32 Philippians 3:8.

32 Philippians 3:8.

³¹ J. Jeremias, “War Paulus Witwer?” ZNW 25 (1926), pp. 310 ff., with critique by E. Fascher, “Zur Witwerschaft des Paulus und der Auslegung von 1 Cor 7”, ZNW 28 (1929), pp. 62 ff., and reply by J. Jeremias, “Nochmals: war Paulus Witwer?” ZNW 28 (1929), pp. 321 ff.

³² Philippians 3:8.

³³ 1 Corinthians 8:7, 9–12; 9:22; Romans 14:1 ff.

³⁴ See p. 259 with n. 37.

³⁵ The fact that Paul in 1 Corinthians 10:25 refers to the meat-market as the μάκελλον, a word of Latin origin (macellum), suggests that he had the meat-market of Corinth in mind: the macellum is mentioned on a fragmentary Latin inscription found near the Lechaeum road, north of the Corinthian agora; see H. J. Cadbury, “The Macellum of Corinth”, JBL 53 (1934), pp. 134 ff.

³⁶ Paul (and Greek-speaking Jews in general) would call it εἰδωλόθυτον (“sacrificed to an idol”); the more devout term ἱερόθυτον implies that a pagan is speaking (1 Corinthians 10:28).

³⁷ Paul would limit his liberty voluntarily out of regard for others, but he would not allow others to sit in judgment on his exercise of his liberty or to make their conscience the standard by which his liberty was to be regulated. This is the point of his remark about conscience in 1 Corinthians 10:29b, 30.

³⁸ The reference to this kind of occasion in 1 Corinthians 8:10 is illustrated by some papyrus letters from Oxyrhynchus, e.g. “Chaeremon invites you to dine at the table of the lord Sarapis in the Sarapeion (temple of Sarapis) tomorrow, the 15th, at the 9th hour” (Papyrus 110; cf. Papyri 523, 1484, 1755).

³⁹ 1 Corinthians 10:21.

⁴⁰ Numbers 25:1–5; Psalm 105:28b.; cf. G. E. Mendenhall, The Tenth Generation (Baltimore, 1973), pp. 105 ff.; A. T. Hanson, Studies in Paul’s Technique and Theology (London, 1974), pp. 4 ff.

⁴¹ 1 Corinthians 10:23; cf. 6:12.

⁴² 1 Corinthians 14:4a.

⁴³ Acts 13:2 (see p. 160).

⁴⁴ 1 Corinthians 14:23–25.

⁴⁵ 1 Corinthians 12:12–27; see pp. 420 f.

⁴⁶ 1 Corinthians 16:1–4; see p. 319.

⁴⁷ 1 Corinthians 16:5–11; cf. Acts 19:22 and perhaps Philippians 2:19.

⁴⁸ The situation in Macedonia may have changed with the death of Claudius in A.D. 54; at any rate Paul felt it would now be safe to return there (see p. 236).

⁴⁹ 2 Corinthians 1:15 f.

⁵⁰ This was the “painful visit” of 2 Corinthians 2:1.

⁵¹ It has been widely held that part at least of this letter survives in 2 Corinthians 10–13 (a view first propounded by A. Hausrath, Der Vier-Capitel Brief des Paulus an die Corinthier [Heidelberg, 1870], and popularized by J. H. Kennedy, The Second and Third Letters of St. Paul to the Corinthians [London, 1900]), but this is rendered improbable by 12:18, which seems clearly to refer back to 8:6, 16–19.

⁵² 2 Corinthians 1:8 ff.; see pp. 295 ff., 310.

⁵³ The phrase in 2 Corinthians 2:12, εἰς τὴν Τρῳάδα, might refer to the port of Troas (as in Acts 20:6) or to the Troad, the district in which it lay. See p. 217 with n. 21.

⁵⁴ 2 Corinthians 7:6 ff.

⁵⁵ 2 Corinthians 2:5–11.

⁵⁶ 2 Corinthians 3:7 ff.; see p. 200.

⁵⁷ 2 Corinthians 8:1–9:15.

⁵⁸ Cf. C. K. Barrett, The Second Epistle to the Corinthians (London, 1973), pp. 243 ff.

⁵⁹ W. Lütgert, freiheitspredigt und Schwarmgeister in Korinth: ein Beitrag zur Charakteristik der Christuspartei (Gütersloh, 1908); cf. W. Schmithals, Gnosticism in Corinth, E. T. (Nashville/New York, 1971). See also G. Friedrich, “Die Gegner des Paulus im 2, Korintherbrief”, in Abraham unser Vater: Festschrift für O. Michel, ed. O. Betz, etc. (Leiden, 1963), pp. 181 ff.; D. Georgi, Die Gegner des Paulus im 2. Korinther-brief (Neukirchen, 1964); C. K. Barrett, “Paul’s Opponents in II Corinthians”, NTS 17 (1970–71), pp. 233–254; J. J. Gunther, St. Paul’s Opponents and their Background (Leiden, 1973).

⁶⁰ Cf. E. Käsemann, “Die Legitimität des Apostels”, ZNW 41 (1942), pp. 33–71.

⁶¹ According to D. Georgi (Die Gegner des Paulus, p. 286), this “other Jesus” was presented as the “man of the Spirit” (θεῖος ἀνήρ) par excellence; this cannot be disproved, but there is no evidence for it. It is just as possible that they preached a theologia gloriae as against Paul’s theologia crucis. See also D. W Oostendorp, Another Jesus (Kampen, 1967).

⁶² Greek ὑπέρλιαν ἀπόστολοι (2 Corinthians 11:5; 12:11).

⁶³ See pp. 134 ff.

⁶⁴ 2 Corinthians 11:23 ff.

⁶⁵ C. K. Barrett, “Christianity at Corinth”, BJRL 46 (1963–64), p. 297.

¹ See p. 210. The sequence of the component elements in Christian initiation varies from one occasion to another in Acts. Peter’s hearers in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost repent, are baptized, and receive the Spirit (2:38, 41); the Samaritans evangelized by Philip believe and are baptized “into the name of the Lord Jesus”, but do not receive the Spirit until apostolic hands are laid on them (8:12, 14–17); Cornelius and his household receive the Spirit while they are still listening to the message and are then baptized (10:44–48).

² J. D. G. Dunn, however, makes a sharp distinction between Spirit-baptism and water-baptism: in 1 Corinthians 12:13, he says, “Paul is thinking of baptism in the Spirit; he is not speaking about water at all” (Baptism in the Holy Spirit [London, 1970], p. 129). On the relation and distinction between water-baptism and baptism with the Spirit see Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics iv, 4, E. T. (Edinburgh, 1969). pp. 32 ff. et passim.

³ Cf. D. A. Tappeiner, “Hermeneutics, the Analogy of Faith and New Testament Sacramental Realism”, EQ 49 (1977), pp. 40–52.

⁴ On the other hand, D. W. B. Robinson concludes from 1 Corinthians 1:13–17 “that Paul regarded water-baptism as ultimately an adiaphoron, a matter of indifference. This would be consistent with everything he says about the non-essential character of ordinances of the flesh” (“Towards a Definition of Baptism”, Reformed Theological Review 34 [1975], p. 14). Cf. J. D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit, pp. 117–120.

⁵ Cf. Romans 8:9 (see p. 209).

⁶ Cf. 1 Corinthians 1:13–17.

⁷ Cf. 1 Corinthians 11:23.

⁸ Similar language is used in Titus 3:5 f. for “the washing [λουτρόν, as in Ephesians 5:26] of regeneration and renewal in the Holy Spirit, which God poured out upon us richly through Jesus Christ our Saviour”.

⁹ On Pauline baptism see also O. Cullmann, Baptism in the New Testament, E. T. (London, 1950), pp. 23 ff.; G. W. H. Lampe, The Seal of the Spirit (London, 1951), pp. 3 ff.; G. R. Beasley-Murray, Baptism in the New Testament (London, 1962), pp. 127 ff.; D. E. H. Whiteley, The Theology of St. Paul (Oxford, 1964), pp. 166 ff.; R. Schnackenburg, Baptism in the Thought of St. Paul, E. T. (Oxford, 1964); G. Wagner, Pauline Baptism and the Pagan Mysteries, E. T. (Edinburgh/London, 1967).

¹⁰ Cf. O. Cullmann, “Kyrios as Designation for the Oral Tradition concerning Jesus”, Scottish Journal of Theology 3 (1950), pp. 180 ff.; The Early Church (London, 1956), pp. 66 ff.

¹¹ In Matthew’s version the statement about the cup, “and they all drank of it” (Mark 14:23) becomes a command on the Lord’s lips, “Drink of it, all of you”, and to the clause “which is poured out for you” there is added an epexegetic phrase, “for the remission of sins” (Matthew 26:28).

¹² On the textual problem of Luke 22:17–20 see B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (London/New York, 1971), pp. 173–177.

¹³ After the cup-word in 1 Corinthians 11:25 the memorial command takes the form: “Do this, as often as you drink it, in remembrance of me”. It is improbable that this meant, “Do this in order that God may remember me by speeding my parousia and consummating his kingdom”, as J. Jeremias argued (The Eucharistic Words of Jesus, E. T. [Oxford, 1955], pp. 159 ff.); it is even less probable that the memorial command marks a change or reinterpretation of the original intention of the Jerusalem rite, as was held by H. Lietzmann, Mass and Lord’s Supper, E. T. (Leiden, 1953 ff.), pp. 145 ff., 172 ff., 204 ff.

¹⁴ See p. 265.

¹⁵ Cf. 1 Corinthians 15:11.

¹⁶ The “cup of blessing” was a common Jewish expression for the cup of wine taken at the end of a meal, perhaps because it was the signal for saying grace after meat. The blessing said over the cup expresses thanks to God (the verb in 1 Corinthians 10:16 is εὐλογέω, synonymous with εὐχαριστέω used in 11:24). In Jewish usage it took the form, “Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, King of the universe, who createst the fruit of the vine”; the eucharistic blessing may have been given a more explicitly Christian content, like “We give thee thanks, our Father, for the holy vine of David thy servant, which thou hast made known to us through Jesus thy Servant; thine be the glory for ever” (Didache 9:2).

¹⁷ 1 Corinthians 11:27, 29.

¹⁸ 1 Corinthians 11:30.

¹⁹ On the Lord’s Supper in Paul cf. A. J. B. Higgins, The Lord’s Supper in the Early Church (London, 1952), pp. 64 ff.; D. E. H. Whiteley, The Theology of St. Paul, pp. 178 ff.; C. K. Barrett, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (London, 1968), pp. 231–238, 262–277.

¹ Cf. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, ¹⁴ 1920), pp. 265 f.

² Cf. K. Lake and H. J. Cadbury, BC i. 4, pp. 236 f.

³ They appear as “Javan” in the table of nations in Genesis 10:4.

⁴ Otherwise called the Peace of Antalcidas (Xenophon, Hellenica v. 1. 33).

⁵ The Carians were one of the non-Greek populations of south-west Asia Minor; the Carians or Carites of 2 Kings 11:4, 19 (related to the Philistines) were probably so called because they came from there. The mother-goddess was given a variety of names—Ma in Cappadocia, Cybele or the Great Mother in Pessinus (from which her image was taken to Rome in 204 B.C.).

⁶ Homer (Iliad xxi. 470 f.) calls her πότνια θηρῶν, Ἂρτεμις ἀγροτέρη (“mistress of wild beasts, Artemis of the wilds”); Aeschylus (Agamemnon 134 ff.) pictures her indignant concern for injured wild things. See W. K. C. Guthrie, The Greeks and their Gods (London, 1950), pp. 99 ff.

⁷ Strabo, Geography xiv. 1. 22; Plutarch, Life of Alexander 3. 3.

⁸ Cf. Acts 19:35. In CIG 2972 Ephesus is given this title (νεωκόρος τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος).

⁹ In RE ii, cols. 1385 f., mention is made of 33 places where she was worshipped. An inscription of A.D. 161 records her fame “not only in her own home territory … but also among both Greeks and barbarians” (British Museum Inscriptions iii. 482B).

¹⁰ Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist., xxxvi. 95–97, 179.

¹¹ Cf. J. T. Wood, Discoveries at Ephesus (London, 1877).

¹² The Arcadian Way was named in honour of the Emperor Arcadius (A.D. 395–408), under whom it was repaired.

¹³ Strabo, Geography xii. 8. 15; xiv. 1. 21–25.

¹⁴ Cf. Colossians 1:7; 2:1; 4:12 f.; see pp. 407 ff.

¹⁵ E.g. Aristarchus (in whose company Luke appears in Colossians 4:10, 14; cf. also Acts 20:4 f.; 27:2) could have described the riot in the Ephesian theatre (cf. Acts 19:29).

¹⁶ W. C. van Unnik, “The ‘Book of Acts’ the Confirmation of the Gospel”, Novum Testamentum 4 (1964), p. 35.

¹⁷ The Greek phrase is identical with that used by Paul in Romans 12:11, where he urges his Christian readers to be “fervent in the Spirit”. See J. D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit (London, 1970), p. 88.

¹⁸ A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), P. 94.

¹⁹ For “before the congregation (πλήθους)” Codex D, the principal witness to the Western text in Acts, has the fuller reading, “before the multitude (πλήθους) of the Gentiles”.

²⁰ Act 1, Scene 2, lines 97 ff.

²¹ Anaxilas, “The Harp-maker”, quoted by Athenaeus, Deipnosophists xii. 548c; Plutarch, Table-Talk vii. 5. 706e; Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis v. 242. 45. 2.

²² Cf. K. Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, i–ii (Leipzig, 1928–31), for a collection of such documents.

²³ Edited by B. M. Metzger in Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, ed. A. C. Johnson and S. P. Goodrich, iii (Princeton, 1942) § 159, pp. 78 f.; cf. his popular account, “St. Paul and the Magicians”, Princeton Seminary Bulletin 38 (1944), pp. 27 ff., where he describes the amulet as “a first-hand specimen of the same sort of magical craft which Paul encountered at Ephesus”.

²⁴ Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, i, P IV (Pap. Bibl. Nat. suppl. gr. 574), lines 3018 f.

²⁵ Mishnah Yoma 6:2.

²⁶ The inscription is bilingual (Greek and Latin); see A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, E. T. (London, ² 1927), pp. 112 f.

²⁷ Cf. E. L. Hicks, “Demetrius the Silversmith: An Ephesian Study”, Expositor, series 4, 1 (1890), pp. 401 ff.

²⁸ The Western text says that they “ran into the square” and raised the cult-cry there.

²⁹ Perhaps Gaius of Derbe and Aristarchus of Thessalonica, if the final letter of Μακεδόνας is due to dittography before the initial letter of συνεκδήμους (Acts 19:29).

³⁰ See p. 293, n. 26.

³¹ W. M. Ramsay, HDB i. p. 723 (s.v. “Ephesus”).

³² Cf. New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ed. E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher, R. McL. Wilson, ii (London, 1965), pp. 370–373. It is not absolutely true to say, as some have done, that a Roman citizen could not be condemned to the lions: for exceptionally serious offences this sometimes happened, but by being so condemned he lost his citizenship, so that, strictly speaking, a Roman citizen could not be exposed to the lions (Digest xxviii. 1. 8. 4). See p. 469.

