BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library , Manchester

BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library , Manchester

BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library, Manchester

¹ G. G. A. Murray, Four Stages of Greek Religion (New York, 1912), p. 146.

² U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Die griechische Literatur des Altertums = Die Kultur der Gegenwart, ed. P. Hinneberg, i, 8 (Berlin/Leipzig, ³1912), p. 232.

³ Cf. F. F. Bruce, The Acts of the Apostles (London, ²I952), pp. 15ff. et passim.

⁴ The last two sentences are amplified in F. F. Bruce, “Is the Paul of Acts the Real Paul?” BJRL 58 (1975–76), pp. 282–305. Two important essays which should be mentioned are P. Vielhauer, “On the ‘Paulinism’ of Acts”, E. T. in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays in Honor of Paul Schubert, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), pp. 33–50 (a study which defends quite different conclusions on the subject from mine), and C. K. Barrett, “Acts and the Pauline Corpus”, Expository Times 88 (1976–77), pp. 2–5 (a study which whets the reader’s appetite for the major work on Acts which Professor Barrett is preparing for the International Critical Commentary).

⁵ R. Allen, Missionary Methods: St. Paul’s or Ours? (London, 1927), p. 3.

⁶ C. K. Barrett (“Acts and the Pauline Corpus”, pp. 4 f.) discerns at least two Christian missions in the Graeco-Roman world of the time in addition to Paul’s: one led by Peter and one which ran back to Stephen and his fellow-Hellenists. Acts he regards as a monument of the process by which the three came to terms with one another after the deaths of their founders and the events of A.D. 70.

⁷ T. Erskine, Letters (Edinburgh, 1877), p. 16.

⁸ Tertullian, Against Marcion i. 27.

¹ Polybius, History i. 1. He then carried the story down to 146 B.C.

² Philip V of Macedonia, defeated at the battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C.

³ Perseus, defeated at the battle of Pydna in 168 B.C.

⁴ Antiochus III, Seleucid king, defeated at the battle of Magnesia in 190/189 B.C.

⁵ The reference to the crushing of the revolt of the Achaian League and devastation of Corinth in 146 B.C. shows that this account of Roman power, while ostensibly set in the period preceding Judas’s death (160 B.C.), carries the story down well beyond that.

⁶ The nominal strength of the Roman senate in the second century B.C. was 300.

⁷ This may be seen just before and after the Roman conquest of Judaea (63 B.C.) by the description of the Kittim in the Qumran commentary on Habakkuk (1QpHab 2, l. 4–6, l. 12) and reactions to their arrogance and impiety in the Psalms of Solomon (2: 20–32; 17: 8–15). The former passage may reflect the anti-Roman propaganda of Mithridates VI of Pontus, of which a sample is preserved in a letter of his (c. 69 B.C.) to Arsaces XII, king of Parthia (Sallust, History, fragment iv. 69. 1–23). See F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London,² 1971), pp. 9–12, and “The Romans through Jewish Eyes” in Mélanges offerts à M. Simon, ed. M. Philonenko (Paris, 1978), pp. 3–12.

¹ See F. F. Bruce, Israel and the Nations (Exeter,²1969), pp. 97 ff.

² Cf. F. C. Grant, The Economic Background of the Gospels (Oxford, 1926), pp. 87 ff.

³ The “Romance” languages of France, the Iberian Peninsula, Italy, parts of Switzerland, and Romania.

⁴ Josephus, BJ ii. 118; Ant. xviii. 4 ff.

⁵ Cf. M. Hengel, Die Zeloten (Leiden, 1961).

⁶ Probably a combination of the “sceptre” oracles of Genesis 49:10 and Numbers 24:17 chronologically interpreted in the light of the seventy heptads outlined in Daniel 9:24–27. See Josephus, BJ vi. 312 f.; Tacitus, History, v. 13; Suetonius, Vespasian, 4.

⁷ A.D. 69 witnessed the fall of Nero’s successor Galba, the rise and fall of Otho and Vitellius, and the accession of Vespasian.

⁸ Cf. Jeremiah 44:1; a Jewish community settled by Psammetichus II (594–588 B.C.) to guard his southern frontier at Syene (Aswan) and Elephantine survived there till c. 400 B.C. and has left a substantial Aramaic archive; cf. A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1923); E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (Oxford, 1953).

⁹ Jerome’s edition of Eusebius’s Chronicle preserves the tradition of a settlement of Jews in Hyrcania by Artaxerxes III of Persia (359–338 B.C.).

¹⁰ Philo, Flaccus, 55; cf. Josephus, BJ ii. 495.

¹¹ Josephus, Apion, ii. 44.

¹² Josephus, Ant. xii. 149 ff. Much earlier, the founder of the Seleucid dynasty, Seleucus I (312–281 B.C.), conferred citizen rights on all Jews resident in the cities which he founded, especially in Antioch (Josephus, Ant. xii. 119).

¹³ Cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome (Philadelphia, 1960), pp. 135 f.

¹⁴ Cf. J. Jeremias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, E. T. (London, 1969), p. 83; “Die Einwohnerzahl Jerusalems zur Zeit Jesu”, ZDPV 66 (1943), pp. 24–31.

¹⁵ Cf. H. J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome, pp. 46 ff. See p. 380 below.

¹⁶ Cf. B. M. Metzger, “Ancient Astrological Geography and Acts 2:9–11”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter, 1970), pp.123 ff. For a Comprehensive account, see M. Grant, The Jews in the Roman World (London, 1973); E. M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule (Leiden, 1977).

¹ Homer, Iliad vi. 397, 415. At that time (c. 1200 B.C.) the Cilicians apparently resided in N.W. Asia Minor; the extension of their name to the historical Cilicia resulted from their eastward penetration of the peninsula along with other Indo-European speaking groups.

² The satraps minted silver staters with the divine title Baʿal Tarz (“lord of Tarsus”) on the obverse.

³ It was this victory over Persian forces that opened up the road to Syria before him.

⁴ Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 2. 23.

⁵ A sequel to the revolt mentioned in 2 Maccabees 4:30.

⁶ Shakespeare, Antony and Cleopatra, Act 2, Scene 2 (his description is based on Plutarch, Life of Antony, 26).

⁷ Dio Chrysostom, Oration 34. 23.

⁸ Strabo, Geography xiv. 5. 12 ff. (673 ff.).

⁹ Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, i. 7; cf. vi, 34.

¹⁰ Dio Chrysostom, Orations 33; 34.

