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The Didache as a source for the Reconstruction of early christianity: a Response
D. Jeffrey Bingham
allow me to begin this response with a brief review of the theses of the foregoing papers. first, we review the work of Matti Myllykoski. his primary concern is the early history of the Didache’s development and the changing ethnic and ethical identity of its community, which he analyzes in terms of the Two Ways treatise, the apocalypse of Did. 16, the prohibition to eat meat offered to idols, and the question of perfection within the developing community. he sets forth that:
in my presentation i have tried to argue for the following theses and conclusions:
(1) The apostolic Decree in acts 15:20, 29 does not go back to a formal decision of an apostolic meeting, but to a tradition known by Luke.
(2) The Two Ways treatise in Did. 1–5 originated in Jewish christian circles.
(3) The short Jewish christian apocalypse in Did. 16 is a piece added to the Two Ways treatise immediately after the sentence in the plural in 5.2.
it stems from the situation of the Jewish War.
(4) The following addition Did. 6.1 (and Doctr. 6.1) is influenced by the seductive topic of the apocalypse, but its original form in the Didache indicates that it targeted people who taught about faith without the Law, that is, to Paulinists.
(5) in the next stage of the literary development of the Didache, the Jewish War already lay in the past and the treatise is more and more extended to gentile christians. Next, the prohibition of idol meat is added in 6.2–3 after 6.1. The bearing of the whole yoke of the Lord, both the ethical and ritual Law, is presented to the gentiles as perfection. But at the same time, these verses are concessive: not all believers can or must be perfect. Only eating idol meat is expressly prohibited.
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(6) Bearing the entire yoke of the Lord as a sign of perfection in Did.
6.2 points to those who fulfill not only the Decalogue, but also the ritual law. These people have special dignity in mixed communities. corresponding to the concessive tone of the prohibition in Did. 6.2 reflects a situation in which the “perfect” christian teachers have full authority to interpret the prohibition in these communities. The same also applies to the four statutes that Luke lists in acts 15:29 as the so-called apostolic Decree.1
Taras Khomych’s interest is a contrast between Paul and the Didache on the subject of εὐαγγέλιον. he seeks thereby to demonstrate an aspect of diversity within early christianity. he argues that: Whereas in the Pauline epistles εὐαγγέλιον refers primarily to the death and resurrection of Jesus, the Didache is notably silent about these events, focusing instead on the Lord God and mentioning Jesus as God’s servant.
in other words, Paul’s gospel features above all a message of salvation in/
through christ, a christologically-centered soteriology. in comparison to Paul, the message of the Didache is more theocentric and focused on ethics. These differences between the Pauline letter and the Didache should be interpreted in the light of the respective views on Jesus and his mission in both writings. in his epistles, Paul elaborates an exalted christology, presenting Jesus as God’s christ, savior, and the Lord. This perspective is evidently missing in the Didache, which envisages Jesus as God’s παῖς, who revealed the will of the Lord God. The two types of teachings probably co-existed in the same period, although obviously in different communities/milieus. The evidence of the Didache, remarkably different from that of the Pauline epistles, yields invaluable information about the origins of christianity.2
The claim of Matthew Larsen and Michael svigel relates to a didactic pattern common in the first century. They argue that: The first-century Two Ways catechetical pattern forms the background of heb 6:1–6, demonstrated through compelling conceptual parallels between the Didache and heb 6:1–2. consequently, in our reading, 1. see in the present volume, Matti Myllykoski, “Without Decree: Pagan sacrificial Meat and the early history of the Didache,” 453.
2. see in the present volume, Taras Khomych, “another Gospel: exploring early christian Diversity with Paul and the Didache,” 476.
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παραπίπτω in heb 6:6 does not refer to irreversible apostasy, but to a failure to advance on the way of life from the level of catechumen to teacher (5:12–14).… Believing that some of his audience were failing to progress and develop as christians, he reminds them that rebaptism, preceded by recatechesis, was not a viable option.… at bottom, when read in light of the Two Ways didactic pattern [which the author assumes his audience received in catechesis], the purpose of the author of hebrews in heb 6:1–6 is to warn the stagnant christians of the impossibility of a second baptism, implicitly urging them to return to the christian way of life.3
finally, we revisit the essay by alan Garrow that treats the relationship of the book of Revelation and the Didache to a developing early christian tradition. his thesis is as follows:
Revelation’s much more elaborate forms suggest that it falls later in the stream of developing tradition than does the Didache. a credible assessment of the more precise relationship between the two texts must explain, however, not only their similarities but also their marked differences. critical to such an explanation is Did. 10.7: “allow the prophets to give thanks as much as they wish.” it is this advice that explains how it is possible that the Didache’s simple instructions regarding the eucharist could be combined with its very brief eschatological narrative to create the extraordinary book of Revelation. On this basis, i conclude not merely that the Didache predates Revelation, but that the Didache’s eucharistic and eschatological patterns provided the creative fountainhead out of which Revelation was born.4
My response to these essays is ultimately aimed at focusing our attention on issues important to the reconstruction of early christianity. allowing these chapters to inform us as to their interests, we will then move to examining how their theses open up larger themes within the superstructure of ancient christianity. i will concentrate upon four issues raised by these papers that are central to the task of reconstructing elements of that superstructure. after summarizing the four basic claims of our authors, we will give our attention to the problem of unity and diversity, the relationship of early christianity to its Jewish heritage, the fundamental role 3. see in the present volume, Matthew Larsen and Michael svigel, “The first century Two Ways catechesis and hebrews 6:1–6,” 495.
4. see in the present volume, alan J. P. Garrow, “The Didache and Revelation,”
513.
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of liturgy within its development, and finally the manner in which it read texts, its hermeneutics.
four broad arguments emerge from these papers: (1) the diverse ways in which the same evolving christian community embraced the same received tradition in different phases of its ethnic and social makeup (Myllykoski); (2) the existence of simultaneous (Paul’s and the one evidenced in the Didache), but conceptually different versions of the gospel, one focused on Jesus’s death and resurrection, the other upon Jesus as the servant who reveals the Lord God (Khomych); (3) the presence of a first-century Two Ways catechetical pattern influencing both the Didache and hebrews (Larsen and svigel); and (4) the early development of a christian tradition evident in the Didache’s earlier eucharistic and eschatological patterns and Revelation’s later, dependent, more elaborate teachings (Garrow).
1. unity and Diversity
Both Myllykoski and Khomych develop within their papers the theme of diversity within christian antiquity. for Myllykoski, the developing community about which he informs us displays and is permitted different concepts of perfection, different senses of obligation to the Mosaic law, different interpretations of the yoke of the Lord Jesus.5 in Khomych’s mind, “the evidence of the Didache, remarkably different from that of the Pauline epistles, yields invaluable information about the origins of christianity” (emphasis added).6 however, this collection of papers also indicates significant unity in late first-century christianity, at least in those communities represented by the texts under consideration. even though each stage of the changing ethnic structure of Myllykoski’s mixed community embraces certain teachings differently (and it may have been read differently), still, for each stage the yoke of the Lord Jesus, the Mosaic law, and the apocalyptic language of the apocalypse are the subjects at issue and all have application to various constituencies within the community.7
along the same lines, although different aspects of the acts and character of Jesus may be emphasized in Khomych’s portrayal of Paul and the Didache’s gospel proclamation and although he sees a christological-theological contrast, the gospel, in the material of both, concerns Jesus. and, 5. Myllykoski, “Without Decree,” 446.
6. Khomych, “another Gospel,” 476.
7. Myllykoski, “Without Decree,” 446.
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of course, Larsen and svigel demonstrate a common Two Ways tradition passed on through catechesis, while Garrow suggests a link between the worship and future expectation of the Didache community and that of Revelation. Pointing out such commonality, no matter how small, in the contemporary scholarly atmosphere, is not done without inviting controversy. it seems that since Walter Bauer published his paradigm-shaping book, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity,8 and the studies of those who have followed his thesis, the prejudice has been for recognizing diversity. although i could duplicate more recent sentiments, it seems, without end, i note here only Rudolph Bultmann’s words as an early, but poignant example of the bias:
hellenistic christianity is no unitary phenomenon, but, taken by and large, a remarkable product of syncretism. it is full of tendencies and contradictions, some of which were to be condemned later on by orthodox christianity as heretical. hence also the struggles between the various tendencies, of which the Pauline epistles give such vivid impression.9
The history of the study of development and diversity within early christianity is not free from metaphysical conceptions, and Bauer and Bultmann were similarly imprisoned. No one merely goes wherever the data leads.
One’s metaphysic helps to lead the data. some have been upfront about their metaphysical bias, others less so. Two contrasting examples come to mind. each states clearly their metaphysical orientation, a step lacking in many such studies, which attempt to keep alive a myth of complete detachment and objectivity. On the one hand, i mention the work of James Robinson and helmut Koester, Trajectories through Early Christianity. for them, the problem with New Testament scholarship is its metaphysics and the integration of its metaphysics into its historiography. They believe that a shift from “essentialist” to “historic” metaphysics is required.10 in this vein they wrote:
8. Walter Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, trans. Robert a.
Kraft and Gerhard Krodel (Philadelphia: fortress, 1971); trans. of Rechtgläubigkeit und Ketzerei im ältesten Christentum, 2nd ed., BhT 10 (Tübingen: Mohr siebeck, 1964).