³³ So C. H. Dodd, “The Mind of Paul: I” in New Testament Studies (Manchester, 1953), p. 68.

³⁴ Tacitus, Annals xiii. 1. 1–3; Dio Cassius, History 1xi. 6. 4 f.

³⁵ Celer was prosecuted for extortion in the province in Asia in A.D. 57 but Nero prevented sentence from being passed on him (Tacitus, Annals xiii. 33. 1 f.), Helius was left in charge of Rome and Italy during Nero’s tour of Greece (A.D. 66–68) and was later put to death by Galba (Suetonius, Life of Nero 23. 1; Dio Cassius, History (Epitome Ixiv. 3. 4).

NEB New English Bible

³⁶ G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry (London, 1929), pp. 103–107, 249.

³⁷ Cicero, Pro Flacco 66 ff.; cf. Josephus, Ant. xvi. 162–165 for Augustus’s edict (12 B.C.) authorizing provincial Jews (inter alia) to send money to Jerusalem.

³⁸ See p. 356.

³⁹ On the reference to “alms and offerings” in Acts 24:17 see p. 345, 357.

⁴⁰ These men, he said, “are neither temple-robbers (ἱερόσυλοι) nor blasphemers of our goddess” (Acts 19:37).

⁴¹ The Alexander of 1 Timothy 1:20 appears to have been a renegade (or at least a libertine) Christian and so presumably to be distinguished from the Alexander of Acts 19:33.

⁴² This imprisonment must have been before A.D. 57; the imprisonment which Aristarchus shared with Paul, according to Colossians 4:10, may (if “fellow-prisoner” is to be understood literally) have belonged to a later date (see p. 360).

⁴³ A. von Harnack suggested that ab Epheso (“from Ephesus”) was a corruption of per Epaphram (“by Epaphras”) (The Origin of the New Testament, E. T. [London, 1925], p. 168).

⁴⁴ E.g. by H. Lisco, Vincula Sanctorum (Berlin, 1900); A. Deissmann, “Zur ephesinischen Gefangenschaft des Apostels Paulus” in Anatolian Studies presented to Sir W. M. Ramsay, ed. W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder (Manchester, 1923), pp. 121 ff., and Paul, E. T. (London, 1926), pp. 16 ff.; W. Michaelis, Die Gefangenschaft des Paulus in Ephesus (Gütersloh, 1925), and Einleitung in das Neue Testament (Bern, 1946), pp. 205 ff.; G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry (London, 1929); M. Dibelius, Paul, E. T., (London, 1953), p. 81.

⁴⁵ G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry, pp. 106, 108–111.

⁴⁶ P. N. Harrison, Paulines and Pastorals (London, 1964), p. 75. See p. 412.

¹ C. H. Dodd, “The Mind of Paul: I”, New Testament Studies (Manchester, 1953), p. 81. See p. 391.

² H. C. C. Cavallin, Life after Death: Paul’s Argument for the Resurrection of the Dead in 1 Corinthians 15, Part 1 (Lund, 1974), p. 200, as quoted by M. J. Harris, “Resurrection and Immortality: Eight Theses”, Themelios, n.s. 1 (1975–76), p. 52. Cf. G. W. E. Nickelburg, Resurrection, Immortality and Eternal Life in Intertestamental Judaism (Harvard Theological Studies 26, 1972): M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, E. T., i (London, 1974), pp. 196–202.

³ Cf. Mark 12:18 ff.

⁴ Cf. S. P. Tregelles, Remarks on the Prophetic Visions of the Book of Daniel (London, ⁴ 1852), pp. 165 ff.; B. J. Alfrink, “L’idée de résurrection d’après Dan., XII, 1. 2”, in Studia Biblica et Orientalia, i = Analecta Biblica 10 (Rome, 1959), pp. 221 ff. Even the commoner interpretation implies a resurrection of many, but not of all.

⁵ Josephus, BJ ii. 163.

⁶ Josephus, BJ iii. 374.

⁷ Cf. Ecclesiasticus 44:1 ff.

⁸ Wisdom 3:1 ff.

⁹ 2 Maccabees 7:11.

¹⁰ 4 Maccabees 5:15 ff.

¹¹ Yasna 47:6; 51:9.

¹² TB Rosh ha-Shanah 16b (a baraitha, i.e. a saying handed down from the tannaitic period, A.D. 70–200).

¹³ Of all the dead, apparently, in 4 Ezra 7:32, 75–101 and 2 Baruch 21:23; of the righteous dead in 2 Baruch 30:2.

¹⁴ CD 3, l. 20 (“the glory of man [Heb. ʾādām]” may refer to Adam’s glory in Eden).

¹⁵ CD 2, ll. 6 f.

¹⁶ CD 2, l. 20.

¹⁷ 1QS 10, l. 18.

¹⁸ 1QS 11, ll. 7–9.

¹⁹ 1QH 13, ll. 17 f.

²⁰ 1QM 15, ll. 1 f.

²¹ Josephus, BJ ii. 154 ff.

²² 1QH 8, ll. 4 ff.

²³ Hippolytus, Philosophoumena (= Refutation of all Heresies) ix. 18 ff.

²⁴ Cf. 1 Thessalonians 4:14; 1 Corinthians 6:14; 2 Corinthians 4:14, etc.

²⁵ Cf. Romans 5:2; 6:4; Colossians 1:27; 2:11 f.; 3:1–4.

²⁶ Cf. 1 Thessalonians 1:9 f.; see p. 226.

²⁷ Cf. Matthew 24:43; Luke 12:39; also Revelation 16:15.

²⁸ Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis iii. 30; cf. R. M. Grant, A Historical Introduction to the New Testament (London, 1963), pp. 204 ff.

²⁹ De Resurrectione (Epistula ad Rheginum), ed. M. Malinine, H.-Ch. Puech, G. Quispel, W. Till (Zürich/Stuttgart, 1963).

³⁰ Jung codex, p. 45, ll. 14 ff. The word “psychic” in the last sentence (Jung codex, p. 46. 1. 1) is Gk ψυχική (feminine in agreement with ἀνάστασις, “resurrection”), taken over unchanged into Coptic—the same adjective as Paul uses of the present “natural” body in 1 Corinthians 15:44, 46.

³¹ M. L. Peel, The Epistle to Rheginos (London, 1969), pp. 143 ff.; cf. also his paper “Gnostic Eschatology and the New Testament”, Novum Testamentum 12 (1970), pp. 141 ff.

³² 1 Corinthians 15:51.

³³ 2 Baruch 49:1 ff.

³⁴ It is doubtful if J. Jeremias’s distinction can be maintained throughout, between the perishable or corruptible (φθαρτόν) putting on the imperishable or incorruptible (ἀφθαρσία) as referring exclusively to the dead, and the mortal (θνητόν) putting on immortality (ἀθανασία) as referring exclusively to the living (“Flesh and Blood cannot inherit the Kingdom of God”, NTS 2 [1955–56], pp. 151 ff.).

³⁵ 2 Corinthians 1:8 f.; see pp. 274, 295 ff.

³⁶ On this subject see S. S. Smalley, “The Delay of the Parousia”, JBL 83 (1964), pp. 41–64.

³⁷ 2 Corinthians 4:16.

³⁸ 2 Corinthians 5:8. See M. J. Harris, “2 Corinthians 5:1–10: Watershed in Paul’s Eschatology?” Tyndale Bulletin 22 (1971), pp. 32–57, and The Interpretation of 2 Corinthians 5:1–10 and its Place in Pauline Eschatology (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1970). For the hope of an earlier (or immediate) resurrection and entrance into glory for martyrs cf. T. E. Pollard, “Martyrdom and Resurrection in the New Testament”, BJRL 55 (1972–73), pp. 240–251.

³⁹ Cf. J. A. T. Robinson, The Body (London, 1952), pp. 76 ff.; R. F. Hettlinger, “2 Corinthians 5:1–10”, Scottish Journal of Theology 10 (1957), pp. 174 ff.; E. E. Ellis, Paul and his Recent Interpreters (Grand Rapids, 1961), pp. 35 ff.; M. E. Thrall, Greek Particles in the New Testament (Leiden, 1962), pp. 82 ff. (revised in her Cambridge Bible Commentary volume, I and II Corinthians, 1965, pp. 142 ff., where a distinction is made between the “building from God” in verse 1 and the “heavenly dwelling” of verse 2); A. E. Harvey, Companion to the New Testament (Oxford/Cambridge, 1970), p. 583.

⁴⁰ The tension created by the postulated interval between death and resurrection might be relieved today if it were suggested that in the consciousness of the departed believer there is no interval between dissolution and investiture, however long an interval might be measured by the calendar of earth-bound human history.

⁴¹ “Depend upon it, Sir, when a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight, it concentrates his mind wonderfully” (J. Boswell, Life of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill and L. F. Powell, iii [Oxford, 1934], p. 167). And perhaps it was actually from a judge’s lips that Paul “received the sentence of death” of which he speaks in 2 Corinthians 1:9.

¹ Romans 15:20.

² Cf. 1 Corinthians 3:10 ff.

³ Cf. R. Allen, Missionary Methods: St. Paul’s or Ours? (London, 1927), pp. 18 ff.

⁴ On the authenticity of this logion see W. G. Kümmel, Promise and Fulfilment, E. T. (London, 1957), pp. 84–86; G. R. Beasley-Murray, A Commentary on Mark Thirteen (London, 1957), pp. 40–45; for its relevance to Paul’s conception of his mission see J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T. (London, 1959), pp. 38–40, 48 f.

⁵ Massilia (Marseilles) was founded by Phocaeans from the Ionian coast of Asia Minor c. 600 B.C. The close association of the churches of Lyons and Vienne in the Rhone valley with their Asian mother-churches is seen in the letter which they sent “to the churches of Asia and Phrygia” describing their suffering in A.D. 177 (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. v. 1. 1 ff.) and in the appointment soon afterwards of Irenaeus, an Asian Christian, to be their bishop in succession to the martyred Pothinus.

⁶ Spain was taken over by Rome and organized as two provinces in 197 B.C.

⁷ Cf. A. Souter, “Did St. Paul speak Latin?” Expositor, series 8, 1 (1911), pp. 337–342.

⁸ His Corinthian friends Gaius (Titius Justus) and Erastus were probably Latin-speaking.

⁹ Cf. Acts 16:37; 23:25.

¹⁰ A. S. Geyser, “Un essai d’explication de Rom. XV. 19”, NTS 6 (1959–60), pp. 156–159, argues that these words are an echo of the general apostolic commission of Acts 1:8 and do not indicate the specific geographical limits of Paul’s missionary activity thus far. That “Illyricum” should be another way of saying “the end of the earth” in this context seems most improbable.

¹¹ Cf. N. G. L. Hammond, “The Western Part of the Via Egnatia”, JRS 64 (1974), pp. 185–194.

¹² Cf. J. A. T. Robinson, Redating the New Testament (London, 1976), pp. 67–84, and Can we trust the New Testament? (London, 1977), pp. 65 f.

¹³ Cf. G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry (London, 1929), pp. 217 ff.

¹⁴ According to J. M. Gilchrist, “Crete must have been evangelized by now, or Paul writes nonsense in Romans 15:23” (The Authorship and Date of the Pastoral Epistles [unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1966], p. 189); he dates the evangelization of Crete and the mission of Titus in this period. J. V. Bartlet saw the mission of Titus as the sequel to Paul’s brief contact with Crete during his voyage to Rome in A.D. 59 (Acts 27:7–13): the Letter to Titus was written “after Paul’s arrival in Rome, and after he had left Titus behind in Crete, where his ship had tarried for a time at Fair Havens” (“The Historic Setting of the Pastoral Epistles”, Expositor, series 8, 5 [1913], p. 327).

¹⁵ Cf. G. S. Duncan, “Chronological Table to illustrate Paul’s Ministry in Asia”, NTS 5 (1958–59), pp. 43 ff.

¹⁶ Galatians 2:10 (see p. 156 f.).

¹⁷ 2 Corinthians 8:18 f., 22; they are not named, and it is fruitless to speculate on their identity. Since Origen’s day at least (cf. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 25. 6) one of them (“the brother whose praise in the gospel is spread through all the churches”) has frequently been identified with Luke, but this is quite doubtful.

¹⁸ See p. 236.

¹⁹ Cf. F. F. Bruce, “Paul and Jerusalem”, Tyndale Bulletin 19 (1968), pp. 3–25.

²⁰ Galatians 1:17.

²¹ Cf. Luke 24:47, 52 f.; Acts 1:4, 8, 12; 2:5, 14, etc.

²² Cf. Isaiah 2:1 ff.; Zephaniah 3:9 f.

²³ Cf. K. Holl, “Der Kirchenbegriff des Paulus in seinem Verhältnis zu dem der Urgemeinde”, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte ii (Tübingen, 1928), pp. 44 ff., especially pp. 58 ff.

²⁴ See p. 144.

²⁵ Cf. Romans 11:26, “The Deliverer will come from Zion” (a conflated quotation of Psalm 14:7/53:6 and Isaiah 59:20); see p. 335.

²⁶ Romans 15:31.

²⁷ Cf. also K. F. Nickle, The Collection: A Study in Paul’s Strategy (London, 1966); D. Georgi, Die Geschichte der Kollekte des Paulus für Jerusalem (Hamburg, 1965).

²⁸ Romans 9–11, especially 11:13 ff.

¹ Cf. C. K. Barrett, “I am Not Ashamed of the Gospel”, in Foi et Salut selon S. Paul = Analecta Biblica 42 (1970), pp. 19–50. Habakkuk 2:4b is quoted also (with part of its context) in Hebrews 10:37 f., where the emphasis is closer to that of the original oracle.

² Rather, by the special needs of a particular group of churches.

³ J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians (London, 1865), p. 49. The more leisurely and literary character of Romans appears, for example, in the use it makes of the diatribe style, as when an objection is placed in the mouth of an imagined critic and answered with devastating finality.

⁴ A. Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, E. T. (London, 1931), pp. 219–226: cf. W. Wrede, Paul, E. T. (London, 1907), pp. 122 ff.; W. Heitmüller, Luthers Stellung in der Religionsgeschichte des Christentums (Marburg, 1917), pp. 19 f.

⁵ Cf. E. Käsemann, Perspectives on Paul, E. T. (London, 1971), pp. 60 ff.; G. Bornkamm, Paul, E. T. (London, 1971), pp. 115 ff.; R. Y. K. Fung, The Relation between Righteousness and Faith in the Thought of Paul (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1975).

⁶ See p. 188.

⁷ Cf. Wisdom 14:12, “the idea of making idols was the beginning of fornication, and the invention of them was the corruption of life”.

⁸ Cf. G. Bornkamm, “The Revelation of God’s Wrath”, E. T. in Early Christian Experience (London, 1969), pp. 47–70.