¹¹ Cf. E. Schürer, s.v. “Diaspora”, HDB v, p. 105; W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), pp. 176 ff.; H. J. Cadbury, The Book of Acts in History (New York, 1955), pp. 32 ff.; A. D. Nock, “Isopoliteia and the Jews”, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World (Oxford, 1972), pp. 960 ff. With Paul’s status in Tarsus may be compared that of “Marcus Aurelius Alexander, also called Asaph, of the people of the Jews” at Hierapolis in Phrygia, where his epitaph (in Greek) has survived from the second century A.D. He was apparently a citizen of Hierapolis, and he was self-evidently a Roman citizen (cf. Corpus Inscriptiorwm Iudaicarum, ed. J.-B. Frey, iii [Rome, 1952], no. 776).

¹ The tribune, Claudius Lysias, probably acquired his citizenship during the principate of Claudius (A.D. 41–54) when, according to Dio Cassius (History lx. 17. 5 f.), citizenship was open to purchase. Technically the citizenship itself was not for sale; the money went to the various intermediaries who could arrange for a man’s name to be put on the list of candidates for enfranchisement. See p. 351.

² See A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (Oxford,² 1973).

³ E.g. by Sir William Caldar in a letter to the author (February 18, 1953).

⁴ See p. 221.

⁵ See p. 351.

⁶ Since this was a Julian law, it was sponsored either by Julius Caesar or by his adopted son Octavian (Augustus). A. H. M. Jones gives reasons for dating it in the principate of Augustus, after 23 B.C. (Studies in Roman Government and Law [Oxford, 1960], pp. 97 f.; cf. A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament [Oxford, 1963], pp. 57 f.). See p. 363.

⁷ Cf. Sherwin-White, Roman Society …, pp. 146 f.

⁸ Cf. F. Schulz, “Roman Registers of Births and Birth-Certificates”, JRS 32 (1942), pp. 78 ff.; 33 (1943), pp. 55 ff.

⁹ Cf. Sherwin-White, Roman Society …, p. 149.

¹⁰ See pp. 363f.

¹ The expression is derived from J. J. Blunt’s Undesigned Coincidences in the Writings of the Old and New Testaments (London, 1847).

² E.g. Hippolytus, On the Blessing of Jacob, at Genesis 49:27.

³ It is not certain whether the reference here is to one or more synagogues, but more probably it is to one, attended by Jewish “freedmen” from the places mentioned. See p. 67.

⁴ CIG iv. 9909 (Rome); B. Powell, “Greek Inscriptions from Corinth”, AJA series 2, 7 (1903), pp. 60 f., no. 40 (Corinth).

⁵ Philo, On Dreams, ii. 250; Abraham, 28.

⁶ Jerome, De uiris illustribus, 5.

⁷ This is implied by the punctuation of Acts 22:3 in the Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece (Stuttgart, ²⁵1963) and in the editions of the Greek New Testament published by the British and Foreign Bible Society (London, ²1958) and the United Bible Societies (London and New York, ³ 1976). See W. C. van Unnik, Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul’s Youth, E. T. (London, 1962).

⁸ Josephus, Ant. xiii. 171 f.

⁹ Josephus, Ant. xiii. 288–296.

¹⁰ “Josephus, BJ i. 88 ff.; Ant. xiii. 372 ff.; TB Soṭah 47a; Qiddušîn 66a; 4QpNah frag. 4, col. 1, 11. 1 ff.

¹¹ See F. F. Bruce, Second Thoughts on the Dead Sea Scrolls (Exeter,³ 1966), pp. 104 ff., 110 ff.

¹² 1 Maccabees 14:41.

¹³ Leviticus Rabba 24:4 on Leviticus 19:2.

¹⁴ Cf. Matthew 23:23; Luke 11:42; see also F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London, ²1971), p. 68, n. 4.

¹⁵ This is the point of the passage beginning “Let us now praise famous men …” (Ecclesiasticus 44:1 ff.), well known from its frequent recital at commemoration services.

¹⁶ Mark 12:18–27. (See pp. 109, 336.)

¹⁷ T. W. Manson, “Sadducee and Pharisee”, BJRL 22 (1938), pp. 153 ff.; The Servant-Messiah (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 19 f.

¹⁸ Josephus, Ant. xv. 370.

¹⁹ Josephus, Ant. xvii. 42.

²⁰ Josephus, Ant. xvii. 151 ff.

²¹ Josephus, Ant. xviii. 17.

²² Josephus, Ant. xvii. 42.

²³ The phrase ʿam hāʾāreṣ, which in OT times was a collective expression (“people of the land”), became in rabbinical usage the designation of an individual, “one of the people of the land” or “one of the common people”—i.e. an ignoramus (in matters of religion, at least).

²⁴ Hillel is credited with the remark that “no ʿam hāʾāreṣ is pious” (Pirqê Abôt 2:6). Cf. the dismissive words of the Jerusalem authorities in John 7:49: “this crowd, who do not know the law, are accursed”.

²⁵ Cf. 4QpNah. frag. 4, col. 1, l. 7; 1QH 2, ll. 15, 32; CD 1, 1. 18.

²⁶ TJ Berakôt 9:7.

²⁷ TB Shabbat 31a, although doubt is cast on the historicity of the incident by J. Neusner, The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before 70 (Leiden, 1971), i, pp. 338 f. For an earlier instance of the negative golden rule cf. Tobit 4:15, “What you hate, do not do to any one”.

²⁸ Thus Yohanan ben Zakkai, commenting on the purificatory ritual of the red heifer (Numbers 19), remarks that in fact a corpse does not convey spiritual defilement nor does water effect inward cleansing; the ordinance is to be carried out simply because it is a divine command (Numbers Rabba 19:8 on Numbers 19:2).

²⁹ TB Shabbat 15a seems to interpose an otherwise unknown Simeon between Hillel and Gamaliel as leader of the school; the idea of a blood-relationship between them is later still.

³⁰ Cf. J. Neusner, The Rabbinic Traditions about the Pharisees before 70, i, pp. 341–376.

³¹ Mishnah Soṭah 9:15.

³² Mishnah Giṭṭin 4:2.

³³ Cf. Josephus, Ant. xiii. 172; xviii. 13; cf. the dictum of Aqiba: “Everything is foreseen, but freedom of choice is given” (Pirqê Abôt 3:19).

³⁴ Pirqê Abôt 4:14.

³⁵ Cf. J. Jeremias, “Paulus als Hillelit”, in Neotestamentica et Semitica: Studies in Honour of M. Black, ed. E. E. Ellis and M. Wilcox (Edinburgh, 1969), pp. 88 ff.; on the other side, K. Haacker, “War Paulus Hillelit?”, Das Institutum Iudaicum der Universität Tübingen, 1971–72, pp. 106–120.