9. Rudolf Bultmann, Primitive Christianity in Its Contemporary Setting, trans. R.
h. fuller (London: Thames & hudson, 1956), 177; trans. of Das Urchristentum im Rahmen der antiken Religionen (zürich: artemis, 1949).
10. James M. Robinson and helmut Koester, Trajectories through Early Christianity (Philadelphia: fortress, 1971). four of the essays were published previously (1964–
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The traditional static, substantial, essence/accidence-oriented metaphysics which gave our inherited categories their most basic form [needs to be replaced] with a dynamic, historic, existence/process-oriented new metaphysics, in terms of which a whole table of restructured categories may be envisaged.11
Robinson and Koester acknowledge the benefits of “modern historicism,”
but they are unhappy with the manner in which it is being practiced; they wish to drive it toward a dynamic metaphysics.12
On the other hand is andreas Kostenberger and Michael Kruger’s, The Heresy of Orthodoxy. They argue, layer by layer, for the failure of the Bauer thesis and its contemporary resurgence. for them, it fails to account reliably for the history of communities, texts, and ideas that flourished in the era of early christianity. But, more than that, they set forth a self-conscious, distinctive historiography. Kostenberger and Kruger contend for an “anti-supernatural bias in Bauer’s historical method.”13 in turn, they state that such a prejudice “underscores the importance of using the proper philosophical grid in the study of christian origins. in the end, arriving at the truth of the matter is not just a matter of sifting through data, but of making sense of the data in light of one’s worldview.”14 They conclude, then, “that the Bauer-ehrman thesis is wrong not just because these scholars’ interpretation of the data is wrong, but because their interpretation proceeds on the basis of a flawed interpretive paradigm.”15
here, i wish to draw our attention quickly to their third chapter. i found the argument of this chapter on the New Testament especially helpful, because it presented a claim concerning early christian doctrine that i believe we can also make for the years immediately following the apostolic 1971) to their appearance in the book, while the introduction is an enlarged version of an earlier publication. Only the final three chapters/essays are original to the volume.
see also helmut Koester, “The Theological aspects of Primitive christian heresy,” in The Future of Our Religious Past: Essays in Honour of Rudolph Bultmann, ed. James M. Robinson, trans. c. e. cariston and R. P. scharlemann (New York: harper & Row, 1971), 65–83.
11. Robinson and Koester, Trajectories the Early Christianity, 9.
12. ibid., 2, 5, 9.
13. andreas Kostenberger and Michael Kruger, The Heresy of Orthodoxy (Wheaton, iL: crossway, 2010), 101.
14. ibid., 101.
15. ibid., 101, emphasis original.
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ones. Our authors note that “Bauer surprisingly neglected the New Testament data itself ” as he investigated the question of the diversity of early christianity and whether orthodoxy preceded heresy.16
chapter three argues that the New Testament itself “bears credible and early witness to the unified doctrinal core, in particular with regard to christology, centered on Jesus and his apostles, a core that is, in turn, grounded in Old Testament messianic prophecy.”17 This christological core is manifested in the apostolic and early christian preaching, early christian liturgical material, and early theological language all of which centers around the death, burial, and resurrection of Jesus in concurrence with Old Testament expectation. Together these witnesses testify to an early, doctrinally unified New Testament christianity that not only finds common voice in Jesus and his apostles, but which is also in harmony with the hebrew scriptures.18 This chapter also provides a discussion that recognizes and defines a “legitimate diversity” in the New Testament, a diversity that does not compromise a unified doctrinal core in the collection of different documents, but that recognizes the different, but reconcilable language and perspectives of different human authors.19
The reconstruction of early christianity definitely involves investigation of aspects of continuity and diversity as well as the analysis of concepts like heresy and orthodoxy. But this analysis is complicated (or simplified) by the scholar’s presuppositions concerning metaphysics and historiography. it is not a simple issue, and i fear that some theses have, at times, been accepted less than critically. These chapters we are discussing help us appreciate the complexity that faces us.
16. ibid., 17.
17. ibid., 81.
18. ibid., 81.
19. ibid., 81–101. see, for another, earlier treatment of both unity and diversity in the New Testament, James D. G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New Testament: An Inquiry into the Character of Earliest Christianity (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1977).
Dunn argues that the unity concerns the affirmation that the man Jesus is the risen Lord while the diversity concerns the differences between Jewish, hellenistic, apocalyptic, and catholic christianity.
The DiDache: a MissiNG Piece Of The PuzzLe
2. Jewish heritage
Two of the essays under review also help us appreciate the way certain Jewish material underwent development in early christianity. On the one hand, the heritage and traditions of israel, particularly in regard to the Torah, the Mosaic law, are shown by Myllykoski to develop within the same socially evolving community; Larsen and svigel demonstrate the influence of a Two Ways tradition received from earlier “Jewish religious themes.”20
contrary to the theses that Marcion will eventually propagate in Rome and the attitude that we occasionally witness in some early Adversus Judaeos literature, we see here an enduring respect for christianity’s Jewish heritage through several stages of communal development and catechesis. This is not unlike the more developed understanding of christianity’s relationship to israel’s law that we will witness in irenaeus. in him we find the law praised and esteemed throughout history, although certain of its external forms end or are augmented. The “natural precepts” are common to both the church and Jews. The Jews had them in “their commencement and origin,” while in the church “they received augmentation and amplification” (Haer. 4.13.4 [sc 100.2:534,79–82]). This development is neither as the Marcionites would contend, “a contradiction nor an abolition” of the Jew’s precepts, “but their fulfillment and amplification” (4.13.1 [sc 100.2:524,12–526,16]). There is in irenaeus no “abandonment of the law,”
no devaluation of the Jews as less moral or with a different recompense than the church.21 he doesn’t seek to legitimize christianity’s relationship with God “apart from Torah,” but to explain the transeconomical essence of Torah.22 The Jew and the christian are equally of the same humankind, but they are humans within two different economies. Thus, hans conzelmann is correct when he writes that for irenaeus “salvation history is not 20. Myllykoski, “Without Decree,” passim; Larsen and svigel, “first century Two Ways catechesis,” 481.
21. see the summary in Miriam Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity: A Critique of the Scholarly Consensus, stPB 46 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 132–34, on other studies concerning the Jews in early christian writings.
22. see Lloyd Gaston, “Retrospect,” in Separation and Polemic, vol. 2 of Anti-Judaism in Early Christianity, ed. s. G. Wilson, 2 vols., scJ 2 (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier university, 1986), 163–74 (167).
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of a national character, but a universal one.”23 for irenaeus the tension between any supposed redemptive-historical bias for or against certain peoples relaxes within his view of the economies. as he concludes at the end of book 5: “there is one human-kind” (5.36.3 [sc 153:464,66]).
3. Liturgy
But this rich collection of essays does not merely indicate the positive role of Jewish material in the development of some early christian texts and communities. Garrow shows how the distinctive liturgy and meal of the christians, the eucharist, stood behind the composition and liturgical use of texts (by all means, the eucharist may be related to Jewish meal practices, but this is not Garrow’s point). early christianity developed out of its Jewish roots, without doubt, but it also developed out of its own liturgical identity.
This last dynamic is crucial to our understanding the development of the texts and practice of early christians. The liturgical character of Revelation has not been overlooked by scholarship, but the relationship between liturgy and the composition of early christian texts goes far beyond the apocalypse.24 as Roch Kereszty argues:
a critical reading of the New Testament shows that a widespread eucharistic practice has preceded the composition of even the earliest extant documents. The succinct narrative on the Lord’s supper that Paul handed on to the corinthians in 50/51, expresses a tradition he himself had received from the liturgical practice of the church (1 corinthians 11:23–26).… [Denis] farkasfalvy made a strong case for the eucharistic provenance of the New Testament in general and of the four Gospels in particular. it is in the eucharistic liturgy that the accounts of what Jesus did and said in his earthly life were formulated and fixed into oral patterns.… The liturgy of the word, then, is not a separate form of worship but intrinsically linked to the liturgy of the eucharist where it unfolds its power. in other words, the various texts read at the eucharistic service expresses the various aspects of what the Lord does in and through the 23. hans conzelmann, Gentiles, Jews, Christians: Polemics and Apologetics in the Greco-Roman Era, trans. M. eugene Boring (Minneapolis: fortress, 1992), 319.
24. see Pierre Prigent, Apocalypse et Liturgie (Neuchatel: Delachaux & Niestle, 1964); andré feuillet, The Apocalypse (New York: alba, 1965), 85; ugo Vanni, “Liturgical Dialogue as a Literary form in the Book of Revelation,” NTS 37 (1991): 348–72.