⁹

Paul’s contemporary Seneca might provide a good example: he wrote so effectively on the good life that a Christian rigorist like Tertullian could describe him as “often one of us” (De anima, 20), he exalted the great moral virtues, he exposed hypocrisy, he preached the equality of all men, he acknowledged the pervasive character of sin, he practised and inculcated daily self-examination, he ridiculed vulgar idolatry, he assumed the rôle of an ethical guide—yet he too often

tolerated In himself vices not so different from those which he condemned in others.

¹⁰ Romans 2:12–16, 26–29.

¹¹ Romans 2:21–24; cf. Josephus, Ant. xviii. 81 ff.

¹² Romans 3:21–30.

¹³ The coincidence of the verb “reckon” in Genesis 15:6 and Psalm 32:2 suggested a joint interpretation of the two texts, in accordance with the rabbinical exegetical principle of gezerah shawah, “equal category” (another instance appears in the two texts linked by the common term “cursed”, adduced in Galatians 3:10–14; see pp. 181 f.). On the relation between the two texts quoted in Romans 4:3–8 see A. T. Hanson, Studies in Paul’s Technique and Theology (London, 1974), pp. 52 ff.

¹⁴ Romans 4:1–25.

¹⁵ Romans 5:1–11.

¹⁶ Cf. K. Barth, Christ and Adam, E. T. (Edinburgh, 1956); J. Murray, The Imputation of Adam’s Sin (Grand Rapids, 1959); R. Bultmann, “Adam and Christ according to Romans 5”, in Current Issues in New Testament Interpretation: Essays in Honor of O. A. Piper, ed. W. Klassen and G. F. Snyder (New York, 1962), pp. 143–165; C. K. Barrett, From First Adam to Last (London, 1962).

¹⁷ J. Calvin, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (Strasbourg, 1540), E. T. (Edinburgh, 1961), pp. 114 f.

¹⁸ See p. 195.

¹⁹ See pp. 193 f.

²⁰ In the “parable” it is the husband who dies, leaving his wife free to marry another man; in the real situation, it is the believer (corresponding to the wife) who dies in relation to the law (corresponding to the husband). See pp. 193 f.

²¹ On the word “Abba” see pp. 208 f.

²² The NEB rendering of Romans 8:28 (“and in everything, as we know, he [the Spirit] co-operates for good with those who love God”) marks the revival of an ancient and attractive interpretation which has received too little attention; cf. M, Black, “The Interpretation of Romans 8:28”, in Neotestamentica et Patristica: Eine Freundesgabe O. Cullmann zu seinem 60. Geburtslag überreicht, ed. W. C. van Unnik = Novum Testamentum Supplement 6 (Leiden, 1962), pp. 166 ff.

²³ Romans 8:31–39.

²⁴ An important monograph on Romans 9–11 is J. Munck, Christ and Israel, E. T. (Philadelphia, 1967); cf. also H. L. Ellison, The Mystery of Israel (Exeter, 1966).

²⁵ Romans 11:17–24. For the suggestion of a link with the Roman Synagogue of the Olive cf. W. L. Knox, St. Paul and the Church of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1925), pp. 254, 258.

²⁶ Israel is described in Jeremiah 11:16 as having been “a green olive tree, fair with goodly fruit”. It is quite conceivable that proselytes to Judaism were compared to branches removed from a fruitless wild olive and grafted on to this good olive tree.

²⁷ Paul concedes that the process he describes is “contrary to nature” (Romans 11:24). But it appears to have been practised in Roman times, to judge from Paul’s contemporary Columella, according to whom, when an olive tree produces badly, a slip of a wild olive is grafted on to it, so as to give new vigour to the olive (De re rustica, v. 9. 16).

²⁸ A. von Harnack thought that in arguing for the salvation of “all Israel” (Romans 11:26), after drawing a careful distinction between the wider, empirical Israel and the faithful remnant which constituted the genuine Israel (Romans 9:6 f.), Paul had let his heart run away with him: “the Jew in himself was still too strong” (The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, E. T. [London, 1911], p. 61).

²⁹ Romans 11:25.

³⁰ Luke represents Paul as quoting the Isaianic passage to the leaders of the Roman Jews (Acts 28:25–27); cf. its citation and application in the gospel tradition (Mark 4:12; John 12:39 f.). See p. 375.

³¹ Cf. J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T. (London, 1959), pp. 40 ff. et passim.

³² MT says “he will come to Zion as Redeemer”.

³³ Cf. Isaiah 59:21 and 27:9 (LXX) for language to much the same effect.

³⁴ Romans 13:1–7. Among many treatments of this passage, mention may be made of O. Cullmann, The State in the New Testament, E. T. (London, 1955), pp. 50 ff., 95 ff.; C. D. Morrison, The Powers That Be (London, 1960); A. Strobel, “Furcht, wem Furcht gebührt”, ZNW 55 (1964), pp. 58–62 (where reference is made to a senatus consultum of A.D. 53 [cf. Tacitus, Annals xii. 60; Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 12. 1] granting special fiscal powers to imperial procurators); J. Kallas, “Romans 13:1–7: An Interpolation”, NTS 11 (1964–65), pp. 365–374 (where the authenticity of the paragraph is denied).

³⁵ See p. 231.

³⁶ Cf. Mark 12:31; Luke 10:27; Galatians 5:14.

³⁷ When Paul says, of love and the rest of the fruit of the Spirit, that “against such there is no law” (Gal. 5:23b), he may be applying a tag from Aristotle (Politics iii. 8. 2, 1284a) to mean that such things are outside the scope of law.

³⁸ Cf. P. S. Minear, The Obedience of Faith (London, 1971). He finds the purpose of the letter set out in the injunctions of Romans 14:1–15:13; see p. 389.

³⁹ Romans 15:3.

⁴⁰ For the allusion to Luther see p. 202 with n. 36.

⁴¹ See p. 314.

⁴² See p. 384.

⁴³ On the destination of Romans 16 see pp. 385 ff.

⁴⁴ Cf. Acts 20:4 (see p. 339).

⁴⁵ Two recent and highly distinguished commentaries on Romans are those by C. E. B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, 2 volumes (Edinburgh, 1975–9), and E. Käsemann, The Epistle to the Romans, E. T. (Grand Rapids/London, 1980).

¹ Acts 20:4.

² Acts 21:29.

³ Romans 15:26.

⁴ 2 Corinthians 12:16.

⁵ One explanation of Luke’s silence about one who was such a trusted lieutenant of Paul’s is that Titus was Luke’s brother; cf. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, 1895), p. 390; Luke the Physician and Other Studies (London, 1908), pp. 17 f.; A. Souter, “A Suggested Relationship between Titus and Luke”, Expository Times 18 (1906–7), p. 285, and “The Relationship between Titus and Luke”, ibid., pp. 335 f. But if this relationship is maintained, then the possibility that Luke is the “brother” of 2 Corinthians 8:18 f. (see p. 320) is ruled out: Paul’s purpose in sending this “brother” along with Titus was that he should be an independent guarantor of the probity of the administration of the relief fund, and this purpose would have been frustrated if critics had been given an opportunity to draw attention to a blood-relationship between the two. Nothing could have been better calculated to foster already existing suspicions.

⁶ W. M. Ramsay therefore concludes that “the company left Philippi on the morning of Friday, April 15” (St. Paul the Traveller, p. 289); but this depends on the assumption that a ship was waiting for them the day after the festival ended.

⁷ Acts 16:11 f.; see p. 218.

⁸ See p. 218 with n. 25.

⁹ 2 Corinthians 2:12 f.; see p. 275.

¹⁰ This Western reading was adopted by the Byzantine text (cf. Acts 20:15, AV). Trogyllium or Trogyllia is a promontory jutting out from the mainland to the south-east of Samos, forming a strait less than a mile wide.

¹¹ Acts 19:10.

¹² Cf. A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, E. T. (London,² 1927), pp. 451 f. The God-fearers are here called θεοσεβεῖς.

¹³ P. Gardner, “The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts”, in Cambridge Biblical Essays, ed. H. B. Swete (Cambridge, 1909), pp. 401, 403. See also J. Dupont, Le discours de Milet: le testament de saint Paul (Paris, 1962).

¹⁴ Acts 20:17, 28; see p. 172.

¹⁵ Literally, “his own one”: Gk. διὰ τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ ἰδίου, where τοῦ ἰδίου is better construed as possessive genitive governed by τοῦ αἵματος than as being in attributive concord with it.

¹⁶ H. Conzelmann, The Theology of St. Luke, E. T. (London, 1960), p. 201.

¹⁷ C. F. D. Moule, “The Christology of Acts”, in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays in honor of P. Schubert, ed. K. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), p. 171. Professor Moule makes a sharp distinction between “preliminary” or primary evangelism and the counselling of those already evangelized; cf. his “Jesus in the New Testament Kerygma”, in Verborum Veritas: Festschrift für G. Stählin, ed. O. Böcher and K. Haacker (Wuppertal, 1970), pp. 15 ff.

¹⁸ The Western text of Acts 21:1 makes the party go on in the same ship from Patara to Myra, and trans-ship there (perhaps under the influence of 27:5, where Paul changes ship at Myra on his way from Caesarea to Rome).

¹⁹ Cf. Acts 11:19.

²⁰ Cf. Acts 10:44 ff.

²¹ Acts 21:8 f.; cf. 8:40.

²² Cf. Polycrates of Ephesus and Proclus (c. A.D. 190), as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 31. 2–5.

²³ Acts 21:16; this is probably the sense of his designation ἀρχαῖος μαθητής “a disciple from the beginning (ἀρχή)”.

²⁴ Cf. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, p. 302.

²⁵ Mark 14:36/Luke 22:42.

²⁶ Luke 9:51.

²⁷ Cf. Mark 8:31; 9:31; 10:33 f., with the δεῖ of divine necessity and the repeated emphasis on the Son of Man’s being handed over to the Gentiles—a note echoed in the prophecy of Agabus (Acts 21:11).

²⁸ But see A. J. Mattill, “The Purpose of Acts: Schneckenburger reconsidered”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter, 1970), p. 116: “the biggest shock to Luke was the refusal of the Jerusalem church to accept Paul’s collection, thereby symbolizing their break with the Pauline mission” (he refers to O. Cullmann, “Dissensions within the Early Church”, Union Seminary Quarterly Review 22 [1967], pp. 83–92).

²⁹ J. Knox, pointing out that Luke had a good first-hand source for this part of his narrative, concludes (rightly) that his soft-pedalling the nature and purpose of the collection must have been deliberate. He explains this by the consideration that the collection was designed as a peace-offering to the Jerusalem church, whereas Luke’s picture of peaceful relations between that church and the Gentile mission ever since the apostolic council of Acts 15 excluded any occasion for such a peace-offering at this later stage, so that in his narrative the offering had to be “separated entirely from its original context” (Chapters in a Life of Paul [London, 1954], p. 71). What seems to me a more probable explanation is suggested above on p. 297.

³⁰ So Hegesippus as quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 23. 6); cf. A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Apostolic Succession (London, 1953), pp. 63 ff.; F. F. Bruce, The Spreading Flame (London, 1958), p. 151 with n. 3.

³¹ 1 Corinthians 9:19–23.

³² Romans 14:5 f.

³³ Acts 16:3; see pp. 214 ff.

³⁴ Acts 15:28.

³⁵ Acts 21:25.

³⁶ See p. 270.

³⁷ See Numbers 6:1–21; Mishnah Nazir (according to Nazir 6:3 “a Nazirite vow that is vowed without a fixed duration is binding for thirty days”).

³⁸ Numbers 6:9 f.; Mishnah Nazir 6:6.

³⁹ Or worse; cf. A. J. Mattill (loc. cit., pp. 115 f.): “As Luke watched the riot in the Temple, the suspicion dawned upon him that Judaizers had drawn Paul into an ambush by luring him into the Temple.”

⁴⁰ Acts 18:18 (see p. 255).

⁴¹ It was an act of piety on the part of the elder Herod Agrippa to pay the expenses of many Nazirites (Josephus, Ant. xix. 294). His daughter Bernice undertook a thirty days’ Nazirite vow shortly before the outbreak of war in A.D. 66 (Josephus, BJ ii. 310–314).

⁴² Paul, as a Jew, could enter the court of Israel but, as a layman, he could not penetrate farther. Trophimus, as a Gentile, could go no farther than the court of the Gentiles.

⁴³ Josephus, BJ v. 194; for the text of one of these inscriptions in Greek (found in 1871 by C. S. Clermont-Ganneau) see OGIS 598; for another (discovered over 60 years later) see J. H. Iliffe, “The ΘΑΝΑΤΟΣ Inscription from Herod’s Temple”, QDAP 6 (1938), pp. 1 ff.

⁴⁴ Josephus BJ vi. 124–126.

⁴⁵ Josephus BJ v. 243 f.

⁴⁶ Josephus, BJ ii. 261 ff.; Ant. xx. 171 f.

⁴⁷ See p. 144.

⁴⁸ Acts 22:25–28.

⁴⁹ Josephus tells how Ananias appropriated the tithes that should have gone to the rank and file of the priests (Ant. xx. 205–207); rabbinical tradition preserved a popular song lampooning his gluttony (TB Pesaḥim 57a). He was murdered by Zealots in A.D. 66 (BJ ii. 441 f.).

⁵⁰ Ephesians 2:14 (see p. 434).

⁵¹ J. Klausner, extraordinarily, suggests that nevertheless he may have done it (From Jesus to Paul, E. T. [London, 1944], p. 400).

⁵² “I did not know, brethren, that he was the high priest” (Acts 23:5) might mean, “I did not think that a man who behaved so illegally [as to order him to be struck across the mouth] could possibly be the high priest”.

⁵³ The young man’s mother, Paul’s sister, presumably lived in Jerusalem, which may imply that more members of the family than Paul himself came to Jerusalem from Tarsus in Paul’s boyhood (see p. 43).

⁵⁴ The governor’s name is given by Tacitus (Annals xii. 54; History v. 9) as Antonius Felix, which implies that (like his brother Pallas) he was emancipated by Antonia, mother of the future emperor Claudius. But the manuscripts of Josephus (Ant. xx. 137) give his gentile name as Claudius, implying that it was Claudius himself who, having inherited him from his mother, emancipated him. Their testimony may be confirmed by a Greek inscription found at Bir el-Malik, Israel, in 1966, which mentions a procurator bearing the praenomen and nomen Tiberius Claudius (the cognomen is tantalizingly missing). See M. Avi-Yonah, “The Epitaph of T. Mucius Clemens”, Israel Exploration Journal 16 (1966), pp. 258–264 with plate 28; F. F. Bruce, “The Full Name of the Procurator Felix”, Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Issue 1 (1978), pp. 33–36.

¹ Josephus, BJ i. 408–415; Ant. xvi. 136–141. See L. I. Levine, Caesarea under Roman Rule (Leiden, 1975), and Roman Caesarea: An Archaeological-Topographical Study (Jerusalem, 1975); C. T. Fritsch (ed.), Studies in the History of Caesarea Maritima, i (Missoula, Montana, 1975).