³⁶ So J. Klausner, From Jesus to Paul, E. T. (London, 1944), p. 310, in reference to TB Shabbat 30b.

³⁷ Galatians 1:13 f.; Philippians 3:6.

¹ Josephus, Ant. xiii. 299 f.

² While the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (1st century B.C.—1st century A.D.) for the most part assign the kingship to Judah and the priesthood to Levi, the kingship is assigned to Levi in Testament of Reuben 6:7–12—a reflection, probably, of the Hasmonaean ascendancy.

³ Psalms of Solomon 17:8.

⁴ Codex Alexandrinus originally included them as an appendix to the New Testament. They were first composed in Hebrew, but are extant only in Greek, and in a Syriac translation from the Greek.

⁵ Psalms of Solomon 2:30–32.

⁶ Psalms of Solomon 17:23 ff.

⁷ The Latin version of the Assumption of Moses calls him rex petulans (6:2).

⁸ Mark 12:35–37.

⁹ Cf. 2 Timothy 2:8, perhaps another confessional formula.

¹⁰ Cf. Mark 1:14 f.; Matthew 12:28/Luke 11:20.

¹¹ Cf. T. W. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus (Cambridge, ²1935), pp. 211 ff.; A. J. B. Higgins, Jesus and the Son of Man (London, 1964); M. D. Hooker, The Son of Man in Mark (London, 1967).

¹² Mark 9:12; Luke 17:25.

¹³ Mark 10:43 f.; Luke 22:25–27.

¹⁴ Mark 14:61 f.

¹⁵ See the Sermon on the Mount (Matthew 5–7; cf. Luke 6:17–49), passim.

¹⁶ Mark 12:13–17.

¹⁷ Matthew 17:24–27.

¹⁸ See p. 49. A positive formulation of the golden rule in Jewish orthodoxy is provided by Maimonides, Mishneh Torah 2: Hil^ekôt Abel 14:1.

¹⁹ In Luke 10:27 it is the enquiring lawyer who summarizes the law thus, in response to Jesus’ counter-question.

²⁰ This probably meant “even in ploughing time and in harvest ….” rather than “only in ploughing time and in harvest …”.

²¹ Mishnah Shabbat 7:1 ff.

²² CD 10, 1. 14–11, 1. 18.

²³ Mark 2:2–3: 5; Luke 13:10–17; 14:1–6.

²⁴ Government tax-collectors were reckoned by definition to be ʿammê hāʾāreṣ (see p. 48).

²⁵ See p. 105.

²⁶ In his programmatic sermon in the Nazareth synagogue (Luke 4:16 ff.), Jesus chooses Isaiah 61:1 f. as his text, but ends at the words “to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord”, without continuing the sentence: “and the day of vengeance of our God”

²⁷ Mark 1:11 (“You are my Son, my beloved; with you I am well pleased”); as those words were spoken, he saw “the Spirit descending on him like a dove” (Mark 1:10).

²⁸ See pp. 89 f. with nn. 16, 17.

¹ The information about the appearances to Peter (the leader of the twelve) and James (the brother of Jesus) was probably received by Paul when he visited Jerusalem in the third year after his conversion and met those two men (Galatians 1:18 f.). See pp. 84 ff.

² Mark 1:8 and parallels; John 1:33.

³ E. Repo, Der “Weg” als Selbstbezeichnung des Urchristentums (Helsinki, 1964).

⁴ See pp. 151, 319 ff.

⁵ Acts 4:1 ff.; see p. 47.

⁶ See p. 50.

⁷ Cf. Acts 15:5.

⁸ Acts 6:7. C. Spicq has argued that these converted priests were “Esseno-Christians”, former members of the Qumran community (“L’Epître aux Hébreux: Apollos, Jean-Baptiste, les Hellénistes et Qumrân”, Revue de Qumran 1 [1958–59], pp. 365 ff.).

⁹ Acts 2:25–36.

¹⁰ Acts 3:13–26.

¹¹ Acts 3:22 f.; 7:37.

¹² Acts 4:11.

¹³ Such oracles are those relating to the “stone of stumbling” of Isaiah 8:14, the foundation-stone laid in Zion of Isaiah 28:16, the stone “cut out by no human hand” of Daniel 2:34 f., 44 f. For their combination cf. Luke 20:17 f.; Romans 9:32 f.; 1 Peter 2:6–8. See F. F. Bruce, This is That: The New Testament Development of—Some Old Testament Themes (Exeter, 1968), pp. 65 f., and “The Corner Stone”, Expository Times 84 (1972–73), pp. 231 ff.

¹⁴ M. Hengel argues that the crucial phase of christological development was the first five years after the death and resurrection of Christ (“Christology and New Testament Chronology”, Between Jesus and Paul, E. T. [London, 1983], pp. 29–47).

¹⁵ H. B. Swete, The Ascended Christ (London, 1912), p. 95. See pp. 119 f.

¹⁶ The eucharistic setting of maranā-thā (1 Corinthians 16:22) is explicit in Didache 10:6. See p. 117 with nn. 11, 12.

¹⁷ See p. 57.

¹⁸ Acts 6:9; see p. 42.

¹⁹ Mark 14:57–59.

²⁰ It is not far-fetched to see in Stephen’s vision the fulfilment of Jesus’ promise in Luke 12:8 (see p. 66).

²¹ Josephus BJ ii. 117; cf. Ant. xviii. 2; John 18:31.

²² Cf. Josephus, BJ vi. 126. See p. 349.

²³ Cf. Leviticus 24:10–16.

²⁴ Acts 7:58 f.

²⁵ Jeremiah 7:1–15; 26:1–6.

¹ Cf. A. J. Hultgren, “Paul’s Pre-Christian Persecutions of the Church: their Purpose, Locale and Nature”, JBL 95 (1976), pp. 97–111.

² Cf. E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (Oxford, 1971), pp. 297 ff.

³ Deuteronomy 17:7.

⁴ Part of the charge laid against Stephen in Acts 6:14.

⁵ For this doctrine of the three ages cf. TB Sanhedrin 97a; for the eternal sabbath rest cf. also Mishnah, Tamid 7:4. For someone brought up to accept this doctrine, the argument would be valid: “If the ‘Days of the Messiah’ have commenced, those of the Torah came to their close. On the other hand, if the Law, the Torah, still retained its validity, it was proclaimed thereby that the Messiah had not yet arrived” (L. Baeck, “The Faith of Paul”, Journal of Jewish Studies 3 [1952], p. 106; cf. H. J. Schoeps, Paul, E. T. [London, 1961], pp. 171 ff.). See p. 190.