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eucharist. if the eucharist was the defining sitz im leben for the Gospel traditions we may expect that it will obtain a central place within the structure of the Gospels themselves.25
farkasfalvy, in his helpful essay “The eucharistic Provenance of New Testament Texts,” argues, “all New Testament scripture has a eucharistic provenance” and that those texts “arose with an eye on the eucharistic assembly and that assembly was the locus and framework for their ecclesial and sacramental exegesis.”26 The essay treats the apostolic letters, the gospel narratives, and the book of Revelation. Within John’s apocalypse, he sees the eucharistic framework unfolding in this way: (1) Jesus’s coming and appearance on sunday, the Lord’s Day (1:7–14); (2) the letters given to the churches (2:1–3:22); (3) the heavenly liturgy of praise with the prophet John as witness and participant (4:1–5:14); and (4) the opening of the seven seals with their apocalyptic signs followed by the eucharistic blessing in 19:9: “Write happy are those invited to the wedding banquet of the Lamb.”27
for farkasfalvy, Rev 19:11–22:8 serves as parentheses, while John’s vision continues with Rev 22:10–21.28 in quick succession, then, the apocalypse moves the congregation from the command not to seal the book and the repeated christological title, “alpha and Omega,” to the three concluding eucharistic references: (1) the tree of life; (2) the exclusion of the wicked from communion; and then, (3) finally, what is in farkasfalvy’s framework the pronouncement of “the concluding eucharistic exclamation,” μαραναθά. This final exclamation in aramaic, preserved in both 1 corinthians and the Didache, forms an inclusio with the beginning of John’s apocalypse, where we read in 1:7 of Jesus who comes (ἔρχεται), and demonstrates the expectation upon the gentile churches to be faithful to the earliest tradition. in conclusion he writes: While the apostolic letters were intended to be presented to the communities assembled in liturgical worship, the book of Revelation was patterned according to an outline of the sunday assembly as it was 25. Denis farkasfalvy, Wedding Feast of the Lamb: Eucharistic Theology from A Biblical, Historical, and Systematic Perspective (chicago: hillenbrand, 2004), 15–16.
26. Denis farkasfalvy, Inspiration and Interpretation (Washington, Dc: catholic university of america, 2010), 63–87.
27. ibid., 85.
28. ibid., 85–86.
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customarily celebrated in the late first century in asia Minor. But even more important, i intended to show that the way our canonical Gospels were composed presupposes the spread of the Jesus tradition to communities gathered in cultic assemblies to witness, experience, and respond to the coming of the Lord.29
4. hermeneutics
also, we should note a feature of early christian hermeneutics highlighted by Myllykoski’s essay. he shows us that the members of the various stages of the community that reflected on the issue of perfection, the law of Moses, and apocalyptic language demonstrate a common identity as followers of the Lord Jesus, Moses, and the inherited apocalyptic tradition of early christianity.30 each stage, then, is faithful to these traditions.
But, his essay demonstrates that each stage engages in its own reading strategy of the material and that the community’s leaders apply it in different ways. each stage’s reading shows both continuity and discontinuity with the hermeneutical approach of the other two stages. What is clear is that, for each of them, the interpretations of Jesus cannot be done away with. They cannot be ignored or rejected. somehow, they must be managed hermeneutically.
We see this challenge displayed and answered in a very important way in the polemics of Tertullian against Marcion, as he reads John’s apocalypse. his methodology in Adversus Marcionem will help us appreciate more fully another facet of the structure of early christianity raised by our essays on the Didache.
Adversus Marcionem, of course, is Tertullian’s answer to what eric Osborne has called the “foremost threat to emerging christian theology:”
the dualism that overwhelmingly bothered Marcion.31 To him, apparent contradictions, shadows, changes, and dialectic were unacceptable.32 The solution, in Marcion’s mind, was the separation of deities and scriptures in very systematic detail. in light of this strategy, the catholic responses to Marcion needed to be systematic as well. Therefore, Tertullian’s argument 29. ibid., 86.
30. Myllykoski, “Without Decree,” passim.
31. eric Osborne, Tertullian: First Theologian of the West (cambridge: cambridge university Press, 1997), 88.
32. ibid., 88–89.
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in Adversus Marcionem is quite intricate.33 he shows that apparent antitheses exist within God and within the world, apparent antitheses that appear to be opposites but that are manifested in “perfect proportion.”34 for example, christ is indeed, for him, the jealous God (Marc. 2.29.4).
Books 1 and 2 confront and deny the notion that there can exist two gods and argue that there can exist only one unique supreme being. The world is a harmony of apparent opposites. God both creates and redeems; God is both eternal and rational, both good and just, both the God of the Old Testament and the New Testament.35 Book 3 treats prophecy and its fulfillment and the deity and unity of Jesus christ. The messianic promises of the Old Testament, Tertullian argues, are in concord with the christ of the Gospels.36 for Tertullian, christ the redeemer is a necessary corollary to the one God creator.37 his fourth book uses Marcion’s own text against him: Marcion’s version of Luke reflects the catholic teaching. The muti-lated edition of Luke still presents christ who is in continuity with the Old Testament’s prophecies and expectations. The final book is the african father’s reply to Marcion’s account of Paul. Tertullian argues that Paul does not preach the destruction of Judaism or a separation between creator, flesh, punishment, cross, and God of grace.38
it is in proving the thesis of book 3 that Tertullian employs John’s apocalypse in a manner that allows us a glimpse of his hermeneutical approach. Tertullian, as it is well recognized, sometimes to the point of frustration, it seems, has a variety of interpretive methods.39 each method is used within a particular context to accomplish a certain task and argue a particular point. Thus he would embrace allegorical, typological, spiritual, or figurative interpretations as well as interpretations that were literal and strict. Tertullian’s exegesis was deeply polemical in its principle, as it was overwhelmingly focused upon winning the argument at hand within the parameters established by the rule of faith.
33. ibid., 90.
34. ibid., 90–91.
35. ibid., 91–104.
36. ernest evans, ed. and trans., Tertullian Adversus Marcionem, Books 1–3
(Oxford: clarendon, 1972), xvii.
37. Osborne, Tertullian, 104–5.
38. ibid., 113–15.
39. see Geoffrey D. Dunn, Tertullian (London: Routledge, 2004), 22–23.
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We observe his sympathies toward a more figurative approach in his attempt to develop and explain a catholic christology that pleads a unity between Old Testament and New Testament. at one point (Marc. 3.12–
14), he is concerned with presenting the continuity between isaiah’s vision of the messianic child and peacemaker, who is emmanuel, from isa 7:14
and 8:4 and certain New Testament language of christological description, such as Rev 1:16. This apocalyptic text presents a problem: it seems to portray christ as a warrior, for it “describes a sharp two-edged sword as proceeding from the mouth of God,” or in the words of the text, “one like a son of man” (Marc. 3.14.3). The apparent contradiction is solved hermeneutically: “this has to be understood as the divine word, doubly sharp in the two testaments of the Law and the Gospel, sharp with wisdom, directed against the devil, arming us against the spiritual hosts of wickedness and evil concupiscence, and cutting us off even from our dearest for the sake of the name of God.”40 a similar use of the language, Tertullian insists, can be found in the Pauline discussion of the armor of spiritual warfare in eph 6, where he specifically identifies the “sword of the spirit” as “the Word of God.” Thus, the sword of Revelation is an “allegorical sword,” allowing for harmony between prophet and apostle. in Tertullian’s own words, “and so the christ who has come will be isaiah’s christ, for the very reason that he was not a warrior, because he is not by isaiah described as such (Marc.
3.14.7).”41
here, then, the apocalypse presents itself as a problem to be solved. in polemics, canonical material can pose a challenge to be overcome. Tertullian, unlike Marcion, will not depart from the catholic rule in order to have another definition of what must be read, of what constitutes scripture. his tradition, his rule of faith, his community has received the apocalypse.
he must face up to its language. Marcion chose and selected his language based upon his own rule of faith. Not so Tertullian. however, although he cannot select his scripture, he can select his hermeneutic. and here he selects an allegorical one. apparently, such a metaphorical or allegorical reading of the apocalypse by Tertullian is not strange. elsewhere, in 3.13, he speaks of the metaphorical approach he selected one in which John uses Babylon to refer to “the Roman city.”
40. evans, Tertullian Adversus Marcionem, 213.
41. ibid., 215.
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apocalyptic, to the catholic polemicist, frequently presents more conundrum than contribution to the argument. This is the first time in the second and early third century that we have seen this dynamic this forcefully. The church, against the formidable antithesis of Marcion, finds itself in polemical response, hindered and challenged by its own scripture.
apocalyptic, by virtue of its language, can be an irritating element in the attempt to provide a simplistic, naïve argument in accordance with a rule of faith. since the catholic polemicist cannot solve an apparent dilemma canonically, the only recourse is hermeneutical. in early christianity, it was not simply the Old Testament that had to be integrated into the faith of the church through various hermeneutical approaches. The apocalypse, perhaps because of aspects of its language, which echo so clearly difficult portions of the law, also forced the church to embrace variant hermeneutical visions. and really, here is perhaps one of the most important contributions Tertullian makes within the confines of his reply to Marcion.
catholicity would stand or fall, in struggle upon struggle, upon its hermeneutical skill as it attempted to demonstrate concord between variant portions of its scripture. Departures from orthodoxy would bask in the ease of compartmentalization, antitheses, and segregation.