² The inscription was first published by A. Frova, Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere: Rendiconti (Milan, 1961), pp. 419–434; cf. A. Degrassi, Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei: Rendiconti (Rome, 1964), pp. 59–65; it runs: [Dis Augusti]s Tiberieum [… Po]ntius Pilatus [praef]ectus luda[ea]e [fecit d]e[dicauit].

³ Tacitus, Annals xv. 44. 4.

⁴ Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 28; Tacitus, Annals xii, 53 f.; History v. 9.

⁵ Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 28. 1; Tacitus, History v. 9.

⁶ Tacitus, Annals xii. 54. 3 (“Judaea was divided: the Samaritans came under Felix and the Galilaeans under Cumanus”).

⁷ Josephus, BJ ii. 243–247; Ant. xx. 131–137, 162.

⁸ Tacitus, History v. 9.

⁹ Josephus, BJ ii. 254–257; Ant. xx. 160–166, 186–188.

¹⁰ Tacitus, Annals xiii. 14. 1.

¹¹ They were so called presumably because they were followers of Jesus the Nazarene (Jesus of Nazareth), but the term (Hebrew noṣrîm) could have been understood to mean “observant ones”.

¹² It is only in the Western text of Acts 24:7 (preserved in TR; cf. AV) that this reference to Lysias is included in Tertullus’s speech, but a good case can be made out for its genuineness.

¹³ See for various arguments more or less to this effect M. Schneckenburger, Ueber den Zweck der Apostelgeschichte (Bern, 1841), with A. J. Mattill, Jr., “The Purpose of Acts: Schneckenburger reconsidered”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter, 1970), pp. 108–122; also M. V. Aberle, “Exegetische Studien: 2. Ueber den Zweck der Apostelgeschichte”, Theologische Quartalschrift 37 (1855), pp. 173 ff.; D. Plooij, “The Work of St. Luke: A Historical Apology for Pauline Preaching before the Roman Court”, Expositor, series 8, 8 (1914), pp. 511–523; “Again: The Work of St. Luke”, ibid. 13 (1917), pp. 108–124; J. I. Still, St. Paul on Trial (London, 1923); G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry (London, 1929), p. 97.

¹⁴ As early as 122 B.C., within twelve years from the acquisition of the province of Asia, the lex Acilia repetundarum was enacted against extortion and venality on the part of provincial governors, and a standing court (quaestio) was instituted to deal with such offences.

¹⁵ So wealthy were Pallas and another of Claudius’s freedmen, Narcissus (see p. 386), that one day, when Claudius was complaining that there was so little money in the privy purse, he was advised in jest that he should get these two to take him into partnership (Suetonius, Life of Claudius 28. 3).

¹⁶ They accompanied Paul when he set sail for Rome from Caesarea (Acts 27:2).

¹⁷ Josephus, Ant. xx. 200.

¹⁸ Cf. E. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe an die Philipper, an die Kolosser und an Philemon (Göttingen, ¹³ 1964), pp. 3 f., 14 f., 41; L. Johnson, “The Pauline Letters from Caesarea”, Expository Times 68 (1956–57), pp. 24–26; J. J. Gunther, Paul: Messenger and Exile (Valley Forge, 1972), pp. 91 ff.; J. A. T. Robinson, Redating the New Testament (London, 1976), pp. 57 ff. W. G. Kümmel thinks Caesarea rather more probable than Rome as the setting for the Colossians group, but finds the case more evenly balanced for Philippians (Introduction to the New Testament, E. T. [London, 1966], pp. 235, 245); B. Reicke argues more positively for a Caesarean provenance for the Colossians group but against it for Philippians (“Caesarea, Rome and the Captivity Epistles”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin, pp. 277–286).

¹⁹ See p. 299.

²⁰ References to a praetorianus in three Latin inscriptions found on a road near Ephesus (CIL iii. 6085, 7135, 7136) do not imply the presence of a praetorium at Ephesus: this praetorianus was an ex-member of the praetorian guard who was now discharging police duties as a stationarius on that road.

²¹ Philemon 22.

²² See pp. 294 f., 298.

²³ Josephus, Ant. xix. 354 f.; xx. 139–143. Felix, playing on his own name, is said to have promised her every “felicity” if she married him; one can but hope that he kept his promise.

²⁴ Josephus, Ant. xx. 143 f.

²⁵ This is rather more probable than Josephus’s statement (Ant. xx. 183 f.) that Nero annulled the isopoliteia which the Caesarean Jews already possessed. Cf. E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, new E. T., i (Edinburgh, 1973), pp. 465 ff.; M. Stern, “The Province of Judaea”, in The Jewish People in the First Century, i. ed. S. Safrai and M. Stern (Assen, 1974), pp. 367 f.

²⁶ When Pallas was dismissed from office he had sufficient influence to stipulate that neither his past conduct nor his personal accounts should be open to inspection (Tacitus, Annals xiii. 14. 2). The fact that Drusilla was sister to the younger Agrippa, who was persona grata at the imperial court, may also have been helpful to Felix.

²⁷ The chief priests’ warning to Pilate at the trial of Jesus (John 19:12).

²⁸ Festus’s accession to the procuratorship may have been the occasion for the striking in A.D. 59 of a new provincial coinage—the last before A.D. 66 (see F. W. Madden, History of Jewish Coinage [London, 1864], p. 153; A. Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins [Jerusalem, ²1947], p. 27). The date of Felix’s dismissal and Festus’s arrival is discussed in E. Schürer, HJP i (1973), p. 465, n. 42.

²⁹ Cf. A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), p. 67.

³⁰ History li. 19. Seven years later he received in addition life-long tribunicia potestas, which authorized him on appellatio to veto the action of any other magistrate in Rome itself and within a mile of its walls; but this is irrelevant to the present issue.

³¹ Studies in Roman Government and Law (Oxford, 1960), p. 96.

³² See p. 38.

³³ Digest xlviii. 6, 7; Paulus, Sententiae v. 26. 1.

³⁴ Studies in Roman Government and Law, p. 59.

³⁵ The best-known instance is Pliny the Younger’s reference, in his letter to Trajan about Christians in his province of Bithynia (c. A.D. 112), to some whom, because they were Roman citizens, he marked down to have their case referred to the capital (Epistles x. 96. 4).

³⁶ In A.D. 177 the Roman citizens among the Christians rounded up in the Rhone valley were not sent to Rome for trial: they were kept in prison until a ruling was obtained from Marcus Aurelius, and even after he had ruled that they should be beheaded (instead of being put to death by torture, like the others), one of them, Attalus, was exposed to the wild beasts at the mob’s insistence (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. v. 1. 44, 50), See p. 295, n. 32.

³⁷ Josephus, BJ ii. 220, 223, 247, 252; Ant. xv. 407; xviii. 132, 194, 354; xix. 360, 362; xx. 9–12, 104, 138, 159; Life 38.

³⁸ Acts 18:12 ff.; see pp. 253 ff.

³⁹ Or rather, as a series of local collegia licita. The frequently used phrase religio licita does not appear to have been a technical term of Roman law; it was used by Tertullian (Apology 21. 1) to describe the status of Judaism in the Roman Empire. On collegia licita as the approved term (Digest xlvii. 42) see E. Schürer HJP II. ii, p. 260; S. Safrai and M. Stern (ed.), The Jewish People in the First Century, i, p. 460. On attempts by later apologists to win such recognition for Christianity see S. L. Guterman, Religious Toleration and Persecution in Ancient Rome (London, 1951), p. 12.

⁴⁰ Does this consideration lie behind the request for prayer that Paul may be enabled “boldly to proclaim the mystery of the gospel” (Ephesians 6:19 f.)?

⁴¹ Tacitus, Annals xiii. 4. 2. It was evidently a new departure for Nero when in A.D. 62 he personally judged the case of Fabricius Veiento (Tacitus, Annals xiv. 50. 2).

⁴² Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament, p. 112.

⁴³ W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, ¹⁴ 1920), p. 357. On the death of Afranius Burrus in A.D. 62, he was succeeded by Ofonius Tigellinus and Faenius Rufus as joint-prefects for the next three years, Tigellinus being the more powerful of the two. If Paul did indeed have his appeal heard by one of the prefects of the praetorian guard, it would make a substantial difference whether it was the relatively honest Burrus or the despicable Tigellinus.

¹ “Augustan” (Augusta) was “a title of honour very frequently bestowed upon auxiliary troops” (HJP, new E. T., i [Edinburgh, 1973], p. 364 f.).

² T. Mommsen, Gesammelte Schriften, vi = Historische Schriften, iii (Berlin, 1910), pp. 546 ff.; W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, ¹⁴ 1920), pp 315, 348.

³ Cf. A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), p. 109.

⁴ M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1926), p. 595.

⁵ Two hundred and seventy-six (passengers and crew together), according to the majority reading of Acts 27:37; “about seventy-six”, according to Codex B and the Sahidic version. The larger number is the more probable on textual grounds; Josephus set sail for Rome in A.D. 63 in a ship which had 600 on board (Life, 13 ff.).

⁶ M. Dibelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (London, 1956), p. 107. For a critique of a much more radical assessment of the voyage-narrative, than Dibelius’s see R. P. C. Hanson, “The Journey of Paul and the Journey of Nikias: An Experiment in Comparative Historiography”, Studia Evangelica iv = Texte und Untersuchungen 102 (Berlin, 1968), pp. 315–318.

⁷ There is a notable Homeric echo in the language about running the vessel aground in Acts 27:41, including the use of the classical but obsolete word ναῦς. The jettisoning of the cargo, etc., in Acts 27:18 f. is described in language reflecting the LXX version of Jonah 1:5. The narrative contains several other literary reminiscences.

⁸ H. J. Holtzmann, Handcommentar zum Neuen Testament (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1889), p. 421; see also A. Breusing, Die Nautik der Alten (Bremen, 1886). Another informative document from antiquity is Lucian’s dialogue The Ship, which describes a voyage made by a vessel of the Alexandrian grain-fleet which set out for Italy but was forced by stormy weather to put in at Sidon and then at Piraeus.

⁹ Cf. J. Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul (London, ⁴ 1880), pp. 75 f. This work remains of unsurpassed value for its stage-by-stage annotation of the narrative of the voyage.

¹⁰ Cf. Vegetius, De re militari, iv. 39 (the dangerous season for navigation lasted from September 14 to November 11; after that, all navigation on the open sea ceased for the winter).

¹¹ Variously spelt; cf. the forms Lasos and Alos in Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. 12. It has been identified with a ruined site to the east of Fair Havens; cf. T. A. B. Spratt, Travels and Researches in Crete, ii (London, 1865), pp. 7 f.

¹² This identification, formerly much disputed, may now be taken as established; cf. R. M. Ogilvie, “Phoenix”, JTS, n.s. 9 (1958), pp. 308 ff.

¹³ Cf. C. J. Hemer, “Euraquilo and Melita”, JTS, n.s. 26 (1975), pp. 100 ff. The word is a hybrid, from Greek εὖρος, “east wind” (or south of east), and Latin aquilo, “north wind”; the wind is familiar today as the gregale.

¹⁴ Cf. E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (Oxford, 1971), pp. 703 f., following J. Renié, “Summisso vase (Acts 27:17)”, Recherches de Science Religieuse 35 (1948), pp. 272 ff.

¹⁵ J. Smith, Voyage, p. 117.

¹⁶ Which island is not said, but if they had no hope of a landfall on Sicily, Malta was the next best hope (though Paul would not have known this).

¹⁷ J. Smith, Voyage, p. 144.

¹⁸ The identity of the Melita of Acts 28:1 with Malta has been challenged most recently by A. Acworth, “Where was St. Paul shipwrecked? A Re-examination of the Evidence”, JTS, n. s. 24 (1973), pp. 190 ff. He identifies it with Mljet, off the Yugoslav coast near Dubrovnik, taking “the sea of Adria” (Acts 27:27) to be the Adriatic Sea. There is ample evidence that the central Mediterranean was then known as the sea of Adria (Hadria): Strabo, for example, says that “the Ionian Sea is part of what is now called the Sea of Hadria” (Geography ii. 5. 20) and Josephus’s ship, bound for Rome in A.D. 63, foundered in the midst of the sea of Adria and he was picked up by a ship of Cyrene bound for Italy (Life, 15). C. J. Hemer has given Acworth’s argument what appears to he a conclusive answer in his article “Euraquilo and Melita”, JTS, n. s. 26 (1975), pp. 100 ff.

¹⁹ There are no venomous snakes in Malta today. Luke calls the snake a viper (ἔχιδνα); whether there were vipers there in the first century cannot be determined. W. M. Ramsay suggested that the snake was the non-poisonous Coronella austriaca, which resembles a viper (Luke the Physician and Other Studies [London, 1908], pp. 63 ff.).

²⁰ The Palatine Anthology (vii. 290) contains an epitaph on a man who, having escaped a storm at sea, was overtaken by Nemesis in exactly this way on the coast of Libya.

²¹ The title “first man of the Maltese” is inscriptionally attested both in Greek (CIG 5754; cf. Addenda, p. 1251) and in Latin (CIL x. 7495).

²² A. von Harnack pointed out that “the whole story of the abode of the narrator in Malta is displayed in a medical light” (Luke the Physician, E. T. [London, 1907], p. 179).

²³ Cf. Josephus BJ ii. 104; Ant. xvii. 328.

²⁴ At Appii Forum, about 43 miles (72 km) south of Rome on the Via Appia, and at Tres Tabernae, another halting stage ten miles farther north along the road. Cicero (Ad Atticum ii. 10) mentions them both together.

²⁵ The thirteenth-century Codex gigas.

²⁶ Comptes-rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Paris, 1923), p. 197, quoted by T. R. S. Broughton in The Beginnings of Christianity, ed. F. J. F. Jackson and K. Lake, i. 5 (London, 1933), p. 444, n. 3.

²⁷ Mommsen and Ramsay thought the reference in Acts 28:16 was to this official (see p. 368, n. 2).

²⁸ Sejanus had occupied the post for the greater part of the principate of Tiberius; it was under him that the nine praetorian cohorts were concentrated in Rome (Tacitus, Annals iv. 2). There were usually two collegiate prefects, but Sejanus and (under Nero) Burrus held the office alone. In Pliny, Epistles x 57, Trajan directs Pliny (when legate of Bithynia) to send a prisoner in chains to the prefects of the praetorian guard.

²⁹ The Western text of Acts 28:16 adds expressly that Paul was allowed to live “outside the camp” (but there may be a theological nuance here, derived from the LXX of Exodus 33:7 or Leviticus 16:27; cf. Hebrews 13:11).

³⁰ Cf. Mark 4:11 f.; John 12:40. See p. 335.

³¹ J. V. Bartlet, “Two New Testament Problems: 1. St. Paul’s Fate at Rome”, Expositor, series 8, 5 (1913), pp. 464 ff.