⁶ “Hanging up alive” is the Hebrew phrase used for crucifixion in 4QpNah frag. 4, ll. 5–8, a passage which well conveys the horror with which this fate was viewed by pious Jews.

⁷ According to Luke, the phrase “hanging on a gibbet” (ξύλον, the Greek word used in the LXX of Deuteronomy 21:22 f.) was used in the primitive apostolic preaching, as though to emphasize how religiously shocking this mode of execution was (Acts 5:30; 10:39).

⁸ Cf. Galatians 1:17, “I returned to Damascus”.

⁹ The author of the letter is “Lucius, consul of the Romans” (1 Maccabees 15:16)—presumably L. Caecilius Metellus, consul in 142 B.C. (E. J. Bickermann, review of M. S. Ginsburg, Rome et la Judée, in Gnomon 6 [1930], pp. 358 f.).

¹⁰ Josephus, Ant. xiv. 192–195. See S. Safrai and M. Stern (ed.), The Jewish People in the First Century, i (Assen, 1974), p. 456.

¹¹ This is the implication of the adverb ἐκεῖσε, “thither”, in Acts 22:5; “those who were there” are “those who had gone thither”.

¹² Acts 26:11, “I persecuted them even to foreign cities”.

¹ We may compare the experience of Isaiah, who was both cleansed and commissioned in the course of his vision of the glory of Yahweh (Isaiah 6:1–9a), or of Ezekiel, whose call came in the course of a similar vision (Ezekiel 1:4–3:11)—although it was to Israel, not to the nations, that these two prophets were sent. Paul’s language also echoes the narrative of the call of Jeremiah, to whom Yahweh said, “before you were born … I appointed you a prophet to the nations” (Jeremiah 1:5). See p. 144, n. 37.

² G. Lyttelton, Observations on the Conversion and Apostleship of St. Paul (London, 1747), paragraph 1.

³ Although the known literary analogues of this metaphor (Acts 26:14) are Greek and Latin, not Semitic, it is the kind of expression that might be found in any agricultural community.

⁴ Cf. Philippians 3:12, where “I was apprehended by Christ Jesus” conveys the sense of κατελήμφθην better than the weaker verbs used in some more recent versions.

⁵ According to Josephus (Ant. i. 159), Herod’s court historian, Nicolaus of Damascus, recorded in the fourth book of his Histories that Abraham (Abramēs) reigned there. A similar statement is quoted from the Latin writer Pompeius Trogus (c. 20 B.C.) in the third-century Epitome of Justin (xxxvi. 2. 3).

⁶ The Decapolis comprised about ten federated cities: Damascus, Hippos, Canatha, Raphana, Gadara, Philadelphia (modern Amman), Gerasa, Dion, Pella and Scythopolis (Beth-shan), only the last of which lay west of the Jordan.

⁷ So called from the town-planner Hippodamus of Miletus (5th century B.C.).

⁸ Josephus, BJ i. 422 (he also built a theatre in Damascus).

⁹ According to BJ ii. 561 the number of those massacred (in the gymnasium) was 10,500; according to BJ vii. 368 it was 18,000.

¹⁰ Cf. A. J. Wensinck, A Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition (Leiden, 1927), p. 113.

¹¹ Cf. N. Wieder, The Judaean Scrolls and Karaism (London, 1962), pp. 5–14; “The ‘Land of Damascus’ and Messianic Redemption”, Journal of Jewish Studies 20 (1969), pp. 86–88.

¹² First published by S. Schechter, Fragments of a Zadokite Work, i (Cambridge, 1910).

¹³ CD 6, l. 19; 8, l. 21; cf. 20, l. 12.

¹⁴ CD 6, ll. 5–7.

¹⁵ CD 7, ll. 18 f.

¹⁶ Called “the prince of all the congregation” and equated with the “sceptre” of Numbers 24:17, as the “star” in that verse is interpreted of the coming “expositor of the law” (CD 7, l. 20). Cf. also J. Daniélou, “L’éoile de Jacob et la mission chrétienne à Damas”, Vigiliae Christianae 11 (1957), pp. 121–138.

¹⁷ E.g. by T. H. Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures (Garden City, N.Y.,³ 1977), pp. 5, 27 ff. But a migration to Qumran would scarcely be described as leaving “the land of Judah” for “the land of the north” (CD 5, l. 5; 7, ll. 12–14).

¹⁸ CD 7, l. 15.

¹⁹ Cf. J. T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea (London, 1959), p. 91.

²⁰ Cf. H. H. Rowley, The Zadokite Fragments and the Dead Sea Scrolls (Oxford, 1952); “The History of the Qumran Sect”, BJRL 49 (1966–67), pp. 203–232.

²¹ N. Wieder, The Judaean Scrolls and Karaism, p. 3.

²² E. Lohmeyer, Galiläa und Jerusalem (Göttingen, 1936), pp. 54 ff.; so also H. J. Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums (Tübingen, 1949), pp. 270 ff. For a more disciplined and better documented examination of evidence on the expansion of Christianity in the first three to five years of its existence see M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, E. T. (London, 1983), pp. 1–29.

²³ Luke implies, however, that the baptism which Paul underwent at Damascus (Acts 9:18; 22:16) was no less valid than if it had been administered in Jerusalem.

²⁴ Cf. H. Braun, Qumran und das Neue Testament, ii (Tübingen, 1966), pp. 170 ff.; W. Grundmann, “The Teacher of Righteousness of Qumran and the question of justification by faith in the theology of the Apostle Paul”, in Paul and Qumran, ed. J. Murphy-O’Connor (London, 1968), pp. 85–114.

²⁵ Cf. W. D. Davies, “Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls: Flesh and Spirit”, in The Scrolls and the New Testament, ed. K. Stendahl (London, 1958), pp. 157–182.

²⁶ Acts 9:20. See pp. 117 f.

²⁷ Cf. Exodus 3:1; 1 Kings 19:8.

²⁸ Strabo, quoted by Josephus, Ant. xiv. 117; the term ἐθνάρχης here is probably equivalent to γενάρχης in Philo, Flaccus 74.

²⁹ Luke represents Paul as compelled to escape because of the hostility of the Damascene Jews (Acts 9:23–25).

¹ Acts 4:36 f.

² O. Linton, “The Third Aspect: A Neglected Point of View”, Studia Theologica 3 (1949), pp. 79 ff., argues that this variant account is that on which Luke draws in Acts 9:1–30.