5. conclusion
in conclusion, i wish to express my gratitude for these four papers and the way in which they have informed my thinking. The task of reconstructing early christianity is an arduous, but fruitful enterprise. i have attempted to orient our discussion of that enterprise to ancient issues, often travel-ling away from the Didache into the later second and even third centuries, and to contemporary issues, as we examined pertinent, but diverse metaphysics and historiographies. i hope that future work on the reconstruction of christianity in antiquity will note aspects of its unity along with its diversity, as well as aspects of its faithfulness to its Jewish heritage along with those cases where it was disparaged. i hope, too, that that work, as it follows the ways of redaction criticism, will renew its appreciation for the liturgical provenance of early christian texts and the enduring manner in which accepted texts were respected by means of hermeneutics.
conclusion: Missing Pieces in the Puzzle or Wild Goose chase? a Retrospect and Prospect
Jonathan A. Draper
1. Why the Riddle?
in his groundbreaking commentary written soon after its first publication by Bishop Bryennios in 1883, adolf von harnack1 highlighted its significance:
The more one immerses oneself in the context of the Didache, the more clearly one sees that its author has exhausted, to his mind, everything which belonged in a short evangelical-apostolic manual for the christian life of the individual (in everyday dealings and in the community).
One could not deny that the evidence provided by this writing is quite first rate.
so impressed was harnack with its evidence, that it formed the key to his picture of the evolution of the early church from the writings of the New Testament to the emerging institution of “early catholicism” in his massive two volume work, Das Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (1902).2 after one hundred and thirty years, 1. adolf von harnack, Die Lehre der zwölf Apostel nebst Untersuchuingen zur ältesten Geschichte der Kirchenverfassung und des Kirchenrechts, TuGaL 2.1, 2
(Leipzig: hinrichs, 1884), 36–37 (my translation). harnack’s contention concerning the comprehensiveness of the instructions has been specifically questioned by Georg schöllgen, “Die Didache als Kirchenordnung: zur frage des abfassungszweckes und sinen Konsequenzen für die interpretation,” JAC 29 (1986): 5–26. schöllgen argues that the Didache simply presents an ad hoc collection of burning issues of the day and what is absent from the text is irrelevant for its interpretation.
2. Translated into english as adolf von harnack, The Mission and Expansion of
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such confidence has proved to be short-lived. almost every aspect of the evidence has been contested, almost to the point where scholars ceased to use its evidence at all for the reconstruction of early christianity.
although there is still no consensus on the exact date, the range of possible dates suggested does seem to have narrowed significantly among modern scholars, with few arguing for a date later than the beginning of the second century ce, with others arguing for a much earlier date from the mid- to late-first century.3 Yet if this is indeed a genuine document of the first or even early second century ce, it is hard to see how pessimism with regard to its use in the reconstruction of the emergence of early christianity can be justified, given that it contains practical rules for community rituals and common life as practiced at such an early time, evidence which is not really available elsewhere except incidentally from odd clues here and there in writings with other purposes. On the other hand, it is not surprising that the document is contested and has been from the outset, because it touches in a fundamental way on deep-rooted historical constructions of the early church that relate to legitimations and vested interests of particular denominations and their ecclesiologies. it presents a challenge to any theory of a straightforward evolution from origins to the institutional church of later times, representing a subjugated voice of an alternative strand of the christian tradition which fell silent.
consequently, any theory of origins that ignores this inconvenient and Christianity in the First Three Centuries (London: Williams & Norgate; New York: Putnam, 1908), esp. 319–68.
3. Most recently aaron Milavec, The Didache: Faith, Hope, and Life of the Earliest Christian Communities, 50–70 CE (New York: Newman, 2003), has made a claim that the work represents an oral catechesis dating from 50–70 ce. he is followed in this by Thomas O’Loughlin, The Didache: A Window on the Earliest Christians (Grand Rapids: Baker; London: sPcK, 2010), 26, although he leaves open the question of the final version of the text within the broad range of the first century ce: “in all probability a version of the Didache was being committed to memory by groups of followers of Jesus by the middle of the first century—and what we have reflects a very early stage in that text’s life and influence.” Proponents of a later date at around 110–20
ce include, hesitantly, Kurt Niederwimmer, The Didache: A Commentary, hermeneia (Minneapolis: fortress, 1998), 53; huub van de sandt and David flusser, The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity, cRiNT 3.5 (assen: Van Gorcum; Minneapolis: fortress, 2002), 45, “turn of the first century”; and clayton N. Jefford, “Didache,” EDB, 345a–46a, who allows 70–150 ce as the furthest extremes but prefers the early second century.
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enigmatic voice that was lost in the march of time is left with a missing piece or pieces of the puzzle—rather like infuriating puzzle pieces of the plain sky that just will not fit in at the end of the puzzle or, worse still, that fell off the table and got lost.
Whatever date is advocated for its final redaction, there is broad agreement that it contains early source material, whether originating in oral form or already in written form, so that its final date does not determine its value entirely. for instance, historians of the eucharist mostly see very early material here, older than the Didache itself, deriving from Jewish prototypes.4 however, an alternative origin in the hellenistic symposium is proposed by Matthias Klinghardt,5 although while one should allow for the influence of hellenism on first century Judaism on a wide front as argued by Martin hengel’s epic work,6 this should also not be allowed to suggest the complete eclipse of culture-specific elements of Jewish society.7 almost all scholars since Jean-Paul audet’s comparison of the Two Ways in the Didache and the Manual of Discipline (1Qs iii, 4. so enrico Mazza, The Origins of the Eucharistic Prayer, trans. Ronald e. Lane (collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1995), places it at the center of his reconstruction of origins, while Jonathan schwiebert, Knowledge and the Coming Kingdom: The Didache’s Meal Ritual and Its Place in Early Christianity, LNTs 373; (London: T&T
clark, 2008), traces it to the early originating moment of an alternative tradition of the christian eucharist to that represented by the words of institution. Gerard Rouwhorst,
“Didache 9–10: a Litmus Test for the Research on early christian Liturgy eucharist,”
in Matthew and the Didache: Two Documents from the Same Jewish Christian Milieu?
ed. huub van de sandt (assen: Van Gorcum; Minneapolis: fortress, 2005), 143–56, takes a middle line arguing that early meal thanksgiving prayers like those presented by the Didache may have existed alongside the eucharist offered using the words of institution at a yearly “Quartodeciman Passover with an etiological function which gradually replaced the communal meal prayers.”
5. Matthias Klinghardt, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlgemeinschaft: Soziologie und Liturgie frühchristlicher Mahlfeiern, TaNz 13 (Tübingen: francke, 1996). he is followed by Dennis e. smith, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World (Minneapolis: fortress, 2002), and hal Taussig, In the Beginning was the Meal (Minneapolis: fortress, 2009).
6. Martin hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period, 2 vols. (London: scM, 1974).
7. The experience of the modern form of imperial domination on a far more widespread scale than was possible in the ancient world shows that subjugated cultures are certainly influenced, even changed in important respects, by the imperial culture, but are not obliterated, reemerging after the collapse of imperial control even after hundreds of years.
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13–iV, 26) agree that the material is older than the Didache and represents an originally independent and widespread early Jewish and christian text or trope.8 The theory of a late literary fiction does not seem tenable any more, since at every turn new textual discoveries tend to support the authenticity of the kind of world described in the Didache. The many echoes it finds in multiple early christian texts evidenced in this volume indicate that it stands in a continuing and evolving tradition. in any case, even if it were to represent a fictional and imagined ideal community, it could only be constructed on the possibilities offered by real historical experience in its day. even dreams and visions are rooted in a particular cultural and social reality.
2. The Didache and Jewish christianity
One significant development in recent study of the Didache is the result of a greater awareness of the broad span and diversity of first century Jewish/
israelite culture, which tends to confirm that this text originates in a Jewish christian context. There was no overarching monolithic Jewish/israelite religious expression in the first two centuries ce but rather a contested public space. Rabbinic Judaism represents only one strand in an evolving tradition battling for hegemony after the collapse of the Judean temple state. The Didache represents another such strand of Judaism, basing its claims on the acceptance of Jesus as the descendent of David and the Messiah who would return as the son of Man on the clouds. its rituals and christology diverge significantly from other types of christianity known through Pauline christianity, which became dominant in the West and erased earlier memories, but it can now be seen to be close to patterns found in other Jewish and Jewish christian groups—in particular Matthew and James and Revelation. The correlation of the Didache with these texts and other known Jewish christian writings, such as the Pseudo-clementine texts and the Odes of solomon, might provide a focal point for the reconstruction of early Jewish christianity.9 a particular point of 8. Jean-Paul audet, “affinités Littéraires et Doctrinales du ‘Manuel de Discipline,’” RB 59 (1952): 219–38.