³² Cf. W. M. Ramsay, “The Imprisonment and Supposed Trial of St. Paul in Rome”, Expositor, series 8, 5 (1913), pp. 264 ff., reprinted in The Teaching of Paul in Terms of the Present Day (London, 1913), pp. 346 ff. (the article to which Bartlet’s article mentioned in the immediately preceding footnote was a reply); K. Lake, “What was the End of St. Paul’s Trial?” Interpreter 5 (1908–9), pp. 147 ff.; H. J. Cadbury, “Roman Law and the Trial of Paul”, Beginnings of Christianity i. 5, pp. 297 ff., especially pp. 326 ff.

³³ T. Mommsen, Römisches Strafrecht (Leipzig, 1899), pp. 469, n. 1, 472, n. 5, 473. n. 1. The document (BGU ii. 628 recto) is reproduced by Cadbury, Beginnings of Christianity i, 5. pp. 333 f., and by H. Conzelmann, Die Apostelgeschichte (Tübingen, 1963), pp. 157 f. Bartlet recognized its third-century date; he refers to “eighteen months, which to judge from the third century usage was the limit for capital charges sent on appeal from the provinces” (Expositor, series 8, 5, pp. 466 f.).

³⁴ The distinction is made plain by A. H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law (Oxford, 1960), p. 57.

³⁵ A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament, p. 109.

³⁶ Acts 27:23 f.

¹ Edited by H. J. Vogels in CSEL lxxxi. 1 (Vienna, 1966), p. 6.

² He wrote during the Roman episcopate of Damasus (A.D. 366–384); cf. A. Souter, The Earliest Latin Commentaries on the Epistles of St. Paul (Oxford, 1927), pp. 42 f.

³ Cf. Irenaeus, Against Heresies iii. 3. 1; Gaius of Rome as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 25. 7; Dionysius of Corinth as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 25. 8.

⁴ Cf. 1 Maccabees 8:17 ff.; 12:1 ff.; 14:16 ff., 40.

⁵ Cicero, Pro Flacco 66. See p. 296.

⁶ Cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome (Philadelphia, 1960), pp. 135 f. (see p. 30 above).

⁷ Cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, pp. 46 ff.

⁸ Cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, pp. 135 ff. A fourth-century synagogue was excavated at Ostia in 1963; it had been erected on the site of a late first-century synagogue. Cf. M. F. Squarciapino, “The Synagogue at Ostia”, Archaeology 16 (1963), pp. 194 ff.

⁹ See p. 334.

¹⁰ From the Campus Martius (on the left bank of the Tiber) and the Suburra (a heavily populated district between the Quirinal and Viminal hills).

¹¹ Either from Tripolis in North Africa or from Tripolis in Phoenicia.

¹² The synagogue of the Augustenses was presumably named in honour of the emperor; that of the Agrippenses either after his minister and son-in-law M. Vipsanius Agrippa (63–12 B.C.) or after the elder Herod Agrippa (10 B.C.–A.D. 44).

¹³ See p. 250.

¹⁴ Cf. Josephus, Ant. xviii. 81–84; cf. Tacitus, Annals ii. 85. 5; Suetonius, Life of Tiberius 36. Four thousand Jews were sent to Sardinia to take part in the military suppression of brigandage in that island. See p. 328.

¹⁵ Romans 2:24.

¹⁶ Dio Cassius, History 1x. 6: “he forbade them to meet together in accordance with their ancestral way of life”.

¹⁷ The date indicated by Orosius (History vii. 6. 15 f.), A.D. 49, is probably accurate enough, although Orosius confuses the issue by referring to a non-existent account of Josephus.

¹⁸ See pp. 235, 250.

¹⁹ Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25. 4.

²⁰ Cf. R. Eisler, Iesous basileus ou basileusas, ii (Heidelberg, 1930), p. 706; The Messiah Jesus and John the Baptist (London, 1931), p. 581.

²¹ He mentions them in his Life of Nero (16. 2) as men addicted to “a novel and mischievous superstition”, on whom exemplary punishment was inflicted. See p. 442.

²² Cf. R. Graves and J. Podro, Jesus in Rome (London, 1957), pp. 38 ff.

²³ Tacitus, Annals xv. 44. 4.

²⁴ See especially Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition 20:5, where the purificatory bath prescribed on Maundy Thursday for candidates for baptism on Easter Day presents affinities with nonconformist Judaism of the Essene variety; cf. R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, “On the Baptismal Rite according to St. Hippolytus”, Studia Patristica iv = Texte und Untersuchungen 54 (1957), pp. 93 ff.; M. Black, The Scrolls and Christian Origins (London, 1961), pp. 91 ff.

²⁵ Acts 18:2; see pp. 250 f.

²⁶ See F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Hebrews (Grand Rapids, 1964), pp. 267 ff.

²⁷ Cf. A. von Harnack, “Probabilia über die Adresse und den Verfasser des Hebräerbriefs”, ZNW 1 (1900), pp. 16 ff.

²⁸ Tacitus, Annals xiii. 32. 3–5.

²⁹ H. Pitman (ed.), Cornelii Taciti Annalium Libri XIII–XVI (Oxford, 1904), Notes, pp. 29 f.

³⁰ Cf. Dio Cassius, History lx. 18. 4.

³¹ Cf. H. Leclercq, “Aristocratiques (Classes)”, in DACL i. 2 (Paris, 1907), columns 2847 f.

³² Romans 11:12 ff. (see p. 334).

³³ The Christian community in Colossae included smaller groups (“churches”) meeting in the houses of Nympha (Col. 4:15) and Philemon (Philemon 2).

³⁴ See p. 408.

³⁵ Cf. “all” in Romans 1:7.

³⁶ Cf. P. S. Minear, The Obedience of Faith (London, 1971), p. 23.

³⁷ If it was addressed to a Jewish Christian group in Rome, then Hebrews 12:4 (“… you have not yet resisted to the point of shedding your blood”) seems to preclude a date after the Neronian persecution of A.D. 64/65.

³⁸ Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 234 ff.; he names D. Schulz in Theologische Studien und Kritiken 2 (1829), pp. 609 ff., as the first to suggest an Ephesian destination for Romans 16. For the Roman destination cf. C. H. Dodd, The Epistle to the Romans (London, 1932), pp. xvii ff., 236 ff.; H. W. Schmidt, Der Brief des Paulus an die Römer (Berlin, 1963). pp. 250 ff.; W. G. Kümmel, Introduction to the New Testament, E. T. (London, 1966), pp. 224 ff.

³⁹ Colossians 4:15, 17 (with the latter verse cf. Philemon 2).

⁴⁰ Romans 16:5.

⁴¹ Tacitus, Annals xiii. 1. 4; Dio Cassius, History lx. 34; cf. Juvenal, Satire 14. 329. This Identification was made (inter alios) by J. Calvin (Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans [Strasbourg, 1540], E. T. [Edinburgh, 1961], p. 323). See p. 358, n. 15. For Narcissiani cf. CIL iii. 3973, vi. 15640.

⁴² Cf. Josephus BJ i. 552; ii. 221; Ant. xviii. 133, 135, etc.

⁴³ Gk. συγγενής. Others whom Paul so designates in this chapter are Andronicus and Junia(s) (verse 7) and Lucius, Jason and Sosipater (verse 21).

⁴⁴ Tacitus, Histories i. 49; ii. 95; he was executed under Galba, according to Dio Cassius, History (Epitome) lxiv. 3. 4.

⁴⁵ J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians (London, 1868), p. 177.

⁴⁶ An allegorical work, composed about the beginning of the second century, which had the same sort of vogue in the church of the generations following as John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress once had in the English-speaking world.

⁴⁷ The tomb of the martyrs Nereus and Achilleus was marked by an epitaph set up by Pope Damasus. The Acts of Nereus and Achilleus should be dated in the fifth century; cf. H. Leclercq, “Nérée Achillée”, DACL xii. 1 (Paris, 1935), columns 1111 ff. For Flavia Domitilla see Dio Cassius, History (Epitome), lxvii. 14; for her cemetery see H. Leclercq, “Domitille (Cimetière de)”, DACL iv. 2 (Paris, 1921), columns 1404 ff.

⁴⁸ Cf. H. Leclercq, “Ampliatus (Cubicuium d’)”, DACL i. 2 (Paris, 1907), columns 1712 ff.

⁴⁹ Cf. O. Michel, Der Brief an die Römer (Göttingen, ¹³ 1966), p. 341.

⁵⁰ J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians, p. 17. See p. 382.

⁵¹ See p. 148.

⁵² P. S. Minear, The Obedience of Faith, pp. 8 ff.

⁵³ The evidence of Ignatius is especially conclusive. He is obsessed with the importance of the bishop’s office, and insists on it in six out of his seven letters, so that his silence about it in his letter to the Romans calls for explanation. The most probable explanation is that when he wrote (c. A.D. 110) the Roman church was still without a monarchical bishop. There is no tone of episcopal authority in the letter of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians (c. A.D. 96); Hermas, not long afterwards, speaks of no rule in the Roman church but that of the “elders who preside over the church” (Shepherd, Vision 2. 4. 3; 3. 9. 7).

⁵⁴ Polycarp in his Letter to the Philippians (3:2) reminds them how Paul “in his absence wrote letters to you”. For the composite view see E. J. Goodspeed, Introduction to the New Testament (Chicago, 1937), pp. 90–96; F. W. Beare, A Commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians (London, 1959), pp. 2–5, 100–102, 150. W. G. Kümmel, on the other hand, finds “no sufficient reason to doubt the original unity of the transmitted Philippians” (Introduction to the New Testament, E. T., p. 237).

⁵⁵ For the expression see F. G. Kenyon, The Bible and Modern Scholarship (London, 1948), pp. 37 etc.

⁵⁶ 2 Corinthians 10:1.

⁵⁷ Philippians 1:19.

⁵⁸ Philippians 1:20.

⁵⁹ Colossians 4:12–14.

⁶⁰ Technically (but only technically), Timothy could be included among the “men of the circumcision” since Paul had circumcised him (Acts 16:3); see p. 214.

⁶¹ J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon (London, 1875), p. 236; cf. his St. Paul’s Epistle to the Philippians, pp. 16 ff.

⁶² See p. 360.

⁶³ See p. 212.

⁶⁴ According to Papias (c. A.D. 130), as quoted by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 39. 15), “Mark became Peter’s interpreter and wrote accurately all that he remembered of the words or deeds of the Lord—not, however, in order”. Towards the end of the second century the anti-Marcionite prologue to Mark’s Gospel says that “after Paul’s departure he committed this Gospel to writing in the parts of Italy”. About the same time Clement of Alexandria (as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 25) and Irenaeus (Against Heresies iii. 1. 2) write to similar effect.

⁶⁵ Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 38 ff.; see p. 258 above with n. 34.

⁶⁶ Colossians 4:11.

¹ Taking πρεσβύτης (“old man”) in the sense of πρεσβευτής (“ambassador”).

² Cf. A. Q. Morton, The Times, April 24, 1963 (“there seems no reason to exclude it from the works of Paul”).

³ E. Renan, Saint Paul, E. T. (London, 1889), p. x.

⁴ F. C. Baur, Paul, E. T., ii (London, 1875), p. 80.

⁵ Baur, Paul, E. T., ii, p. 83.

⁶ W. C. van Manen, article “Philemon, Epistle to”, Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii (London, 1902), column 3695.

⁷ Pliny, Epistle ix. 21. For translations see J. B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Colossians and to Philemon (London, 1879), pp. 318 f.; J. Knox, Philemon among the Letters of Paul (London, ² 1960), pp. 16 f.; E. M. Blaiklock, From Prison in Rome (London, 1964), pp. 71 f.

⁸ Encyclopaedia Biblica, column 3696.

⁹ Cf. P. N. Harrison, “Onesimus and Philemon”, Anglican Theological Review 32 (1950), pp. 268 ff. See pp. 409 f.

¹⁰ G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry (London, 1929), pp. 72 f.; cf. P. N. Harrison, “Onesimus and Philemon”, p. 271.

¹¹ St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry, pp. 74 f.; cf. P. N. Harrison, “Onesimus and Philemon”, p. 281.

¹² C. H. Dodd, “The Mind of Paul”, in New Testament Studies (Manchester, 1953), p. 95.

¹³ Ibid.

¹⁴ G. S. Duncan, “The Epistles of the Imprisonment in Recent Discussion”, Expository Times 46 (1934–35), p. 296.

¹⁵ A visit by Mark to the province of Asia is implied in Colossians 4:10, but after the despatch of the letter to the Colossians.

¹⁶ E. Lohmeyer, Der Kolosser—und der Philemonbrief (Göttingen, ¹¹ 1957).

¹⁷ St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry, p. 73.

¹⁸ E. R. Goodenough, “Paul and Onesimus”, Harvard Theological Review 22 (1929), pp. 181 ff.

¹⁹ The Deuteronomic law runs as follows: “You shall not give up to his master a slave who has escaped from his master to you; he shall dwell with you, in your midst, in the place which he shall choose within one of your towns, where it pleases him best; you shall not oppress him” (Deuteronomy 23:15 f.). This is unparalleled in the legislation of the ancient Near East, where severe sanctions (even the death penalty, as in Law 16 of Hammurabi’s code) were imposed on anyone harbouring a runaway slave. The Israelites had good reason to know that God cared for runaway slaves. To Paul this enactment carried divine authority; even so, he would not invoke it without Philemon’s consent, preferring Philemon to act like a Christian of his own free will.

²⁰ Philo, On the Virtues, 124; see F. H. Colson’s notes in the Loeb edition of Philo, viii (London/Cambridge, Mass., 1939), pp. 238 f., 447 f.

²¹ He also cast doubt (p. 182, n. 7) on the identity of Philemon’s Onesimus with the Onesimus of Colossians 4:9.

²² Colossians 3:22–4:1; Ephesians 6:5–9; 1 Corinthians 7:21–23; 1 Timothy 6:1 f. (cf. 1 Peter 2:18–21).

²³ C. F. D. Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to Philemon (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 34 ff.; cf. E. J. Goodspeed and E. C. Colwell, Greek Papyrus Reader (Chicago, 1935), no. 59.

²⁴ The Interpreter’s Bible xi (New York, 1955), pp. 555 ff.

²⁵ E. J. Goodspeed, “The Place of Ephesians in the First Pauline Collection”, Anglican Theological Review 12 (1929–30), pp. 189 ff.; Introduction to the New Testament (Chicago, 1937), pp. 210 ff., 222 ff.; The Meaning of Ephesians (Chicago, 1933); The Key to Ephesians (Chicago, 1956). See pp. 425 ff.

²⁶ Ignatius, To the Ephesians 1:3.

²⁷ Including three times by name (1:3; 2:1; 6:2).

²⁸ Ignatius, To the Ephesians 20:2.

²⁹ To the Ephesians 2:2 (Ignatius’s ὀναίμην ὑμῶν [plural] catches up Paul’s ὀναίμην σου [singular]).

³⁰ Knox argues (Philemon among the Letters of Paul, pp. 89 ff.) that Ignatius’s reference to the Ephesian church’s “well-loved name” (1:1) is an allusion to the name of its bishop, in whom the church was embodied: “I received in the name of God your whole community in Onesimus” (1:3).