³ Among other discussions of this verb cf. G. D. Kilpatrick, “Galatians 1:18 ἱστορῆσαι Κηφᾶν” in New Testament Essays … in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A. J. B. Higgins (Manchester, 1959), pp. 144 ff.; W. D. Davies, The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount (Cambridge, 1964), pp. 453 ff.

⁴ See pp. 62 f.

⁵ According to Jerome (De uiris illustribus, 2), the Gospel according to the Hebrews recorded: “Now when the Lord had given his linen garment to the priest’s servant, he went to James and appeared to him. For James had sworn that he would eat no bread from that hour when he had drunk the cup of the Lord until he saw him rising from the dead. [And again, a little later:] ‘Bring a table and bread’, said the Lord; [and immediately it continues:] he took bread and gave thanks and broke it, and thereafter he gave it to James the Just and said to him: ‘My brother, eat your bread, because the Son of Mae has risen from those who sleep’.”

⁶ L. P. Trudinger, “A Note on Galatians 1:19”, Novum Testamentum 17 (1975), pp. 200 ff., translates ἕτερον δε τῶν ἀποστόλων κτλ as “ other than the apostles I saw none except James the Lord’s brother”—but this is a dubious way of construing the Greek text.

⁷ See F. F. Bruce, Tradition Old and New (Exeter, 1970), pp. 29 ff.

⁸ In referring to himself thus as “one untimely born”—an abortion (ἔκτρωμα)—Paul may be taking up a term of reproach cast at him for the “unnaturalness” of the resurrection appearance and apostolic commission which he claimed to have received. See A. Fridrichsen, “Paulus abortivus”, in Symbolae philologicae O. A. Danielsson dicatae (Uppsala, 1932), pp. 79 ff.; G. Björck, “Nochmals Paulus abortivus”, Coniectanea Neotestamentica 3 (1938), pp. 3 ff.; J. Munck, “Paulus tamquam abortivus” in New Testament Essays … in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A. J. B. Higgins, pp. 180 ff.

⁹ See pp. 105 ff.

¹⁰ As it is also in 1 Corinthians 11:23.

¹¹ The genitive “of Jesus Christ” is objective: the reference is to the conversion-experience in which, as he said, God “was pleased to reveal his Son in me” (Galatians 1:16).

¹² Cf. Ephesians 2:14–16.

¹³ Cf. T. W. Manson, The Servant-Messiah (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 72 ff.; J. Jeremias in W. Zimmerli and J. Jeremias, The Servant of God, E. T. (London, 1957), pp. 79 ff.; for a critique of this view see M. D. Hooker, Jesus and the Servant (London, 1959).

¹⁴ See p. 342, n. 15.

¹⁵ In the account of the institution of the holy communion in Matthew 26:28, the words “this is my covenant blood, which is poured out for many” (cf. Mark 14:24) are glossed by the explanatory phrase “for the forgiveness of sins”.

¹⁶ For other possible backgrounds to Mark 10:45 see C. K. Barrett, “The Background of Mark 10:45”, in New Testament Essays … in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A. J. B. Higgins, pp. 1 ff. See pp. 60 f.

¹⁷ This Hebrew clause is translated into Greek in Philippians 2:7 f., where Christ is said to have “emptied himself … unto death”. Whether this passage is pre-Pauline or not, Paul uses it to express his own thought. See p. 131 with n. 25, p. 124 with n. 33.

¹⁸ Cf. J. Jeremias, The Eucharistic Words of Jesus, E. T. (Oxford, 1955), pp. 129 ff.; B. Klappert, “Zur Frage des Urtextes von 1 Kor. xv. 3–5”, NTS 13 (1966–67), pp. 168 ff.; for contrary arguments cf. H. Conzelmann, “Zur Analyse der Bekenntnisformel 1 Kor. 15, 3–5”, Ev. Th. 25 (1965), pp. 1 ff.

¹⁹ Cf. J. Jeremias, “Artikelloses Χριστός”, ZNW 57 (1966), pp. 211 ff.; “Nochmals: Artikelloses Χριστός”, ZNW 60 (1969), pp. 215 ff.; to the contrary cf. P. Vielhauer, “Ein Weg zur ntl. Christologie;” Ev. Th. 25 (1965), pp. 24 ff., especially pp. 57 f.

²⁰ Tacitus, Annals xv. 44. 4.

²¹ Cf. E. Schweizer, “Two New Testament Creeds Compared”, in Current Issues in New Testament Interpretation: Essays in honor of O. A. Piper, ed. W. Klassen and G. F. Snyder (London, 1962), pp. 166 ff.; R. H. Fuller, The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives (London, 1972), pp. 9 ff.

²² S. H. Hooke, The Resurrection of Christ (London, 1967), p. 114.

²³ Cf. B. M. Metzger, “A Suggestion concerning the Meaning of 1 Cor. 15:4b”, JTS, n.s. 8 (1957), pp. 118 ff.

²⁴ Cf. B. W. Bacon, The Apostolic Message (New York, 1925), pp. 134 f. The “sabbath” in “the morrow after the sabbath” was understood as the weekly sabbath in the chief-priestly interpretation which regulated the temple calendar, but in the Pharisaic interpretation which has become normative since A.D. 70 this sabbath is the festival day of unleavened bread, so that Pentecost in the orthodox Jewish calendar today need not fall on a Sunday, as it did in the temple calendar. See Mishnah Menaḥôt 10:3; Tosefta Menaḥôt 10:23 (528); TB Menaḥôt 65 a.

²⁵ The noun “light” evidently dropped out of the Massoretic text at some stage but it was retained in LXX and is attested by two pre-Christian Hebrew manuscripts found in Qumran Cave 1 (1QIsa and 1QIsb).

²⁶ Paul in his letters rarely adduces Davidic promises as testimonia (an instance is Romans 15:12, where the prophecy about “the root of Jesse” in Isaiah 11:10 is quoted with reference to the Gentile mission), and never with regard to the resurrection.

²⁷ C. T. Craig, The Beginning of Christianity (New York, 1943), p. 135.

²⁸ J. H. Schütz, Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 43 ff., 53.

²⁹ He refers to his gospel ministry as a “priestly service” (Romans 15:16).

³⁰ See p. 144.

³¹ The statement that “the church throughout all Judaea and Galilee and Samaria had peace” (Acts 9:31) may be little more than a means of transition from the story of Paul’s conversion to an account of the evangelization of the Mediterranean seaboard of Palestine; but it is noteworthy as providing the only New Testament reference to the church in Galilee (see p. 79).

¹ Cf. J. M. Robinson, A New Quest of the Historical Jesus (London, 1959), pp. 26 f.