9. in his response to papers in the sBL seminar of 2007 in Washington, Marcus Bockmuehl argued that the traces of Jewish christianity found in the Didache might reflect a much later romanticization of Judaism for which a gentile community is nos-talgic. however, this does not match the very early textual traces of the Didache nor
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interest is the way in which such a Jewish christian community orientated itself to a mission to the gentiles while seeking to remain Torah observant (6.2–3). such a stance is well-known from Matt 5, but here it is fleshed out by the instructions provided for community life. in the Didache there is a major focus on purity and holiness: from a koinonia of property in chapter 4,10 to the right kind of water to remove impurity and effect such a holy community in chapter 7, to an insistence on the exclusion of those not washed in this way from the pure meal of the community, since they are as unclean as dogs (9.5).11 This insistence on purity is repeated in the instructions after the meal (10.6) and in the instructions on the Lord’s Day (14). such an obsession with purity goes with a concern about boundaries in the construction of a new community facing a pressing external threat12
and matches the similar concern in other Jewish groups in the first and the way in which the arguments and practice of the Didache follows the inner logic discernible in early Jewish sources. see especially the work of huub van de sandt,
“Didache 3:1–6:1: a Transformation of an existing Jewish hortatory Pattern,” JSJ 23
(1992), 21–24; “Was the Didache community a Group within Judaism? an assessment on the Basis of its eucharistic Prayers,” in A Holy People: Jewish and Christian Perspectives on Religious Communal Identity, ed. Marcel J. h. M. Poorthuis and Joshua schwartz, JcP 12 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 85–107; van de sandt and flusser, Didache; and Peter J. Tomson, “The halakhic evidence of Didache 8 and Matthew 6 and the Didache community’s Relation to Judaism,” in van de sandt, Matthew and the Didache, 131–
41; “Transformations of Post-70 Judaism: scholarly Reconstructions and Their implications for our Perception of Matthew, Didache, and James,” in Matthew, James and Didache: Three Related Documents in Their Jewish and Christian Settings, ed. huub van de sandt and and Jürgen K. zangenberg, sBLsyms 45 (atlanta: society of Biblical Literature, 2008), together with his paper (“The Lord’s Prayer [Didache 8] at the faultline of Judaism and christianity”) in this volume; Jonathan a. Draper, “The holy Vine of David Made Known to the Gentiles through God’s servant Jesus: ‘christian Judaism’
in the Didache,” in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts, ed. Matt Jackson-Mccabe (Minneapolis: fortress, 2007), 257–83; and “Pure sacrifice in Didache 14 as Jewish christian exegesis,” Neot 42 (2008): 223–52.
10. see too my paper (“children and slaves in the community of the Didache and the Two Ways Tradition”) in this volume.
11. Note the paper of huub van de sandt (“Baptism and holiness: Two Requirements authorizing Participation in the Didache’s eucharist”) in this volume.
12. according to the widely accepted anthropological model of Mary Douglas developed in Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge, 1966), and Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology, 2nd ed.
(New York: Pantheon, 1982).
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second century ce, such as the haburoth of the Pharisees and the yahad of the community of the Dead sea scrolls.
3. The Relationship of the Didache and Matthew
The links with Matthew’s Gospel are very close and demand attention at every turn. The traditional argument has been about whether the Didache is dependent on Matthew, whether they are both dependent on a prior source such as is traditionally designated “Q,”13 or whether Matthew is dependent on the Didache, as some recent scholars have argued.14 a number of scholars, including myself, have argued for a more complex relationship between Matthew and the Didache as an “evolved text,”
namely, a text which has had a long history of redaction as the community rule of a living and developing community, so that the earliest layers of the text may be among Matthew’s sources, while the latest layers of the text may reflect a knowledge of Matthew.15 such an approach allows for the continuing influence of orality and performance on the production and transmission of texts over time.
a resurgence of interest in oral tradition has also raised the possibility that what are taken as literary sources in most of the scholarly literature may in fact be reflections of a common oral tradition used by both texts.
This is a particularly forceful argument if the Didache contains catechetical material which was designed to be memorized by catechumens under the guidance of an elder or teacher.16 however, oral tradition cannot, in my 13. as argued by helmut Koester, Synoptische Überlieferung bei den apostolischen Vätern, TuGaL 65/5.10 (Berlin: akademie, 1957), 159–241. heavy counter arguments are offered by christopher M. Tuckett, “The Didache and the Writings that later formed the New Testament,” in The Reception of the New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers, vol. 1 of The New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers, ed. andrew f. Gregory and christopher M. Tuckett (Oxford: Oxford university Press, 2005), 83–127.
14. see alan J. P. Garrow, The Gospel of Matthew’s Dependence on the Didache, JsNTsup 254 (London: T&T clark, 2004).
15. The concept was developed by Robert Kraft, Barnabas and the Didache, af 3
(New York: Nelson, 1965), 1–3; also by stanislav Giet, L’énigme de la Didachè (PfLus 149; Paris: Ophrys, 1970). Giet was published posthumously, but the manuscript is dated 1967.
16. see Jonathan a. Draper, “Vice catalogues as Oral-Mnemonic cues: a comparative study of the Two Ways Tradition in the Didache and Parallels from the Perspective of Oral Tradition,” in Jesus, the Voice, and the Text: Beyond the Oral and the
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opinion, replace studies of literary composition, because the first century Mediterranean world was not a context of primary orality. Text and oral tradition were in a continuing and dialectic relationship, which continued to affect even the manuscript traditions of any writing.17 The question has far reaching consequences for the dating of the Didache, of course, but the question does not seem likely to be easily settled, as the diverse papers and positions reflected in this volume testify.
a more constructive way forward may be to explore the relationship between the praxis of the Didache and the clues in Matthew, asking different questions to chart the dimensions of a Jewish-christian community life. in other words, could one read them together in the act of historical reconstruction, while leaving open the question of the direction of influence? such an approach certainly produced dividends in the two Tilburg conferences hosted by huub van de sandt in 2003 and 2007, which resulted in a rich and helpful discourse. The very intensity of the debate indicates the importance of the relationship. The continuing disagreements do not indicate a scholarly crisis but a creative vortex of research. clearly the evidence is inconclusive and its interpretation depends on prior understandings of the researcher concerning the evolution of the earliest christian communities. Perhaps instead of trying to determine the direction of their literary composition, future research should read the evidence of Matthew and the Didache (and possibly the epistle of James) together as data for the reconstruction of the praxis and beliefs of a particular community or set of communities that stand in the same early christian trajectory. The Tilburg conferences of 2003 and 2007 mentioned above have already opened up this possibility.
although the disagreements remained wide and are reflected again in the current volume of papers from a decade of meetings by the sBL seminar so that one could not really speak of an emerging consensus, the range of issues has narrowed somewhat. Matthew and the Didache, whatever Written Gospel, ed. Tom Thatcher (Waco, TX: Baylor university Press, 2008), 111–36.
see also the papers of Nancy Pardee (“The Didache and Oral Theory”) and Perttu Nikander (“The Sectio Evangelica [Didache 1.3b–2.1] and Performance”) in this volume. Note, however, the cautions expressed by John s. Kloppenborg, “Memory, Performance, and the sayings of Jesus” (paper presented at the hensinki seminar on Memory, helsinki, finland, 11 May 2011).
17. see the seminal work of David c. Parker, The Living Text of the Gospels (cambridge: cambridge university Press, 1997).
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the direction of supposed dependence, are both now usually regarded as Jewish-christian/christian-Jewish texts. secondly, if the Didache reached its final form by the end of the first and beginning of the second centuries ce, this puts it roughly in the same time zone as the composition of Matthew advocated by most Matthean scholars (give or take a decade or two).
Given the difference in genre between the Didache and Matthew then, the question of literary dependence may be a red herring that has prevented scholars from moving on to delineate the nature of the community(ies) which used both texts simultaneously and found no contradiction in doing so.
4. The Didache, the Book of Revelation,
and the Johannine Tradition
The relationship between the Didache and Revelation has received little attention except from alan Garrow, 18 but seems to call for further analysis—again taking into account their difference in genre. The Didache has prophets who “do a cosmic mystery of the ekklesia” within strictly prescribed rules; Revelation offers just such a “cosmic mystery of the ekklesia.” No one has imagined the Didache to be a text of early Jewish christian mysticism, and yet it not only allows but privileges (10.7) and regulates such a practice (13.7–12) in its community rule. Besides this, there are clear traces of the Two Ways trope in Revelation and a similar strict insistence of the avoidance of εἰδωλόθυτον. Relating two such enigmatic texts as the Didache and Revelation may present a daunting task, but may be a productive exercise. Given a date for the Didache between the end of the first and beginning of the second century ce in the new emerging consensus, it is no longer appropriate to describe it as a Montanist document.