³¹ “I appeal to you for my child” (Philemon among the Letters of Paul, p. 14). “Is Paul appealing on behalf of Onesimus?… Or is he simply asking for Onesimus?… Paul, with all possible delicacy, is asserting a claim upon Onesimus” (pp. 19 f.), i.e. he is asking that Onesimus be given (back) to him.

³² Philemon among the Letters of Paul, p. 21; he alludes (p. 90) to Ignatius’s mention of “thy [singular] well-loved name, which you [plural] have acquired by your righteous nature, according to faith and love in Christ Jesus” (To the Ephesians 1:1).

³³ Philemon among the Letters of Paul, pp. 49 ff.

³⁴ Goodspeed held this view of the letter from Laodicea, but he made Archippus and Onesimus, as well as Philemon, live at Laodicea (Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 109 ff.).

³⁵ According to Goodspeed, he would not be present: “If he were in Colossae, why should the Colossians have to ‘tell’ him? He would be present at the meeting of the church and would hear the message without being told” (Introduction to the New Testament, p. 112).

³⁶ “It is evident that Philemon’s house is meant” (E. J. Goodspeed, Introduction to the New Testament, p. 111). C. F. D. Moule rightly regards the fact that Philemon’s name comes first, together with the phrase κατʼ οἶκόν σου (“at thy house”) as “fatal to the theory that Archippus is primarily the one addressed” (Colossians and Philemon, pp. 16 f.).

³⁷ If Philemon of Colossae was Paul’s convert, how is it that Paul apparently knew the Colossian church only by hearsay (Colossians 1:4 ff.; 2:1)? It has been suggested to me by Professor E. W. Goodrick of Multnomah School of the Bible, Portland, Oregon, that the “upper country” through which Paul passed on his way to Ephesus (Acts 19:1; see p. 286 above) included the Lycus valley. If so, he might have met Philemon on his journey and won him for Christ, although the actual evangelization of Colossae and neighbouring cities was carried out, a little later, by Paul’s colleague Epaphras. Alternatively, he might have met Philemon elsewhere, e.g. in Ephesus: we do not know.

¹ Herodotus, History vii. 30.

² Xenophon, Anabasis i. 2. 6.

³ Strabo, Geography xii. 8. 13 (πόλισμα).

⁴ It was about this time (A.D. 60) that the Lycus valley suffered an earthquake which devastated Laodicea (Tacitus, Annals xiv. 27. 1); we are not told how it affected Colossae.

⁵ Cf. W. C. Wake, “The Authenticity of the Pauline Epistles: A Contribution from Statistical Analysis”, Hibbert Journal 47 (1948–49), pp. 50 ff., especially p. 54. See also pp. 16, 443 f.

⁶ H. Chadwick, “All Things to All Men”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 261 ff., especially pp. 270 ff.

⁷ H. Chadwick, “All Things to All Men”, pp. 272 f.

⁸ H. J. Holtzmann, Kritik der Epheser- und Kolosserbriefe (Leipzig, 1872).

⁹ C. Masson, L’Epître de Saint Paul aux Colossiens (Neuchatel/Paris, 1950), pp. 83 ff.

¹⁰ P. N. Harrison, Paulines and Pastorals (London, 1964), pp. 65 ff.

¹¹ Paulines and Pastorals, p. 75. According to Harrison, the original letter consisted of Colossians 1:1–6a, 6c–9a; 1:26–2:2a; 2:5, 6; 3:2–13; 3:17–4:18.

¹² A. S. Peake, Critical Introduction to the New Testament (London, 1909), p. 52.

¹³ Paulines and Pastorals, pp. 70, 77.

¹⁴ E. Lohse, A Commentary on the Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, E. T. (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 177–183 et passim. The exhortation to the Colossian Christians to “teach and admonish one another” (Colossians 3:16) should not be pressed to imply that there was no specialized teaching gift in that church.

¹⁵ F. F. Bruce, “The Epistles of Paul”, in Peake’s Commentary on the Bible, ed. M. Black and H. H. Rowley (London, ² 1962), pp. 928 ff.

¹⁶ E.g. 1 Thessalonians 4:16 f.; 2 Thessalonians 1:7; 2:3–12; see pp. 231, 306.

¹⁷ Cf. 1 Corinthians 12:16–21.

¹⁸ If Ephesus is excluded as the place of origin for Colossians, it is by the same token excluded for Philemon (see p. 399).

¹⁹ Paulines and Pastorals, p. 75 (see p. 299).

²⁰ It is not easy to see why the allegedly genuine nucleus of Colossians should have been written at all.

²¹ M. D. Hooker, “Were there False Teachers in Colossae?” in Christ and Spirit in the New Testament: Studies in Honour of C. F. D. Moule, ed. B. Lindars and S. S. Smalley (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 315–331.

²² For an inquiry into their teaching see G. Bornkamm, “Die Häresie des Kolosserbriefes”, in Das Ende des Gesetzes: Paulusstudien = Gesammelte Aufsätze i (Munich, 1952), pp. 139–156, E. T., “The Heresy at Colossae”, in Conflict at Colossae, ed. F. O. Francis and W. A. Meeks (Missoula, 1975), pp. 125–140.

²³ The statement sometimes quoted in this connexion from TB Shabbath 147b, to the effect that the wines and baths of Prugita had separated the ten tribes from their fellow-Israelites, is of doubtful relevance: Prugita may be Phrygia, but it may not.

²⁴ Cf. H. Chadwick, “St. Paul and Philo of Alexandria”, BJRL 48 (1965–66), pp. 286–307, especially p. 303.

²⁵ Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 62.

²⁶ See G. Quispel’s account in The Jung Codex, ed. F. L. Cross (London, 1955), p. 62; he suggested that the treatise was by Heracleon. Cf. also Genesis Rabba 8:8 on Genesis 1:26: “When Moses came to the words, ‘Let us [plural] make man’, he said, ‘Lord of the world! What an opportunity is thus given to the heretics to open their mouths!’ He answered, ‘Write! He who wishes to go astray may go astray’.”

²⁷ Cf. Galatians 3:19; Acts 7:53; Hebrews 2:2; see p. 192 with n. 9.

²⁸ J. B. Lightfoot, Saint Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon (London, 1875), pp. 73 ff.

²⁹ “The Name Essene” (pp. 349 ff.); “Origin and Affinities of the Essenes” (pp. 355 ff.); “Essenism and Christianity” (pp. 397 ff.).

³⁰ J. B. Lightfoot, Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Galatians (London, 1865), pp. 292 ff.

³¹ Reprinted with another of his treatises in C. D. Ginsburg, The Essenes: Their History and Doctrine/The Kabbalah: Its Doctrines, Development and Literature (London, 1955).

³² Cf. O. Cullmann, “Die neuentdeckten Qumran-Texte und das Judenchristentum der Pseudoclementinen” in Neutestamentliche Studien für R. Bultmann, ed. W. Eltester = BZNW 21 (Berlin, 1954), pp. 35 ff., and “The Significance of the Qumran Texts for Research into the Beginnings of Christianity”, in The Scrolls and the New Testament, ed. K. Stendahl (London, 1958), pp. 18 ff.; H. J. Schoeps, Urgemeinde, Judenchristentum, Gnosis (Tübingen, 1956), pp. 69 ff.

³³ Saint Paul’s Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, pp. 73 ff.

³⁴ Cf. W. D. Davies, “Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls: Flesh and Spirit”, in The Scrolls and the New Testament, ed. K. Stendahl, pp. 157 ff., especially pp. 166 ff.

³⁵ E.g. “his body of flesh”, attested in Colossians 1:22 (τῷ σώματι τῆς σαρκὸς αὐτοῦ, cf. Colossians 2:11) and in 1QpHab 9, l. 2 (big^ewiyyat b^eśārô).

³⁶

With Colossians 2:18, “taking his stand on visions” (ἃ ἑώρακεν ἐμβατεύων) Professor Davies compares the description in 1QM 10, ll. 10 ff., of

“the people of the saints of the covenant

instructed in the laws and learned in wisdom,

who have heard the voice of Majesty

and have seen the angels of holiness,

whose ears have been unstopped,

and who have heard profound things”.

The meaning of the Greek phrase was considerably illuminated in 1913 by the publication of a group of inscriptions from Claros, on the Ionian coast of Asia Minor, where the verb ἐμβατεύειν denotes a sequel to initiation, meaning something like “to tread the sacred area”, “to have access to the inmost shrine”. Cf. W. M. Ramsay, The Teaching of Paul in Terms of the Present Day (London, 1913), pp. 286 ff.; A. D. Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, i (Oxford, 1972), p. 342; M. Smith, The Secret Gospel (London, 1974), pp. 98 f., where the phrase is translated “[beings] he saw [when] going in [to the heavens]”, in a context which makes one wonder if the “Colossian heresy” may not have had something to do with an inchoate phase of merkabah mysticism (see p. 135, n. 2; 423, n. 54).

³⁷ M. Black, The Scrolls and Christian Origins (London, 1961), p. 166.

³⁸ See in particular R. Reitzenstein, Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium (Bonn, 1921); for the application to the New Testament, especially to Colossians and Ephesians, cf. H. Schlier, Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief (Tübingen, 1930); E. Käsemann, Leib und Leib Christi (Tübingen, 1933); R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, E. T., i (London, 1952), pp. 164 ff., ii (London, 1955), pp. 133 ff., 149 ff.

³⁹ Cf. O. Cullmann, “The Tradition”, in The Early Church (London, 1956), pp. 55 ff.

⁴⁰ Colossians 2:15.

⁴¹ The “archons of this age” in 1 Corinthians 2:8 are probably identical with the “kosmokratores of this darkness” in Ephesians 6:12. For Paul’s understanding of them see pp. 422 f.

⁴² On the structure of these verses see E. Lohmeyer, Die Briefe an die Philipper, an die Kolosser und an Philemon (Göttingen, ⁸ 1930), p. 41; E. Käsemann, “A Primitive Christian Baptismal Liturgy”, in Essays on New Testament Themes, E. T. (London, 1964), pp. 149 ff.; R. P. Martin, Colossians: The Church’s Lord and the Christian’s Liberty (Exeter, 1972), and Colossians and Philemon (London, 1974), pp. 55 ff. Professor Martin accepts that verses 15–20 “form a compact, self-contained hymn written in praise of the cosmic Christ, the Lord of creation and redemption” (Colossians: The Church’s Lord and the Christian’s Liberty, p. 39). M. D. Hooker is not convinced that there was a previously existent “hymn”, but suggests that the passage “may … have been developed and formulated … in order to demonstrate that both creation and redemption are completed in Christ because he has replaced the Jewish Law” (“Were there False Teachers in Colossae?”, pp. 316 f., 329). J. M. Robinson has proposed that Colossians 2:9–15 should be regarded as “clearly a baptismal homily on the anti-gnostic kerygmatic hymn in Col. 1:15–20” (“From Paulinism to Early Catholicism”, Interpretation 10 [1956], p. 349). The present state of the question is reviewed in detail and judiciously assessed by P. Benoit, “L’hymne christologique de Col 1, 15–20”, in Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty, ed. J. Neusner, i (Leiden, 1975), pp. 226–263.

⁴³ Cf. C. F. Burney, “Christ as the APXH of Creation”, JTS 27 (1925–26), pp. 160–177. Paul’s exegesis of Proverbs 8:22 in this sense antedates by nearly 200 years its earliest rabbinical exponent, the third-century Hoshaiah (Genesis Rabba 1:1 on Genesis 1:1). For the Greek background of ἀρχή see A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Beginning (Manchester, 1968).

⁴⁴ Cf. Revelation 1:5.

⁴⁵ In Colossians 1:18 and 2:10 there is probably the same kind of oscillation between the literal sense of “head” and its secondary sense of “origin” as appears in 1 Corinthians 11:3 ff. Mention may also be made here of W. L. Knox’s improbable argument that, under the influence of Hellenism, Paul moved from apocalyptic to cosmogony, from Christ as Omega to Christ as Alpha (St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles [Cambridge, 1938], pp. 90 ff.).

⁴⁶ Cf. W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism (London, 1948), pp. 53 ff.

⁴⁷ Cf. H. Schlier, Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief (Tübingen, 1930), pp. 37 ff.; E. Käsemann, Leib und Leib Christi (Tübingen, 1933). (Both these scholars have modified their views since these monographs were published.)

⁴⁸ Cf. W. L. Knox, St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles, pp. 160 ff.

⁴⁹ Cf. A. Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, E. T. (London, 1931), pp. 115 ff.; E. Best, One Body in Christ (London, 1955), pp. 93 ff., 203 ff.

⁵⁰ Cf. 1 Corinthians 12:12 (“as the body is one and has many members, and all the members of the body, being many, are one body, so also is Christ”).

⁵¹ “Membris adhuc in terra positis caput in caelo clamabat” (Sermons 279. 1).

⁵² Cf. A. D. Galloway, The Cosmic Christ (London, 1951), p. 28; J. S. Stewart, “On a Neglected Emphasis in New Testament Theology”, Scottish Journal of Theology 4 (1951), pp. 292 ff.; G. H. C. Macgregor, “Principalities and Powers”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 17 ff.

⁵³ R. Bultmann, Jesus Christ and Mythology, E. T. (London, 1960), p. 21. Cf. the treatment of “Beliar” in H. H. Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic (London, ³ 1963), pp. 177 f. On the subject in general see also G. B. Caird, Principalities and Powers (Oxford, 1956); H. Schlier, Principalities and Powers in the New Testament, E. T. (Freiburg/London, 1961); E. G. Rupp, Principalities and Powers (London, 1964).

⁵⁴ I should speak more positively now on the possibility that the “Colossian heresy” had “something to do with an inchoate phase of merkabah mysticism” (p. 416, end of n.36); see F. F. Bruce, The Epistles to the Colossians, to Philemon, and to the Ephesians (Grand Rapids, 1984), pp. 23–26.

¹ Published in BJRL 4 (1917–18), pp. 285 ff., and subsequently in J. T. Wilkinson (ed.), Arthur Samuel Peake (London, 1958), pp. 116 ff.

² G. B. Caird, The Apostolic Age (London, 1955), p. 133; cf. his New Clarendon Bible commentary, Paul’s Letters from Prison (Oxford, 1976), pp. 9 ff. According to S. H. Hooke, Ephesians, “if not by Paul, certainly belongs to the Pauline exposition of the glory” (Alpha and Omega [Welwyn, 1961], p. 256). P. N. Harrison adds that the author of Ephesians “knew how to put into words, and so make explicit, thoughts which are implicit in Paul’s other letters, but nowhere else so explicit as here” (Paulines and Pastorals [London, 1964], p. 35). The case against Pauline authorship is presented most substantially by C. L. Mitton, The Epistle to the Ephesians (Oxford, 1951); cf. his more popular commentary, Ephesians (London, 1976). Pauline authorship is defended by E. Percy, Die Probleme der Kolosser- und Epheserbriefe (Lund, 1946), and A. van Roon, The Authenticity of Ephesians (Leiden, 1974). See further the two opening papers, “The Case for the Pauline Authorship” by J. N. Sanders (pp. 9 ff.) and “The Case against the Pauline Authorship” by D. E. Nineham (pp. 21 ff.) in F. L. Cross (ed.), Studies in Ephesians (London, 1956); also H. J. Cadbury, “The Dilemma of Ephesians”, NTS 5 (1958–59), pp. 91 ff.; R. P. Martin, “An Epistle in Search of a Life-Setting”, Expository Times 79 (1967–68), pp. 297 ff.