² Cf. A. Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, E. T. (London, 1931), p. 113. In Jesus and Paul we have to distinguish not (as Martin Buber put it in the title of one of his books) Two Types of Faith, E. T. (London, 1951) but two ages of faith.

³ J. Weiss, Paul and Jesus, E. T. (London, 1909), pp. 47 f.

⁴ That he did so might be regarded as more probable if we accepted W. C. van Unnik’s thesis in Tarsus or Jerusalem, E. T. (London, 1962) that Jerusalem was the city of Paul’s boyhood and upbringing. See p. 43.

⁵ R. Bultmann, “Paul”, E. T. in Existence and Faith (London, 1964), p. 133.

⁶ R. Bultmann, “The Significance of the Historical Jesus for the Theology of Paul”, E. T. in Faith and Understanding, i (London, 1966), p. 241. Cf. H. J. Schoeps, Paul, E. T. (London, 1961), pp. 57, 72, 79.

⁷ Cf. S. G. F. Brandon, Jesus and the Zealots (Manchester, 1967), p. 183.

⁸ W. Wrede, Paul, E. T. (London, 1907, pp. 147 ff. Wrede here takes sharp issue with J. Wellhausen, A. Harnack and other contemporaries of his who maintained that Paul was the man who understood most truly the essence of Jesus’ message.

⁹ See pp. 283 ff. for further consideration of Paul’s understanding of the Lord’s Supper.

¹⁰ See pp. 62 f., 88 ff.

¹¹ Cf. Mark 7:1–23.

¹² Cf. Galatians 3:2–5; 4:4–7, etc.

¹³ The description of the gospel in Colossians 1:6 as “bearing fruit and growing” throughout the world has been thought to echo the parable of the four soils (cf. Mark 4:8).

¹⁴ Cf. Matthew 8:10/Luke 7:9.

¹⁵ Cf. Mark 6:5/Matthew 13:58.

¹⁶ Matthew 17:20; Luke 17:6.

¹⁷ T. W. Manson, The Sayings of Jesus (London, ² 1949), p. 220. It should not be overlooked that a very different emphasis is found in some other parts of the material peculiar to Matthew, which indeed have lent themselves in some commentators’ hands to a directly anti-Pauline interpretation, such as the criticism in Matthew 5:19 of him who “relaxes one of the least of these commandments and teaches men so” (on this too see T.W. Manson, The Sayings of Jesus, pp. 25, 154).

¹⁸ Galatians 3:2, 5; 5:6.

¹⁹ E. Jüngel, Paulus und Jesus (Tübingen, 1962).

²⁰ Cf. E. Fuchs, Studies of the Historical Jesus, E. T. (London, 1964), pp. 125 f.; cf. G. Ebeling’s similar formation Wortgeschehen (“word event”), The Nature of Faith, E. T. (London, 1966), pp. 182 ff.

²¹ See pp. 190 ff.

²² Matthew 23:23; cf. Luke 11:42.

²³ A. Resch, Der Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu = Texte und Untersuchungen 27 (Leipzig, 1904). He also identified 64 sayings of Jesus in the Pauline speeches in Acts, but credibility is strained to the limit by his claim to find allusions in the letters of Paul to dozens of otherwise unrecorded sayings of Jesus. We can all relate the “faith that removes mountains” in 1 Corinthians 13:2 to Mark 11:23 or Matthew 17:20, but incidental expressions so unambiguously dominical are rare.

²⁴ R. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, E. T., i (London, 1952), p. 35.

²⁵ E.g. Romans 12:14 (Matthew 5:44); 13:9 f. (Mark 12:31); 16:19 (Matthew 10:16); 1 Corinthians 13:2 (Mark 11:23) (Theology of the New Testament, i, p. 188).

²⁶ Theology of the New Testament, i. pp. 188 f.

²⁷ Gk. χωρίζειν, the same verb as is used in the passive in 1 Corinthians 7:10, “she should not separate (χωρισθῆναι).”

²⁸ Cf. F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London, ² 1971), pp. 26 f.

²⁹ See pp. 267 f.

³⁰ Matthew’s “food” is τροφή, while Luke’s “wages” is μισθός. The injunction of Luke 10:7 is quoted verbatim in a similar context in 1 Timothy 5:18.

³¹ D. L. Dungan, The Sayings of Jesus in the Churches of Paul (Oxford, 1971), p. 32.

³² Pirqê Abôt 1:13; 4:7. (The latter passage quotes also the similar dictum of R. Zadok: “make not of the Torah a crown wherewith to magnify thyself or a spade wherewith to dig”. From the two sayings the inference is drawn: “whosoever derives a profit for himself from the words of the Torah is helping on his own destruction”.)

³³ This makes it quite clear that τροφή in Matthew 10:10 means “food” and excludes money.

³⁴ Gk. ἐσθίετε τὰ παρατιθέμενα ὑμῖν, which closely resembles πᾶν τὸ παρατιθέμενον ὑμῖν ἐσθίετε of 1 Corinthians 10:27.

³⁵ Cf. A. R. C. Leaney, A Commentary on the Gospel according to St. Luke (London, 1958), p. 176. Of course, if we adopt the variant reading “seventy-two”, a different symbolism is indicated. Cf. B. M. Metzger, “Seventy or Seventy-two Disciples?” in Historical and Literary Studies, Pagan, Jewish and Christian (Leiden/Grand Rapids, 1968), pp. 67 ff.

³⁶ In Mark 12:17 and Romans 13:7 alike “render” is ἀπόδοτε (“give back”).

³⁷ TB Shabbat 31a. See p. 49.

³⁸ The words “against you” (εἰς σέ) should probably be omitted after “sins” (ἁμαρτήσῃ), as in NEB.

³⁹ Cf. Matthew 24:43 f.; Revelation 3:3; 16:15 (also 2 Peter 3:10).

⁴⁰ “Put on” may have been one of several captions under which the sections of a primitive baptismal catechesis were summed up; cf. Galatians 3:27 (“as many of you as were baptized into Christ have put on Christ”); also Colossians 3:12.

⁴¹ According to R. Bultmann (Theology of the New Testament, i, p. 188), “when he refers to Christ as an example, he is thinking not of the historical but of the pre-existent Jesus”. This is true of two of the Pauline texts he quotes in support, where Christ’s self-denial in becoming man is the subject (Philippians 2:5 ff.; 2 Corinthians 8:9), but not of the third (Romans 15:3), where his enduring of reproach for God’s sake during his life on earth is in view, nor yet of those others mentioned above, where many of the virtues recommended to Christians would not have been relevant to the pre-existent Christ.

¹ See p. 101.

² 2 Corinthians 3:7–16; see pp. 200 f; 275.

³ See pp. 70, 190.