Was there, however, a continuing early christian mystical practice based on the work of “prophets” speaking in the spirit (evidenced not only in the Didache but also in Matthew; e.g., the false prophets of 7:15–23 and the true ones implied in 10:41)? could this prophetic tradition have issued in Montanism not as an innovation, but as a practice the emerging orthodox church sought to suppress? its links with other works in the Johannine tra-18. so van de sandt, Matthew and the Didache; huub van de sandt and Jürgen K.
zangenberg, eds., Matthew, James and Didache; Gunnar Garleff, Urchristliche Identität in Matthäusevangelium, Didache und Jakobusbrief, BVB 9 (Münster: LiT, 2004); and alan Garrow (“The Didache and Revelation”) in this volume.
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dition, such as John’s Gospel, 1 John, 2 John, and 3 John, have hardly been explored except by Johannes Betz’s brief study of the eucharist.19
5. The Didache in Jewish and christian Mysticism Despite the extensive instructions on christian prophets and prophecy in Did. 10.7, 11.7–12, 13, and 15.1–2, there has been relatively little interest shown in this material on the part of Didache scholars or in the burgeoning study of Jewish and christian mysticism emerging from a new understanding of apocalyptic as different from (though sometimes overlapping with) eschatology which arose from the work of alan f. segal,20 christopher Rowland,21 John J. collins,22 Peter schäfer,23 and many others. it has been the focus of a long running section of the sBL’s “early Jewish and christian Mysticism.” The nature and evolution of this widespread influence and practice of mystical ascent continues to be debated, but its existence as an influence in Judaism can no longer be doubted in the light of recent studies of mysticism in the Dead sea scrolls24 and Philo of alexandria.25 so it is surprising that none of the participants in the sBL seminar series on the Didache took up this quest with respect to the text.
19. Johannes Betz, “The eucharist in the Didache,” in The Didache in Modern Research, ed. Jonathan a. Draper, aGJu 37 (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 244–75. Like the Didache, John’s Gospel lacks the words of institution, utilizes the trope of the vine in the context of the meal, and applies the vine to Jesus. it is still an open question whether there are any connections between John and the Didache beyond the eucharistic parallels (e.g., could John’s failure to describe Jesus’s baptism by the Baptist reflect a rejection of christian baptism as one of “repentance for the forgiveness of sins” which is absent also in the Didache?).
20. alan f. segal, Two Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports about Christianity and Gnosticism, sJLa 25 (Leiden: Brill, 1977).
21. christopher Rowland, The Open Heaven: A Study of Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (London: sPcK, 1982).
22. John J. collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature (New York: crossroad, 1984).
23. Peter schäfer, The Hidden and Manifest God (albany, NY: state university of New York Press, 1992).
24. see most recently the excellent study of samuel i. Thomas, The “Mysteries”
of Qumran: Mystery, Secrecy, and Esotericism in the Dead Sea Scrolls, sBJLeJL 25
(atlanta: society of Biblical Literature, 2009).
25. see, e.g., Baudouin Decharneux, L’Ange, le devin et le prophete: Chemins de la
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The Didache provides instructions to regulate how things are to be done and what is to be forbidden. The rules on christian prophecy that it provides are often seen as merely demonstrating the decline of christian prophecy and the beginning of its demise, yet they encourage it and value it positively as the spirit speaking through the prophet, so that to silence the voice would be blasphemy. Moreover, prophets are allowed to speak “as they will” at the christian eucharist (10.7). indeed, true and tested prophets speak “cosmic mysteries of the ekklesia” (11.11), the kind of language for the mystical ascent to view the risen christ enthroned in heaven in a number of New Testament texts, according to Rowland and christopher Morray-Jones.26 Prophets, and to a lesser extent teachers, are the only resident leaders in the Didache community who are entitled to material support (13), and their work is so highly rated that they are to receive the same honor as the bishops and deacons—who are in danger of being overshadowed by the prophets (15.1–2). it is time that this aspect of research into early christian mysticism was taken up in the light of recent studies of mysticism. an earlier generation of British scholars, led by R. h. connolly27 and f. e. Vokes,28 regarded the Didache as a Montanist work because of its teaching on prophecy and prophets, but this assumes that Montanists were the originators of christian mysticism and prophecy rather than direct descendants of earliest christianity. harnack, with his usual acumen, remarked rather off-handedly:
Down to the close of the second century the prophets retained their position in the church; but the Montanist movement brought early christian prophecy at once to a head and to an end. sporadic traces of it are still to be found in later years, but such prophets no longer possessed any significance for the church; in fact, they were quite summarily condemned parole dans l’oeuvre de Philon d’Alexcandrie dit “Le Juif,” sPL 2 (Bruxelles: editions de l’université de Bruxelles, 1994).
26. christopher c. Rowland and christopher Morray-Jones, The Mystery of God: Early Jewish Mysticism and the New Testament, cRiNT 12 (Leiden: Brill, 2009). They see 2 cor 12:2–4, colossians, ephesians, hebrews, and perhaps 1 John as reflecting such a christian mysticism.
27. R. h. connolly, “The Didache and Montanism,” DRev 55 (1937): 339–47.
28. f. e. Vokes, The Riddle of the Didache: Fact or Fiction, Heresy or Catholicism?
(London: sPcK, 1938).
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by the clergy as false prophets. Like the apostles, the prophets occupied a delicate and risky position. it was easy for them to degenerate.29
sadly, the possibilities of this observation for further research into the Didache have not yet been taken up, particularly in the light of its clear and enduring influence in North africa and ethiopia, to which Montanists from asia Minor fled for refuge.30
6. The Didache and Paul
since the early enthusiasm after its publication in 1883 to find traces of the Didache in every text of the New Testament and early christianity or vice versa, there has been little research exploring points of contact or opposition relating the letters of Paul to the Didache. a notable exception was the work of alfred seeberg, who sought in many volumes to find in the Didache an early christian catechesis lying behind all the early christian writings and particularly Paul.31 in his recent doctoral thesis, Paul’s Witness to Formative Early Christian Instruction, Benjamin a.
edsall32 reexamines seeberg’s thesis again in the context of Paul’s practice 29. harnack, Mission and Expansion of Christianity, 352–53.
30. Besides the manuscript evidence of the coptic translation and Oxyrhyncus Papyrus 1782, there is the Vita Shenudi, the ecclesiastical canons, the Fides Nicanae, and the presence of large sections of the Didache in the ethiopic version of the ethiopian church Order from the pre-arabic period, including the whole section on apostles and prophets with chapters 11–13 excerpted. see the new text and translation of allesandro Bausi, “La Nuova version etiopica della Traditio apostolica: edizione e traduzione preliminare,” in Christianity in Egypt: Literary Production and Intellectual Trends: Studies in Honor of Tito Orlandi, ed. Paola Buzi and alberto camplani, seaug 125 (Rome: institutum Patristicum augustinianum, 2011), 19–69. The ethiopian church was evangelized by priests from asia Minor. This newly discovered text of the ethiopic version of the Didache lends support to Jean-Paul audet’s contention (La Didachè: Instructions des Apôtres, ebib [Paris: Gabalda, 1958], 35–45) that the ethiopic version is an important and early (fourth century ce) witness.
31. alfred seeberg, Der Katechismus der Urchristenheit (Leipzig: Deichert, 1903; Die beiden Wege und das Aposteldreket (Leipzig: Deichert, 1906); and Die Didache des Judentums und der Urchristenheit (Leipzig: Deichert, 1908). see also Gunther Klein, Der älteste christliche Katechismus und die jüdische Propaganda-Literatur (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1909), who provides a commentary on the text of the Didache from this perspective.
32. Benjamin edsall, “ ‘as i said to You Before’: Paul’s Witness to formative early
The DiDache: a MissiNG Piece Of The PuzzLe
of christian initiation. it seems that the time is right for a reexamination of the questions raised by suggestive parallels and oppositions between Paul and the Didache, without necessarily invoking the kind of grand scheme suggested by seeberg.33 To what extent does the Didache stand together with Matthew and the epistle of James as evidence of reaction to or as a counter community(ies) to Paul’s mission? if the Didache presents ancient catechesis for christian initiation of gentiles, especially the earlier Two Ways tradition that was incorporated into it,34 to what extent might such a pattern of catechesis have been known to and perhaps even utilized by Paul? Might the christian community in which Paul himself was catechized have used such an (oral perhaps) Two Ways pattern which he modified in his own practice, as argued over-elaborately by seeberg a century ago?