³ M. Barth, The Broken Wall (London, 1960), p. 9; see also his massive commentary in the Anchor Bible: Ephesians, 2 volumes (Garden City, N.Y., 1974).

⁴ E. J. Goodspeed, The Meaning of Ephesians (Chicago, 1933), p. 15.

⁵ The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 3.

⁶ The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 9.

⁷ The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 8.

⁸ A. Q. Morton and J. McLeman, Paul: The Man and the Myth (London, 1966), pp. 27 f.

⁹ S. T. Coleridge, Table Talk, May 25, 1830; see H. N. Coleridge (ed.), Specimens of the Table Talk of the late Samuel Taylor Coleridge (London, 1835), p. 88. “The Epistle to the Ephesians”, Coleridge said on this occasion, “is evidently a catholic epistle, addressed to the whole of what might be called St. Paul’s diocese.… It embraces every doctrine of Christianity;—first, those doctrines peculiar to Christianity, and then those precepts common to it with natural religion.”

¹⁰ The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 3. Goodspeed’s own view, in which he was followed by the “Chicago school” and P. N. Harrison, was that Ephesians was composed by the first editor of the Pauline corpus to serve as an introduction to it. See p. 402.

¹¹ The reference to Ephesus is omitted by P⁴⁶ (the oldest extant Pauline manuscript) and by the principal witnesses to the Alexandrian text-type. See B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (London/New York, 1971), p. 601.

¹² The reference to Tychicus in Ephesians 6:21 f. is practically a verbatim reproduction of Colossians 4:7 f.

¹³ He magnifies his office because it will be the indirect means of the conversion of his fellow-countrymen; apostle to the Gentiles though he is, he has closely at heart the spiritual welfare of his Jewish kith and kin (see p. 334). On the relation between Ephesians and Romans 9–11 see H. Chadwick, “Die Absicht des Epheserbriefes”, ZNW 51 (1960), pp. 145 ff., especially p. 148. He suggests that Ephesians was designed to bring the whole Gentile mission, in all its streams (cf. p. 18), under the aegis of Paul’s unique apostleship.

¹⁴ Cf. the similar sentiment in 1 Corinthians 15:9 f.

¹⁵ H. Schlier, Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief (Tübingen, 1930). From the common stock of Christian language about Christ’s saving work, he points out, come statements about Christ’s giving himself up for his people (Ephesians 5:2, 25) and about God’s raising him from the dead and putting all things beneath his feet (Ephesians 1:20, 22). For the rest, Schlier derives from the world of gnostic thought the concepts of the redeemer’s ascent to heaven, the heavenly wall, the heavenly man, the church as the body of Christ, the body of Christ as a heavenly building, and the heavenly bridal union. See the summary of his thesis by K. L. Schmidt in TDNT iii, s.v. ἐκκλησία, pp. 509 ff., abridged in The Church (Bible Key Words, London, 1950), pp. 15 ff.

¹⁶ Cf. Ephesians 1:14 (see p. 209 above).

¹⁷ The Spirit is mentioned incidentally in Colossians 1:8 (“your love in the Spirit”), and his inspiration is implied in the reference to “spiritual songs” in Colossians 3:16.

¹⁸ Acts 2:33; 5:32,

¹⁹ John 15:26; 16:8–10, 14 f.

²⁰ 1 John 5:7 f.

²¹ 1 Peter 1:12.

²² Romans 7:6; 8:2, 4; 2 Corinthians 3:3 ff.; Galatians 3:2 ff.; see p. 200 above.

²³ Romans 8:10 ff., especially verse 23; 2 Corinthians 1:22; 5:5.

²⁴ 1 Corinthians 12:13 (see p. 210).

RSV Revised Standard Version

NEB New English Bible

²⁵ See p. 209, n. 25; cf. for a full treatment of the subject G. W. H. Lampe, The Seal of the Spirit (London, 1951).

²⁶ Mark 1:8; John 1:33; Acts 1:5; 11:16 and (by implication) 19:1–6.

²⁷ The “unity (ἑνότης) of the Spirit” which the readers are charged to keep is not, of course, the fact that there is one Spirit (which cannot be affected by anything they do or fail to do); it is a consequence of that fact. Ephesians 4:4–6 to some extent echoes 1 Corinthians 12:4–6; both passages include the coordinated “Spirit … Lord … God”. The repeated “one” in Ephesians 4:4–6 anticipates the later eastern creeds; cf. R. R. Williams, “Logic versus Experience in the Order of Credal Formulae”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 42 ff.

²⁸ Cf. the “new man” of Ephesians 2:15, who comprises former Jew and former Gentile in one. There, as in Ephesians 4:24, the “new man” is the καινὸς ἄνθρωπος, whereas in Colossians 3:10 he is the νέος ἄνθρωπος. But no difference in meaning can be pressed here between καινός and νέος, for in Ephesians 4:23 putting on the καινὸς ἄνθρωπος is equivalent to ἀνανεοῦσθαι (“being renewed”) in the spirit of their mind, while in Colossians 3:10 the verb ἀνακαινόω is used for the renewal of the νέος ἄνθρωπος. With the new man we must compare the “inner man” (ἔσω ἄνθρωπος) of Romans 7:22 and 2 Corinthians 4:16, who appears also in Ephesians 3:16. It is in the παλαιὸς ἄνθρωπος of Romans 6:6 and the ἕσω ἄνθρωπος of Romans 7:22 that we find the source of the “new man” concept, not in the gnostic “redeemer” myth (cf. J. Horst in TDNT iv. p. 565, n. 79, s.v. μέλος).

²⁹ Thus E. Käsemann says that “in the New Testament it is Ephesians that most clearly marks the transition from the Pauline tradition to the perspectives of the early Catholic era”; he compares the epistle in this respect with Acts (“Ephesians and Acts”, in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays in Honor of Paul Schubert, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn [Nashville, 1966], pp. 288 ff.). On this point H. Küng takes issue with Käsemann and others in The Structures of the Church, E. T. (London, 1965), pp. 135 ff., especially 142 ff., charging them with establishing a New Testament canon within the received canon by relegating to an inferior status anything that savours of “early Catholic decadence”. S. C. Neill points out that in German Protestant theology the term Frühkatholizismus is used “always as a term of reproach” (The Interpretation of the New Testament [London, 1964], p. 160). It is noteworthy that when the former Lutheran scholar H. Schlier, author of Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief, became convinced that incipient Catholicism and other features commonly labelled “accretions” were part and parcel of apostolic Christianity, he not only joined the Roman Catholic Church but found it possible to regard Ephesians as an authentic epistle of Paul; cf. his commentary, Der Brief an die Epheser (Düsseldorf, ⁵ 1965), pp. 22 ff.

³⁰ An evident token of this is his collection for the Jerusalem “saints” (see pp. 321 ff).

³¹ Cf. the similar use of μέλη (“members”) in Ephesians 4:16, 25; 5:30.

³² Cf. 1 Thessalonians 5:6; Colossians 1:12.

³³ Cf. John 3:19 ff.; 12:35 ff.; 1 John 1:7; 2:8 ff.

³⁴

Cf. the metre (not the substance) of the Attis initiation formula quoted by Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum 18:1:

ἐκ τυμπάνου βέβρωκα,

ἐκ κυμβάλου πέπωκα,

γέγονα μύστης Ἄττεως

(“I have eaten from the drum, I have drunk from the cymbal, I have become an initiate of Attis”). A similar Eleusinian formula is quoted by Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks 2:14.

³⁵ On this see K. G. Kuhn, “The Epistle to the Ephesians in the Light of the Qumran Texts”, E. T. in Paul and Qumran, ed. J. Murphy-O’Connor (London, 1968), pp. 115 ff.

³⁶ With this annulment of the law cf. the statement in Romans 10:4 that “Christ is the end of the law” (see pp. 190 ff.).

³⁷ E.g. J. A. Robinson, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians (London, 1904), pp. 59 f. (On the barrier see Josephus, BJ v. 194.)

³⁸ E.g. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, pp. 126 ff., following his treatment of “die himmlische Mauer” in Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief, pp. 18 ff.

³⁹ This question is especially provoked when attempts are made to reconstruct the concept of the heavenly wall (or other gnostic concepts) on the basis of Mandaean texts which are several centuries later than the New Testament age.

⁴⁰ M. Dibelius, An die Kolosser, An die Epheser, An Philemon (Tübingen, ³ 1953), p. 69; cf. H. Schlier, Christus und die Kirche im Epheserbrief, p. 18. E. J. Goodspeed sees the temple barrier here, but considers that its figurative use in this context was suggested by its actual destruction in A.D. 70 (The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 37).

⁴¹ Ephesians 2:18, 21.

⁴² How evenly balanced is the evidence for either view may be illustrated by a series of entries in TDNT, In Vol. i, pp. 522 f., s.v. καταβαίνω), J. Schneider argued for the “lower realm” being earth itself; in Vol. iv, pp. 597 f., s.v., μέρος he acknowledges a change of mind, having been persuaded thereto by F. Büchsel’s entry on κατώτερος in Vol. iii, pp. 640 f.

⁴³ Cf. F. F. Brace, Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (London, 1960), pp. 7 ff.

⁴⁴ Goodspeed (The Meaning of Ephesians, p. 12) suggests strangely that when Ephesians was written the Jewish-Gentile question was no longer actual, but that “under this old form the writer puts forth his appeal for unity among the Greek churches in the face of the rising sects”. This is reading into the text what is not there in preference to reading out of it what is there.

⁴⁵ This quotation in 1 Corinthians 2:9 is introduced by “as it is written” as though it were scripture. It bears some resemblance to Isaiah 64:4, on which indeed it may ultimately be based, but that is not its immediate source. Origen in his Commentary on Matthew 27:9 (cf. Jerome on Isaiah 64:4 and Ambrosiaster on 1 Corinthians 2:9) says the words appear in the Secrets (or Apocalypse) of Elijah, but they do not occur in the fragment of that (probably post-Pauline) work which has survived. They are frequently quoted in the early centuries A.D., especially by gnostic writers, because they lent themselves readily to a gnostic interpretation (of which the wording of 1 John 1:1 might be a deliberate rebuttal). In some late second-century documents they are ascribed to Jesus (cf. Acts of Peter 39; Gospel of Thomas 17). See also E. von Nordheim, “Das Zitat des Paulus in 1 Kor 2, 9 und seine Beziehung zum koptischen Testament Jakobs”, ZNW 65 (1974), pp. 112–120 (this Coptic work is a christianized version of a Jewish testament, from which, it is suggested, Paul may have quoted), with reply by H. F. D. Sparks, “1 Kor 2, 9 a quotation from the Coptic Testament of Jacob?” ZNW 67 (1976), pp. 269–276.

⁴⁶ Cf. H. Schlier, Der Brief an die Epheser, pp. 21 f.

¹ Cf. Tacitus, Annals xv. 38 ff.

² Tacitus, Annals xv. 44. 3–8.

³ Suetonius, Life of Nero 16. 2.

⁴ Revelation 13:10.

⁵ J. V. Bartlet, “The Historic Setting of the Pastoral Epistles”, Expositor, series 8, 5 (1913), pp. 28 ff., 161 ff., 256 ff., 325 ff. especially pp. 326–339. J. A. T. Robinson dates them even earlier (see p. 317, n. 12; p. 446, n. 15).

⁶ Cf. M. Dibelius and H. Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles, E. T. (Philadelphia, 1976), pp. 3, 15f., 126 f., 152 ff. The first known writer so to date them was evidently Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. ii. 22. 2–8).

⁷ P. N. Harrison, The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles (Oxford, 1921), pp. 93 ff., 115 ff.; cf. his Paulines and Pastorals (London, 1964), pp. 106 ff.

⁸ C. F. D. Moule, “The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles: A Reappraisal”, BJRL 47 (1964–65), pp. 430 ff.; cf. A. Strobel, “Schreiben des Lukas? Zum sprachlichen Problemder Pastoral briefe”, NTS 15 (1968–69), pp. 191 ff.

⁹ J. N. D. Kelly, A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles (London, 1963), p. 9.

¹⁰ Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 22. 2 (λόγος ἔχει).

¹¹ P. N. Harrison, Problem, pp. 127 ff.; cf. J. N. D. Kelly, Commentary, p. 170.

¹² 1 Clement 5:6.

¹³ Cf. J. J. Gunther, Paul: Messenger and Exile (Valley Forge, 1972), pp. 144 ff., for the view that this is precisely what happened (see also L. P. Pherigo, “Paul’s Life after the Close of Acts”, JBL 70 [1951], p. 278). Apollonius of Tyana is said to have been exiled to Spain (Philostratus, Life of Apollonius iv. 47).

¹⁴ P. N. Harrison, Problem, p. 127. To delete “in Rome” as a gloss, because its retention stands in the way of a hypothesis one wishes to maintain (cf. G. S. Duncan, St. Paul’s Ephesian Ministry [London, 1929], pp. 188 f., 193 f.) is an impermissible procedure; the phrase constitutes a solid piece of evidence.

¹⁵ Cf. J. N. D. Kelly, Commentary, p. 218. J. A. T. Robinson thinks that Felix’s pronouncement of Amplius (see p. 357) is referred to (Redating the New Testament [London 1976], p. 74; cf. Can we trust the New Testament? [London, 1977], pp. 65 f.).

¹⁶ See pp. 366 f.

¹⁷ 2 Timothy 4:17.

¹⁸ Cf. J. N. D. Kelly, Commentary, pp. 207–210, 218.

¹⁹ 1 Clement 5:1–7.

²⁰ There might also be an echo here of the dominical warning in Mark 13:9 (Matthew 10:18).

²¹ P. N. Harrison, Problem, p. 107. J. N. D. Kelly, on the other, hand, says that Clement’s phrase “in a Roman writer could only mean Spain” (Commentary, p. 10).

²² 1 Clement 6:1.

²³ Where Clement says πολὺ πλῆθος, Tacitus has multitudo ingens.

²⁴ Cf. J. Moffatt, Introduction to the Literature of the New Testament (Edinburgh, ³1918), pp. 313, 416 f.

²⁵ Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 1. 3) indicates that Origen bore similar witness in the third volume of his commentary on Genesis.

²⁶ For the dependence of the Muratorian statement on this document cf. T. Zahn, Introduction to the New Testament, E. T. ii (Edinburgh, 1909), pp. 62 f., 73 ff. See further A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 18, 35.

²⁷ Cf. New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ed. E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher, R. McL. Wilson, ii (London, 1965), pp. 279 ff.

²⁸ Cf. J. B. Lightfoot, Biblical Essays (London, 1893), pp. 423 ff.; G. Edmundson, The Church in Rome in the First Century (London, 1913), pp. 160 f.; M. Dibelius and W. G. Kümmel, Paul, E. T. (London, 1953), p. 152, for more positive assessments.