⁴ Cf. Mark 12:35–37.

⁵ Perhaps the compound verb ὑπερύψωσεν echoes ὑψωθήσεται (“shall be exalted”), used of the Servant of Yahweh in the Greek version of Isaiah 52:13 (cf. Ephesians 1:20–22).

⁶ The passage Philippians 2:6–11 may be pre-Pauline, but Paul makes it his own. See p. 131 with n. 25.

⁷ Cf. A. R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff, 1955), pp. 120 ff.; H. Ringgren, The Messiah in the Old Testament (London, 1956), pp. 13 ff.

⁸ Quoted by Paul in Romans 14:11 with the appended comment: “So each of us shall give account of himself to God” (i.e. before his judgment seat).

⁹ Another example is 1 Peter 3:15, where Isaiah 8:13, “Yahweh of hosts (LXX κύριον αὐτόν), him you shall sanctify”, is adapted in the form: “sanctify Christ as Lord in your hearts”.

¹⁰ Cf. F. F. Bruce, “Jesus is Lord”, in Soli Deo Gloria: New Testament Studies in Honor of William Childs Robinson, ed. J. McD. Richards (Richmond, Va., 1968), pp. 23–36, and Paul and Jesus (Grand Rapids, 1974), pp. 81–91.

¹¹ Cf. H. Lietzmann, Mass and Lord’s Supper, E. T. (Leiden, 1953 ff.), p. 193; C. F. D. Moule, “A Reconsideration of the Context of Maranatha”, NTS 6 (1959–60), 307 ff. See pp. 66 f.

¹² Cf. M. Black, “The Christological Use of the Old Testament in the New Testament”, NTS 18 (1971–2), 10; “The Maranatha Invocation”, in Christ and Spirit in the New Testament: Studies in Honour of C. F. D. Moule, ed. B. Lindars and S. S. Smalley (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 189 ff.; and see now most recently The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4, ed. J. T. Milik (Oxford, 1976), pp. 171, 175. The form maryā corresponds to ὁ κύριος in (Greek) 1 Enoch 10:9.

¹³ Cf. 2 Corinthians 13:4a.

¹⁴ There is a close connexion between his being “designated Son of God in power” and the coming of the kingdom of God “in power” in Mark 9:1. During Jesus’ earthly ministry the Kingdom of God was subject to limitations (cf. Luke 12:50). See p. 141.

¹⁵ Like the oracle of Psalm 110:1, this one also probably had its original life-setting in the enthronement of a Davidic king. The clause “You are my Son” is part of the utterance of the heavenly voice to Jesus at his baptism in Mark 1:11 (cf. John 1:34, “I have seen and have borne witness that this is the Son of God”); in the Western text of the parallel in Luke 3:22 the heavenly voice repeats the full wording: “you are my Son; today I have begotten you”.

¹⁶ Cf. A. D. Nock, “ ‘Son of God’ in Pauline and Hellenistic Thought”, in his Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, ed. Z. Stewart, ii (Oxford, 1972), pp. 928–939; M. Hengel, The Son of God: The Origin of Christology and the History of Jewish-Hellenistic Religion, E. T. (London, 1976).

¹⁷ Cf. the Q–logion Matthew 11:27/Luke 10:22; but Jesus’ use of Abba is evidence enough. See pp. 208 f.

¹⁸ See pp. 182 f., 412 ff.; cf. also F. F. Bruce, “Galatian Problems, 3. The ‘Other’ Gospel”, BJRL 53 (1970–1), pp. 266–70. For the characterization of those elemental powers as “weak and beggarly” see Galatians 4:9.

¹⁹ Cf. the challenge of the Servant of Yahweh in Isaiah 50:8 f.

²⁰ Cf. the abortive attempt to prosecute Joshua the high priest in the heavenly court in Zechariah 3:1–5.

²¹ This intercession is obscured in LXX, but the Targum of Jonathan introduces the theme elsewhere in the fourth Servant Song, e.g. at Isaiah 53:4, 11 (“for their trespasses he will make entreaty”), 12 (“he will make entreaty for many trespasses”). See p. 66.

²² Cf. E. G. Rupp, “The Finished Work of Christ in Word and Sacrament”, in The Finality of Christ, ed. D. Kilpatrick (Nashville/New York, 1966), pp. 175 ff.

²³ Cf. J. D. G. Dunn, “2 Corinthians 3:17—‘the Lord is the Spirit’ ”, JTS n.s. 21 (1970), 309 ff.; C. F. D. Moule, “2 Cor. 3:18b, Kathaper apo kuriou pneumatos”, in Neues Testament und Geschichte, Oscar Cullmann zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. H. Baltensweiler and B. Reicke (Zürich/Tübingen, 1972), pp. 231 ff.

²⁴ Cf. Paul’s use of παρρησία in 2 Corinthians 3:12; see W. C. van Unnik, “The Christian’s Freedom of Speech”, BJRL 44 (1961–2), pp. 466 ff., and “With Unveiled Face”, Novum Testamentum 6 (1963), pp. 153 ff.

²⁵ G. Smeaton, The Doctrine of the Holy Spirit (Edinburgh, 1882), p. 57.

²⁶ E. Käsemann, Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ii (Tübingen, 1958), col. 1274 (s.v. “Geist”).

²⁷ The foundation of Paul’s appreciation of Christ as the image of God in his conversion experience has received close attention from one of my former students, Dr. Seyoon Kim, whose studies on the bearing of the Damascus-road Christophany on Paul’s gospel have provided a welcome stimulus to my thought on this and related subjects.

²⁸ 2 Corinthians 3:18 (see p. 210); cf. Galatians 4:19.

²⁹ 1 Corinthians 15:49.

³⁰ Paul says this of the ἀνήρ, the male, although in Genesis 1:26 f. it is said of ἄνθρωπος, mankind. But he read Genesis 1:26 ff. in the light of 2:18 ff., and concluded that it was first in the form of the male that mankind was created to bear the image of God: “male and female he created them” being taken to mean “first male and later female”.

³¹ Wisdom 7:26, where wisdom is also described as “a reflection (ἀπαύγασμα, cf. Hebrews 1:3, where the Son is the ἀπαύγασμα of God’s glory) of eternal light, a spotless mirror of the working of God” (with ἔσοπτρον, “mirror”, cf. κατοπτριζόμενοι, “beholding”, “reflecting”, in 2 Corinthians 3:18 and διʼ ἐσόπτρου, “in a mirror”, in 1 Corinthians 13:12).