7. The Didache and early christian initiation
This raises a question as to whether the Didache as a whole represents the earliest manual providing rules to initiate new members and regulate their life in an early christian community.35 it cannot, of course, be fitted into some supposed genre of the “church order,” which did not exist until much later, but it does stand at the beginning of an emerging and multifarious tradition taking up a prior (oral or written) Two Ways teaching and being taken up in its turn into other later such manuals (e.g., the Didascalia, the apostolic constitutions and canons, and the Testamentum Domini).
at the heart of it seems to be the practice of christian initiation for new members who are depicted as gentiles in the “longer title” of the work. The christian instruction” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford university, 2013); see also his “Kerygma, catechesis and Other Things We used to find: Twentieth-century Research on early christian Teaching since alfred seeberg (1903),” CurBS 10 (2012):410–41.
33. see the paper of Taras Khomych (“another Gospel: exploring early christian Diversity with Paul and the Didache”) in this volume; also Jonathan a. Draper,
“The Two Ways and eschatological hope: a contested Terrain in Galatians 5 and The Didache,” Neot 45 (2011): 221–51; and “Paul’s epistle to the Romans and the catechesis of Gentiles in the Didache,” Reflecting on Romans: Essays in Honour of Andrie du Toit’s 80th Birthday, ed. G. J. steyn, BTs (Leuven: Peeters, forthcoming).
34. This would be especially likely if van de sandt and flusser (Didache) are right that the Two Ways in the Didache is evidence of a pre-existing Jewish Greek Two Ways.
35. as was claimed by aaron Milavec, Didache: Hope, Faith, and Life.
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community into which they are initiated appears to be either a Jewish-christian/christian-Jewish community or to stand in the tradition of such a community. further research into christian initiation and identity formation in the Didache and a comparison with other such early documents would seem to be called for, moving beyond older debates.36
While liturgists have long valued the Didache in their reconstructions of the earliest form(s) of the eucharist, as we have seen, particularly because of its divergence from the accounts of the Last supper in the synoptics and Paul and because of the absence of the words of institution, they have tended to use chapters 9–10 in isolation from the ritual praxis of the whole text. Likewise, the instructions on baptism have been isolated from a consideration of its place in the rest of the Didache. can the Didache be analyzed as a coherent manual of an early christian community’s life and praxis at a particular moment in its development, whatever the origin of the tradition in prior sources which may have been used in the process?
The purpose of the collecting and codifying of the tradition would have been to stabilize and regulate the new community. What appears important and appropriate to modern scholars seeking to define the form of the Didache as a “church order” does not mean that it would have appeared that way to a first century Jewish-christian/christian-Jewish community.
The material in the Didache cannot be simply dismissed as the result of an ad hoc and therefore random evolution simply because it does not meet our expectations.
36. social identity Theory seems to offer a promising way forward. This theory was developed by henri Tajfel and John Turner: see “an integrative Theory of intergroup conflict,” in The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations, ed. William G.
austin and stephen Worchel (Monterey, ca: Brooks/cole, 1979), 33–48; henri Tajfel et al., “social categorization and intergroup Behaviour,” EuroJSP 1 (1971): 149–77. a useful overview of the theory is provided by stephen Reicher, Russell spears, and s.
alexander haslam, “The social identity approach in social Psychology,” Sage Identities Handbook, ed. Margaret s. Wetherell and chandra T. Mohanty (London: sage, 2010). social identity Theory provides a particularly interesting perspective from which to view a text oriented towards initiation into a “sectarian” community. Garleff (Urchristliche Identität) took up this challenge, seeking to use the theory dynamically to determine the direction of the trajectory of the tradition from Matthew to the Didache to James. see also stephen finlan’s paper (“identity in the Didache community”) in this volume and Jonathan a. Draper, “Mission, ethics and identity in the Didache,” in Sensitivity towards Outsiders, ed. Jacobus Kok et al., WuNT 2 (Tübingen: Mohr siebeck, 2014), 470–89.
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8. conclusion
Despite a hundred and thirty years of research into the Didache and a renewed flurry of research on this text in the last three decades, it remains a challenge to any reconstruction of early christianity that cannot be ignored. The later the text is dated, the more puzzling its data. Where does one place a late community that still speaks of visiting apostles, prophets, and teachers and values speaking in the spirit and mystical revelation; a community that practices community of goods; a community that seems to regard circumcision and Torah as “perfection” without requiring it; a community whose baptism does not mention repentance for the forgiveness of sins and focuses on the ritual quality of the water; a community whose eucharist makes no mention of the words of institution, the body and blood of christ, the new covenant; a community that believes in the imminent return of the Lord with the holy ones and a resurrection of the righteous only? The later the text is dated, the more its data presents a problem to reconstructions of christian origins: those scholars who date the text late end up consigning it to some forgotten rural backwater, a fiction or a romantic reconstruction based on nostalgia for a bygone era—without explaining how in that case it came to have such a widespread influence. Or the earlier the text is dated, the more plausible its data but the more challenging its picture of the early church and its relation to Pauline christianity. Yet it makes the continuance of the traditions of Jewish christianity (such as the Pseudo-clementine writings) into the second and third centuries, and perhaps even beyond, more understandable. Perhaps it exercised an influence in the emergence of the twin streams of Montanism and Donatism, which contributed to its marginalization and final disappearance in the West, but with continuing influence in North africa and ethiopia as well as in syrian christianity and edessa. it speaks with a “subjugated voice” from the earliest period of the emergence of christianity, an alternative trajectory that was not in the end triumphant, but that has left traces in or together with a body of Jewish christian or christian Jewish texts that the emergent orthodox church sought to co-opt (as in the apostolic constitutions and canons) or suppress. The contours of this alternative trajectory are important for our understanding of the canonical texts but also in its own right as a different understanding of and response to the life and teaching of Jesus. it is certainly not a wild goose chase in an age where the rigid orthodoxies of Western christianity are being questioned by christians seeking alter-
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native expressions of their faith!37 if we “understand all this,” perhaps we might affirm the Jesus saying in Matt 13:52 that, “every scribe who has been trained for the kingdom of heaven is like the master of a household who brings out of his treasure what is new and what is old.”
37. These orthodoxies rightly have their place in the canons of christian tradition, but they are rooted contextually in historical debates that no longer necessarily match the debates facing christians today. understandings and practices of ancient christian texts such as the Didache, which was also regarded as orthodox and useful for catechesis although its authorship was disputed (e.g., by eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.25), may provide helpful material for reflection.
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Wengst, Klaus. Didache (Apostellehre), Barnabasbrief, Zweiter Klemensbrief, Schrift an Diognet. su 2. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1984.
Werrett, ian c. Ritual Purity and the Dead Sea Scrolls. sTDJ 72. Leiden: Brill, 2007.
Westcott, Brooke foss. The Epistle to the Hebrews: The Greek Text with Notes and Essays. 3rd ed. London: Macmillan, 1914.
Weyde, Karl William. Prophecy and Teaching. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2000.
Willetts, Ronald f. The Law Code of Gortyn. Ksup 1. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1967.
Williams, Michael a. Rethinking “Gnosticism”: An Argument for Dismantling a Dubious Category. Princeton: Princeton university Press, 1996.
Willitts, Joel. “Paul and Jewish christians in the second century.” Pages 140–68 in Paul in the Second Century. edited by Michael f. Bird and Joseph R. Dodson. LNTs 412. London: T&T clark, 2011.
———. “Paul and Matthew: a Descriptive approach from a Post-New Perspective interpretative framework.” Pages 62–85 in Paul and the Gospels: Christologies, Conflicts and Convergences. edited by Michael f. Bird and Joel Willitts. LNTs 411. London: T&T clark, 2011.
Wire, antoinette clark. The Case for Mark Composed in Performance. BPc 3. eugene, OR: cascade, 2011.
Witherington, Ben, iii. 1 and 2 Thessalonians: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary. Grand Rapids: eerdmans, 2006.
Wohlenberg, Gustav. Die Lehre der zwölf Apostel in ihrem Verhältnis zum neutestamentlichen Schrifttum: Eine Untersuchung. erlangen: Deichert, 1888.
Wright, Brian J. “Greek syntax as a criterion of authenticity: a New Discussion and Proposal.” CBQ 74 (2012): 84–100.
Wright, N. T. Christian Origins and the Question of God. 3 vols. Minneapolis: fortress, 1992–2003.
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———. The New Testament and the People of God. London: sPcK, 1992.
Young, stephen e. Jesus Tradition in the Apostolic Fathers: Their Explicit Appeals to the Words of Jesus in Light of Orality Studies. WuNT 2/311.
Tübingen: Mohr siebeck, 2011.
zangenberg, Jürgen K. “Reconstructing the social and Religious Milieu of the Didache: Observations and Possible Results.” Pages 43–69 in Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in Their Jewish and Christian Settings. edited by huub van de sandt and Jürgen K.
zangenberg. sBLsyms 45. atlanta: society of Biblical Literature, 2008.
zetterholm, Magnus. “The Didache, Matthew, James, and Paul: Reconstructing historical Development in antioch.” Pages 73–90 in Matthew, James, and Didache: Three Related Documents in Their Jewish and Christian Settings. edited by huub van de sandt and Jürgen K.
zangenberg. sBLsyms 45. atlanta: society of Biblical Literature, 2008.
