2r: 'Expandere pallium est coniugale opus committere
Hebraeis vel succurrere iuri alicuius. Id ne petere inhoneste videatur, statim causam divinae legis allegat, qua mariti sui semen et nomen a cognatu iubetur exigere. Ne quis hic foedum quippiam de sanctis foeminis cogitare velit'.
68Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 30: 'Sy sol sich schicken zum Boas auffs heimlichest zuo fürkummen alle ergernuß oder nachred jnen beiden, so auß der sach nichts solt werden'.
69Pellikan, Ruth: Ein heilig büechlin des alten Testaments, p. 31: 'Es wäre nit one sorg und gforden gewesen, so man im nachtmal wäre voll weyns worden, aber diser haußvater, ein so redlicher burger, was nit also gesinnet'; Pellikan, Explicatio brevis, fol. B2r: 'Periculum ex convivio utrisque imminebat, si timor Domini evacuatus vino fuisset et immoderato gaudio'.
70Zurich Zentralbibliothek, Ms. Car I 119a and Ms. D 40.
71Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 66r: 'Iustum quidem erat, ut Rutha Boazo copularetur, at erant aliae viae ac rationes, per quas de coniugio contrahendo tractare cum eo decuisset'.
72Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 67v: 'Etsi vero eventus foelix fuerit: id tamen non solertiae
Naomi, sed clementiae potius divinae est ascribendum, quae saepenumero peccatis nostris ad bonum aliquod abutitur'.
73Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 69v: 'Qua in re non accusanda est: fortassis enim quia recens ad
Iudaicam religionem conversa erat, putavit moris esse, ut si quae cognatum prioris mariti sibi copulari peteret, hac via rem aggrederetur: quod si peccavit, peccavit ex ignorantia'.
74Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 66v: 'Deinde facta sanctorum in sacra literis continentur, quae vitiosa sunt … Haec non ideo a Spiritu sancto recitantur, ut ea imitemur, sed ut videamus homines quantumvis sanctos sua natura corruptos fuisse'.
75Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 67r: 'sancti in veteri testamento quaedam recte fecerunt, quae hodie nefas esset imitari'.
76Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 67r: 'sunt quaedam facta singularia, ut quod Abraamus contra generalem illam legem: "Non occides" filium suum Isaacum occidere et immolare voluit … Haec imitari non debemus, nullum nos mandatum habemus, ut idem faciamus'.
77Lavater, Liber Ruth, 1578, fol. 68r: 'Etsi vero Boaz hoc factum postea laudat, non tamen credendum est, eum omnes circumstantias illius probasse. Nemo igitur exemplo harum muliercularum abuti debet, atque ita argumentari: "Si illis licuit, licebit etiam mihi". Lapsus enim sanctorum nos cautiores efficere, non ad peccandum allicere debent'.
78Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 133v: 'Quod consilium, si leviter aspiciamus et nostri seculi pravitate metiamur, fortassis imprudens, vafrum, impurum existimabur'; ibid.: 'Dein alii mores erant cum aetatis eius …'
79Wolf, Ruthae historia, fol. 133v: 'Verum quidem hoc est multa in sacris literis proposita, quae
Deus minime velit nos imitari, quaeque vel accusat ipse et exempli loco cavenda monet, vel nobis secundum legem, mores, tempora consideranda relinquit'.
80Heinrich Bullinger: Sermonum decades quinque de potissimis Christianae religionis capitibus
(1552), ed. Peter Opitz, 2 vols (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2008) (Heinrich Bullinger
Werke III/3.1–2).
81Riggenbach, Das Chronikon des Konrad Pellikan, p. 134: 'Scripsi praeterea sub illud temporis gemanice expositionem christianissimam et utilissimam doctis et indoctis, etiam Praedicatores cum
Laicis, in Genesim, Exodum …'
82The literature is extensive, but see in particular, Gerhard Oestreich, 'Strukturprobleme des
Absolutismus', Vierteljahrschrift für Sozialund Wirtschaftsgeschichte 55 (1968), pp. 329–47; Stefan
Breuer, 'Sozialdisziplinierung: Probleme und Problemverlagerung eines Konzeptes bei Max Weber,
Gerhard Oestreich und Michel Foucault', in Christoph Sachße, Florian Tennstedt (eds), Soziale
Sicherheit und soziale Disziplinierung: Beiträge zu einer historischen Theorie der Sozialpolitik
(Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1986), pp. 45–69; Heinz Schilling (ed.), Kirchenzucht und
Sozialdisziplinierung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa (Berlin: Duncker und Humblot, 1994).
83On the Zurich morals mandates see Claudia Schott-Volm (ed.), Repertorium der Policeyordnungen der frühen Neuzeit, vol. 7: Orte der Schweizer Eidgenossenschaft: Bern und
Zürich (Frankfurt/Main: Klostermann, 2006); Inge Spillmann-Weber, Die Zürcher Sittenmandate,
1301–1797: Gelegenheitsschriften im Wandel der Zeit (Zurich: PKS-Verlag, 1997); Peter Ziegler,
Zürcher Sittenmandate (Zurich: Orell Füssli, 1978). The source material is found in Zürcher
Kirchenordnungen 1520–1675, eds Emidio Campi and Philipp Wälchli, 2 vols (Zurich:
Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2011).
84See, for example, the start of the 'Grosses Mandat' of 1550 (Zürcher Kirchenordnungen, no.
119): 'Wir Burgermeister, klein unnd groß Rädt der Statt Zürych thuond kundt mengklichem und wöllend, das nun hinfür alle Pfarrer und diener der kilchen inn unsern Stetten, Graffschafften,
Herrschafften, Landen, Grichten und gebieten nachvolgend Satzung und ordnung dem Christen volck in den kilchen ein oder zweymal im Jar, ye nach dem die gelägenheit und noturfft erfordert, offentlich verläsen und dermassen trüwlich ynbilden söllend, das mengklich wüsse sich darnach zuo richten, gottsförchtig und frommklich zeläben …'