²⁹ See p. 444; Jerome, De uiris illustribus 5.

³⁰ As quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 25. 7; cf. iii. 31. 4.

³¹ Greek τροπαῖα, monuments set up by the victorious army on a battle-field to mark their triumph.

³² Cf. (Greek) Acts of Peter and Paul, 80 (Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ed. R. A. Lipsius, i [Leipzig, 1891], p. 214). A memorial chapel was built on the spot in the fifth century; above it stands the present-day church of St. Paul at Tre Fontane. According to these Acts, Paul was executed beneath a stone pine (στρόβιλος); in 1875 Trappists, excavating behind the chapel, found a number of fossilized pine-cones with a mass of Neronian coins (R. Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome [London, 1895], pp. 156 f.).

³³ Cf. H. Lietzmann, Petrus und Paulus in Rom (Berlin, ² 1927); J. M. C. Toynbee and J. B. Ward-Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican Excavations (London, 1956).

³⁴ Cf. E. Kirschbaum, The Tombs of St. Peter and St. Paul, E. T. (London, 1959), pp. 165 ff.

³⁵ E. Kirschbaum, op. cit., pp. 168 ff. The confessio is the chamber around the tomb together with the shaft connecting it with the altar.

³⁶ E. Kirschbaum, op. cit., pp. 179 ff. MART is an abbreviation of the dative MARTYRI.

³⁷ A magisterial examination of this rival tradition is provided by H. Chadwick, “St. Peter and St. Paul in Rome: The Problem of the Memoria Apostolorum ad Catacumbas”, JTS, n. s. 8 (1957), pp 31 ff.

³⁸

The text as it has been transmitted runs:

III KAL. IVL.

Petri in Catacumbas

et Pauli Ostense Tusco et Basso consulibus

On the basis of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum this can be restored somewhat as follows:

III KAL. IVL.

Petri in Vaticano

Pauli uero in uia Ostensi

utrumque in Catacumbas Tusco et Basso consulibus.

Cf. L. Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis i (Paris, 1886), p. cv.

³⁹

Tantae per urbis ambitum

Stipata tendunt agmina;

Trinis celebratur uiis

Festum sacrorum martyrum.

⁴⁰

Hic habitasse prius sanctos cognoscere debes,

Nomina quisque Petri pariter Paulique requiris.

Discipulos Oriens misit, quod sponte fatemur;

Sanguinis ob meritum, Christumque per astra secuti

Aetherios petiere sinus regnaque piorum:

Roma suos potius meruit defendere ciues.

Haec Damasus uestras referat noua sidera laudes.

⁴¹ J. Pearson, Annales Cyprianici, p. 62, ad annum 258, printed in Sancti Caecilii Cypriani Opera, ed. John Fell (Oxford, 1682), according to H. Chadwick, JTS, n. s. 8 (1957), p. 41, n. 2.

⁴² See p. 447.

⁴³ Ignatius, Letter to the Romans 4:3.

⁴⁴ As quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 25. 8.

⁴⁵ Irenaeus, Against Heresies iii. 3. 1.

⁴⁶ Ibid., iii. 3. 2.

⁴⁷ According to Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iv. 22. 1–3), Hegesippus (a mid-second-century Palestinian Christian) drew up an early succession-list of Roman bishops. For Irenaeus’s dependence on Hegesippus see J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers i. 1: S. Clement of Rome (London, 1890), pp. 202 f., 327 ff.

⁴⁸ Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 2. 1; 21. 1.

⁴⁹ Eusebius, Chronicon, Year of Abraham 2084 = Nero 14 (i.e. A.D. 67).

⁵⁰ C. H. Turner, Catholic and Apostolic (London, 1931), p. 225; see also his essay “Apostolic Succession” in Essays on the Early History of the Church and the Ministry, ed. H. B. Swete (London, 1921), pp. 93–214, especially pp. 141 f.

⁵¹ As quoted anonymously by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., v. 28. 3. That the quotation is from Hippolytus was maintained by J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers i. 2 (London, 1890), p. 379, and A. von Harnack, Chronologie der altchristlichen Literatur, ii (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 224 f.

⁵² Cyprian, De unitate ecclesiae 4; Epistles 43. 5; 70. 3; 73. 7, etc.

⁵³ Cf. A. M. Ramsey, Canterbury Pilgrim (London, 1974), p. 10. Paul might have raised his eyebrows at the use of the plural “Gospels”, but he would have approved of “ancient common traditions” if they were such as he delivered to his converts at Thessalonica and Corinth (2 Thessalonians 2:15; 1 Corinthians 11:2).

¹ Cf. 2 Corinthians 10:10.

² See pp. 135 f.

³ Galatians 1:13 f.

⁴ Philippians 3:8.

⁵ Mme D’Arbley (Fanny Burney), Diary, i (London, 1842), p. 66: he called Sir John Hawkins “a most unclubbable man”.

⁶ Romans 16:1 f.

⁷ Philippians 4:2 f.

⁸ Even if he asks them to keep their heads veiled when praying or prophesying, the veil is the sign of their authority to play a responsible part in church life.

⁹ Romans 16:3 f.

¹⁰ Philippians 2:25–30.

¹¹ Philippians 2:19–22.

¹² Philippians 2:17. We may compare his readiness to be himself “accursed and cut off from Christ” if only thus the salvation of his Jewish kinsmen could be achieved (Romans 9:3).

¹³ It was not for this reason that he found the celibate life congenial (see p. 269); he does not imply that Peter and others found the company of their wives on their missionary journeys an encumbrance (1 Corinthians 9:5). The implications of Paul’s fondness for compounds with the prefix συν· (e.g. “fellow-worker”, “fellow-soldier”, etc.) have been studied by several writers; cf. T. R. Glover, Paul of Tarsus (London, 1925), pp. 178 ff., 212.

¹⁴ 1 Corinthians 4:21.

¹⁵ 2 Corinthians 8:1–5; 9:1–4.

¹⁶ 1 Thessalonians 2:19 f.; Philippians 2:14–16.

¹⁷ Philippians 4:10–20.

¹⁸ 2 Thessalonians 3:6–13.

¹⁹ 1 Corinthians 9:15–18.

²⁰ 1 Corinthians 9:24–27.

²¹ Galatians 5:22 f.

²² J. R. W. Stott, Obeying Christ in a Changing World, 1: The Lord Christ (London, 1977), p. 24.

²³ TJ B^erakôt 9:7.

²⁴ 1 Corinthians 10:32–11:1. Cf. W. P. DeBoer, The Imitation of Paul (Kampen, 1962).

²⁵ Galatians 6:17.

²⁶ LXX Sermons (London, 1640), no. 46, p. 460.

²⁷ More appreciative Jewish assessments have come from C. G. Montefiore, Judaism and St. Paul (London, 1914); H. J. Schoeps, Paul, E. T. (London, 1961); S. Sandmel, The Genius of Paul (New York, 1970). Cf. also the interesting psycho-analytic study by R. L. Rubinstein, My Brother Paul (New York, 1972).

²⁸ Cf. W. L. Lane, “1 Tim. 4:1–3: An Early Instance of Over-realized Eschatology”, NTS 11 (1964–65), pp. 164–167; see also p. 307 above.

²⁹ Cf. the disciplinary action enjoined in 1 Corinthians 5:4 f.

³⁰ Eusebius quotes to this effect the Phrygian Montanist Proclus (Hist. Eccl. iii. 31. 4) and Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus (Hist. Eccl. iii. 31. 3; v. 24. 2); cf. Irenaeus, Against Heresies iii. 1.1. All three of these writers belong to the end of the second century.

³¹ Cf. Matthew 13:25. He is so portrayed in the Clementine literature, a corpus of third-century writings purporting to come from the apostolic age (see p. 395), in which James the just and Peter are the fountain-heads of authority in the church; cf. H. J. Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums (Tübingen, 1949), pp. 120, 127.

³² Cf. E. J. Goodspeed, Introduction to the New Testament (Chicago, 1937), pp. 210 ff.

³³ Cf. G. Zuntz, The Text of the Epistles (London, 1954), pp. 14 ff., 276 ff.; he thinks of Alexandria as the place where this work was done, in view of its apparent “dependence upon the scholarly Alexandrian methods of editorship” (p. 278). An Ephesian setting for the compilation of the corpus was envisaged by E. J. Goodspeed (Introduction to the New Testament, pp. 217 ff.); cf. C. L. Mitton, The Formation of the Pauline Corpus of Letters (London, 1955), pp. 44 ff. See also p. 402 above.

³⁴ Cf. A. von Harnack, History of Dogma, E. T., i (London, 1905), pp. 89, 267–286; Marcion: Das Evangelium vom fremden Gott (Leipzig, 1921), pp. 230 ff.; 2nd edition = Texte und Untersuchungen 45 (1924), pp. 199 ff.; this (with its supplement Neue Studien zu Marcion = Texte und Untersuchungen 44, Part 4 [1923]) remains the most important work on Marcion. See also R. S. Wilson, Marcion: A Study of a Second-Century Heretic (London, 1933); J. Knox, Marcion and the New Testament (Chicago, 1942); E. C. Blackman, Marcion and his Influence (London, 1948). See p. 19.

³⁵ In some quarters Marcion’s devotion to Paul raised questions about Paul in orthodox minds: Tertullian, for example, calls him “Marcion’s apostle” or “the apostle of the heretics” (Against Marcion iii. 5. 4; v. 14. 9)—not indeed disparagingly, but in ad hominem argument; he speaks of him also as “my apostle” (v. 1. 8), but not in Marcion’s exclusive sense. See also C. K. Barrett, “Pauline Controversies in the Post-Pauline Period”, NTS 20 (1973–74), pp. 229–245.

³⁶ Cf. Clement of Alexandria, as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 14. 2 f. See also C. P. Anderson, “The Epistle to the Hebrews and the Pauline Letter Collection”, Harvard Theological Review 59 (1966), pp. 429–438.

³⁷ In their response to Marcion the catholic churchmen named thirteen Pauline letters, not ten only, and writings of other apostolic men in addition to Paul: a fourfold Gospel and not one single record; with the Acts of the Apostles as the link joining the Gospel and the Epistles. See F. F. Bruce, The Spreading Flame (London, 1958), pp. 228 ff.

³⁸ See T. F. Torrance, The Doctrine of Grace in the Apostolic Fathers (Edinburgh/London, 1948).

³⁹ See M. F. Wiles, The Divine Apostle (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 94 ff. et passim.

⁴⁰ Tertullian, De baptismo 17.

⁴¹ Cf. A. von Harnack, The Origin of the New Testament, E. T. (London, 1925), pp. 35 ff., for the influence of Montanism on the canonizing process.

⁴² The royal road “is obviously the Roman road built by Augustus from [Pisidian] Antioch to Lystra” (W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D. 170 [London,⁵ 1897], p. 32).

⁴³ New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ed. E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher, R. McL. Wilson, ii (London, 1965), pp. 353 f. The reference to “the face of an angel” is reminiscent of Stephen in Acts 6:13.

⁴⁴ Plato, Symposium 215 A–222 B.

⁴⁵ R. Eisler, The Messiah Jesus and John the Baptist (London. 1931), pp. 393 ff.

⁴⁶ W. M. Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, p. 32.

⁴⁷ New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ii, pp. 369–373; see p. 295 above.

⁴⁸ Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel, iii. 29.

⁴⁹

Ad Maronis mausoleum

Ductus, fudit super eum

Piae rorem lacrimae:

“Quem te”, inquit, “reddidissem,

Si te vivum invenissem,

Poetarum maxime!”

⁵⁰ Cf. (Greek) Acts of Peter and Paul, 80. (See p. 450, n. 32.)

⁵¹ Augustine, Confessions viii. 29.

⁵² A. Souter, The Earliest Latin Commentaries on the Epistles of St Paul (Oxford, 1927), p. 139.

⁵³ Gesamtausgaben seiner lateinischen Schriften (Wittenberg, 1545); cf. Luthers Werke (Weimar edition, 54 (1928), p. 186). See E. G, Rupp, The Righteousness of God (London, 1947), pp. 129 ff.; J. Atkinson, The Great Light (Exeter, 1968), pp. 19 f.

⁵⁴ Cf. K. Stendahl, “The Apostle Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West”, Harvard Theological Review 56 (1963), pp. 199–215. See p. 196 above.

⁵⁵ J. Wesley, Journal, i (London, 1872), pp. 76 f., footnotes. The language is Pauline; cf. Galatians 4:3–7.

⁵⁶ J. Wesley, Journal, i, p. 103.

⁵⁷ A. S. Wood, The Inextinguishable Blaze (London, 1959), p. 113.

⁵⁸ C. Wesley, Journal, i (London, 1849), p. 90. In his quotation from Galatians 2:20 he lays (following Luther) the same emphasis on the personal pronoun me as his brother does in his reference to Romans 8:2.

⁵⁹ Henry Scougal (1650–78) was elected Professor of Divinity in King’s College, Aberdeen, in 1673 and died of consumption five years later. He wrote The Life of God in the Soul of Man probably during the year 1672–73, when he was parish minister of Auchterless in Aberdeenshire. It was published anonymously in 1677; a number of further impressions and editions appeared within the following century. The edition used here is that issued by the Inter-Varsity Press (London, 1961), with a foreword by D. J. Innes.

⁶⁰ Sermon preached in 1769 (quoted by D. J. Innes in his foreword to the 1961 reissue of Scougal, p. 12); cf. G. Whitefield, Journals, i (Banner of Truth edition, London, 1960), pp. 46 f. Whitefield was nineteen years old when he underwent this experience.

⁶¹ The Life of God in the Soul of Man (1961 reissue), p. 16.

⁶² K. Barth, The Epistle to the Romans, E. T. (Oxford, 1933), p. 2.

⁶³ K. Barth, Die Lehre vom Worte Gottes (Munich, 1927), preface.

⁶⁴ K. Adam, in Das Hochland, June 1926, as quoted by J. McConnachie, “The Teaching of Karl Barth”, Hibbert Journal 25 (1926–27), pp. 385 f.

⁶⁵ T. M. Taylor, The Heritage of the Reformation (Edinburgh, 1960), pp. 6 f. John the Commonweal (“Iohne the Common-weill”) is a character in Sir David Lindsay’s Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis (1552).

E. English Translation

E. English Translation

Nat. Naturalis Historia (Pliny the Elder)

CD Book of the Covenant of Damascus (= Zadokite Work)

1QH Hodayot (Hymns of Thanksgiving) from Qumran Cave 1

1QIsa Complete scroll of Isaiah from Qumran Cave 1

1QIsb Incomplete scroll of Isaiah from Qumran Cave 1

1QM Milhamah (War scroll) from Qumran Cave 1

1QpHab Pesher (commentary) on Habakkuk from Qumran Cave 1

1QS Serek (Rule of the Community) from Qumran Cave 1

4QpNah Pesher (commentary) on Nahum from Qumran Cave 4

Ant. Antiquities (Josephus)

BJ De Bella Iudaico (Jewish War) (Josephus)

Hist. Historia Ecclesiastica (Eusebius)

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