———. The Formation of Christianity in Antioch: A Social-Scientific Approach to the Separation of Judaism and Christianity. London: Routledge, 2003.
D. Jeffrey Bingham is associate Dean of Biblical and Theological studies and Professor of Theology at Wheaton college (illinois). he has authored Irenaeus’s Use of Matthew’s Gospel in Adversus haereses (Brill), published many articles and essays on second-century studies and patristic biblical interpretation, edited the Routledge Companion to Early Christian Thought, and serves as the general editor for the Bible in ancient christianity monograph series (Brill).
E. Bruce Brooks (PhD, university of Washington) is Research Professor in the Warring states Project at the university of Massachusetts at amherst.
he has written on text and corpus formation in classical chinese (The Original Analects, columbia university Press) and Biblical Greek (“The Reader in the Text” and “Gospel Trajectories,” Warring States Papers) and has presented more than a dozen papers at national and regional meetings of the society of Biblical Literature.
John J. Clabeaux is Professor of sacred scripture at Pope st. John XXiii seminary in Weston, Massachusetts. his research has been focused on the second century ce since the 1990s, publishing “eucharist Prayers from Didache 9 and 10” (trans. and intro.), in Prayer from Alexander to Con-stantine (Routledge), and “abraham in Marcion’s Gospel and epistles: Marcion and the Jews,” in When Judaism and Christianity Began (Brill).
Jonathan A. Draper is senior Professor in New Testament and fellow of the university of Kwazulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg campus, south africa.
he has published widely on the Didache, including as editor, translator, and contributor to The Didache in Modern Research (Brill). he co-authored with Richard a. horsley Whoever Hears You Hears Me: Prophets, Performance and Tradition in Q (Trinity Press international) and edited, among other volumes, Orality, Literacy, and Colonialism in Southern Africa and
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Orality, Literacy, and Colonialism in Antiquity (both society of Biblical Literature).
Stephen Finlan is seeking ordination in the united church of christ. he has taught at fordham university, Drew university, and the university of Durham. he has written Problems with Atonement (Liturgical Press), The Apostle Paul and the Pauline Tradition (Liturgical Press), and The Family Metapor in Jesus’ Teaching and Bullying in the Churches (both Wipf & stock).
Alan Garrow is a Visiting scholar at the sheffield interdisciplinary institute for Biblical studies at the university of sheffield. Related publications include Revelation (Routledge) and The Gospel of Matthew’s Dependence on the Didache (T&T clark international).
Andrew Gregory is chaplain and fellow of university college, Oxford. he is currently preparing an edition of the Gospel according to the hebrews and the Gospel of the Nazoraeans. his other publications include The Reception of Luke and Acts in the Period before Irenaeus (Mohr siebeck) and, as co-editor and contributor, The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Apocrypha (Oxford university Press), New Studies in the Synoptic Problem (Peeters), The Reception of the New Testament in the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford university Press) and Trajectories through the New Testament and the Apostolic Fathers (Oxford university Press).
Clayton N. Jefford is Professor of scripture at saint Meinrad seminary and school of Theology in st. Meinrad, indiana. he has published widely in the apostolic fathers and related literature, including more recently The Epistle To Diognetus (With The Fragment Of Quadratus) (Oxford university Press) and Didache: The Teaching Of The Twelve Apostles (Polebridge).
Taras Khomych is Lecturer in Patrology at the ukrainian catholic university (Lviv, ukraine) and a free research assistant at the faculty of Theology and Religious studies at the Katholieke universiteit Leuven (Belgium).
his publications include numerous articles in international journals and collected volumes. he is also co-editor of The Image of the Perfect Christian in Patristic Thought (studia Patristica 51).
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Matthew D. Larsen is a doctoral student at Yale university. he has published on the Didache and is currently working on writing practices and modes of authorship in the ancient world.
Aaron Milavec, Professor emeritus, served as a seminary and university professor for twenty-five years. from 2007 to 2014 he pioneered and administered catherine of siena Virtual college. During 2003–2005 he chaired a new program unit of the society of Biblical Literature, “The Didache in context.” his thousand-page commentary, The Didache: Faith, Hope, and Life of the Earliest Christian Communities, 50–70 C.E., received a 2004 catholic Press club award recognizing the best books in theology.
he is currently completing his final study, Didache Research at the Crossroads, a volume in the series, studia Traditionis Theologiae, at Nottingham university (Brepols).
Joseph G. Mueller, s.J., has taught theology at Marquette university in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, since 1999. he has published L’Ancien Testament dans l’ecclésiologie des Pères: Une lecture des constitutions apostoliques (Brepols) and “The ancient church Order Literature: Genre or Tradition?” Journal of Early Christian Studies.
Matti Myllykoski is a Doctor of Theology of the university of helsinki and lecturer in New Testament at the faculty of Theology. he also serves as chief information specialist at helsinki university Library. his published dissertation was on the last days and resurrection of Jesus, Die letzten Tage Jesu (suomalainen Tiedeakatemia). he is the author of a number of papers on early christianity.
Perttu Nikander (MTh) is a doctoral student in the university of helsinki, finland. he is working on a dissertation on the Didache and early christian literary culture.
Nancy Pardee is the administrator for the center for Jewish studies at the university of chicago and also teaches biblical studies as an adjunct in the chicago area. she served on the steering committee for the sBL
“Didache in context” section (2003–2011) and is currently a member of the steering committee for the sBL international Meeting “apostolic fathers and Related early christian Literature” section and the section leader of the “early christianity/Patristics” unit of the Midwest Region of
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the society of Biblical Literature (2006–present). a revised and expanded version of her dissertation, The Genre and Development of the Didache: A Text-Linguistic Analysis was published in 2012 by Mohr siebeck.
Jonathan Schwiebert is associate Professor of Religious studies at Lenoir-Rhyne university, a Lutheran college in hickory, North carolina. he is the author of Knowledge and the Coming Kingdom: The Didache’s Meal Ritual and Its Place in Early Christianity (T&T clark), and is an active participant in the society of Biblical Literature’s “Ritual in the Biblical World” section, which he currently co-chairs.
Murray Smith is Lecturer in Biblical studies (Greek and New Testament) at christ college, sydney, australia. his forthcoming Macquarie university doctoral dissertation concerns “Jesus and the Logic of his coming” in the synoptic Gospels. his publications include chapters on the canonical gospels and their reception in the second century in The Content and Setting of the Gospel Tradition (eerdmans) and chapters on Pauline scholarship and the Thessalonian correspondence in All Things to All Cultures: Paul among Jews, Greeks and Romans (eerdmans).
Michael J. Svigel is Department chair and associate Professor of Theological studies at Dallas Theological seminary, in Dallas, Texas, where he teaches graduate and doctoral courses in historical theology and patristics. his studies in historical and patristic themes have appeared in Studia Patristica, Trinity Journal, and Bibliotheca Sacra.
Peter J. Tomson retired as Dean and Professor of New Testament, Jewish studies, and Patristics at the faculty for Protestant Theology in Brussels and is currently Guest Professor at the catholic university of Leuven. he is Joint General editor of compendia Rerum iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, along with Joshua schwartz of Bar-ilan university.
Huub van de Sandt is retired associate Professor in New Testament studies at the Tilburg school of humanities. he published several books, including (with the late David flusser) The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and Its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity (Van Gorcum/fortress).
Joseph Verheyden (sTD 1987) studied Theology, Religious studies, Philosophy, and Oriental studies at the university of Leuven and is cur-
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rently Professor of New Testament studies at the same institution. Recent publications include Studies in the Gospel of John and Its Christology (co-editor; Peeters) and The Elijah-Elisha Narrative in the Composition of Luke (co-editor; Bloomsbury).
John W. Welch is the Robert K. Thomas Professor of Law at Brigham Young university in Provo, utah, where he focuses on biblical studies.
among his publications are The Sermon on the Mount in the Light of the Temple (ashgate); Chiasmus in Antiquity (Gerstenberg), and “Miracles, Maleficium, and Maiestas in the Trial of Jesus,” in Jesus and Archaeology (eerdmans).
hebrew Bible/Old Testament
11:24–28
143
12:1–8
143
Genesis
13–14
143
2:8
78
13:2–10
341
9:4
436
14:5
149
9:4–6
432
14:50
149
14:52
149
exodus
15:1–32
143
16:10
390
15:13
53
19–24
346
15:31
150
19:3
342
17–18
432, 445
19:9
390, 401
17:7
432
19:11
401
17:10
432
19:11–19
365
17:13
432
19:16
64, 401
17:15
436
19:17
401
18:6
432
19:18
391, 401
18:24–30
153
19:19
399, 401
19:15
52
19:20
342, 401
19:17–18
95
20:1–17
255
19:17–28
52
20:12
117, 118
19:18
51, 52
20:13–15
52
19:26
52
20:13–17
51, 52, 267
19:31
52, 153
20:16
52
20:1–3
153
20:17
52
21:17–23
144
21:17
52
22:6
143
24:9
342
22:7
143