³² Cf. Revelation 3:14, where Christ speaks as “the Amen, … the beginning of God’s creation”—an echo of Proverbs 8:22, 30 where Wisdom speaks as “the beginning of his way”, his ʾāmôn (“master workman”) at the creation.

³³ The wording echoes that of Isaiah 52:13–53:12, but in another Greek rendering than that of the Septuagint (where the servant is παῖς, not δοῦλος as here): ἐκένωσεν ἑαυτὸν … εἰς θάνατον reflects “he poured out his soul to death” (Isaiah 53:12). See p. 131 with n. 25, p. 90 with n. 17.

³⁴ Cf. Rabbi Aqiba in Pirqê Abôt iii. 19.

³⁵ Cf. Rabbi Banna’ah in Genesis Rabba 1:4 (on Genesis 1:1).

³⁶ See pp. 104, 190 ff.

³⁷ Heb. rûaḥ haqqōdeš.

³⁸ A. Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, E. T. (London, 1931), p. 165.

¹ Pirqê Abôt 1:11.

² Cf. I. H. Marshall, “Palestinian and Hellenistic Christianity: Some Critical Comments”, NTS 19 (1972–73), pp. 271–287.

³ Cf. J. N. Sevenster, Do you know Greek? (Leiden, 1968). On the possibility that Hebrew was spoken cf. M. H. Segal, A Grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew (Oxford, 1927), pp. 14–19; T. W. Manson, The Teaching of Jesus (Cambridge, ² 1935), pp. 46 ff.

⁴ TB Soṭah 49b. Both Gamaliel I and Gamaliel II had a son called Simeon. The rabbis called Gamaliel are not always clearly distinguished, and the reference here may be to the son of Gamaliel II (c. A.D. 140) but this would not affect the probable practice of Gamaliel I.

⁵ Cf. his own account of the matter in 1 Corinthians 9:19–23.

⁶ Cf. M. Pohlenz, Paulus und die Stoa (Darmstadt, 1964). Paul’s possible indebtedness (especially in 2 Corinthians 10–13) to an older philosophical method is discussed by H. D. Betz, Der Apostel Paulus und die sokratische Tradition (Tübingen, 1972).

⁷ See p. 69.

⁸ The maximum number of lashes prescribed by the written law was forty (Deuteronomy 25:3); on the principle of “setting a hedge around the law” to prevent its accidental transgression, it was traditionally restricted to thirty-nine (Mishnah Makkôt 3:10–15).

⁹ These include the five occasions just mentioned and three beatings with rods—presumably at the hands of Roman authorities, like that at Philippi (Acts 16:22 f.); see p. 221.

¹⁰ Caution on this is urged by J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T. (London, 1959), pp. 264 ff.; cf. also A. D. Nock, Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, ii (Oxford, 1972), p. 929.

¹¹ Pirqê Aôbt 1:12.

¹² Josephus, Ant. xx. 17 ff.

¹³ See p. 67.

¹⁴ Acts 10:47 f.

¹⁵ Cf. H. H. Rowley, “Jewish Proselyte Baptism and the Baptism of John”, in From Moses to Qumran (London, 1963), pp. 211–235; T. F. Torrance, “Proselyte Baptism”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 150–154.

¹⁶ “We must therefore suppose that Paul … was already familiar with the practice and problems of the Jewish mission before he became a Christian” (M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, E. T. [London, 1983], p. 53). Cf. H. J. Schoeps, Paul (London, 1961), pp. 219 ff. This may be the background of Paul’s words in Galatians 5:11, “if I … still preach circumcision”.

¹⁷ Cf. M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul (London, 1983), pp. 24 f.

¹⁸ Acts 8:5–40.

¹⁹ Cf. B. M. Metzger, “Antioch-on-the-Orontes”, Biblical Archaeologist 11 (1948), pp. 70–88; G. W. Elderkin, R. Stillwell, F. O. Waage, D. B. Waage, Antioch-on-the-Orontes, I–IV/2 (Princeton and Oxford, 1934–52); G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (Princeton, 1961) and Ancient Antioch (Princeton, 1963).

²⁰ Cf. Josephus, Ant. xvi. 148.

²¹ 1 Maccabees 11:41–51.

²² Josephus, BJ vii. 45.

²³ Acts 6:5 (see p. 128).

²⁴ Acts 11:20.

²⁵ Cf. E. Lohmeyer, Kyrios Jesus: Eine Untersuchung zu Phil. 2, 5–11 (Heidelberg, 1928, ² 1961); E. Käsemann, “A Critical Analysis of Philippians 2:5–11” (1950), E.T. in Journal for Theology and Church 5 (1968), pp. 45–88; D. Georgi, “Der vorpaulinische Hymnus Phil. 2, 6–11”, in Zeit und Geschichte: Dankesgabe an R. Bultmann, ed. E. Dinkler (Tübingen, 1964), pp. 263–293; R. P. Martin, Carmen Christi: Philippians ii. 5–11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship (Cambridge, 1967); I. H. Marshall, “The Christ-Hymn in Philippians 2:5–11”, Tyndale Bulletin 19 (1968), pp. 104–127; C. F. D. Moule, “Further Reflexions on Philippians 2:5–11”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter, 1970), pp. 264–276; M. D. Hooker, “Philippians 2:6–11”, in Jesus und Paulus: Festschrift für W. G. Kummel, ed. E. E. Ellis and E. Grässer (Göttingen, 1975), pp. 151–164; O. Hofius, Der Christushymnus Philipper 2, 6–11 (Tübingen, 1976)

²⁶ See pp. 65 f., 89.

²⁷ Cf. Mark 3:6; 12:13.

²⁸ Hebrew māšîaḥ, Aramaic (emphatic state) m^ešîḥâ, verbal adjectives of māšaḥ, m^ešaḥ (“anoint”).

²⁹ Cf. Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25.4 (impulsore Chresto): see p. 381.

³⁰ See p. 130.

³¹ The two apostles laid their hands on the Samaritan converts, so that they received the Holy Spirit (Acts 8:17).

³² See p. 83.

³³ The earliest reference to Luke’s being a native of Syrian Antioch comes at the beginning of the anti-Marcionite prologue to the Gospel of Luke, late in the second century. Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 4) and Jerome (De uiris illustribus, 7) repeat this testimony. The tradition is attested in one form of the Western text, where Acts 11:28 appears as a “we” passage: the prophecy of Agabus to the Antiochene church (see p. 150) is introduced by the words, “and when we were gathered together, one of them, named Agabus, spoke …”. J. Smith, in the light of this tradition, sees significance in the fact that of the seven Hellenistic almoners appointed in the church of Jerusalem (see p. 128) only one has his place of origin mentioned—“Nicolaus, a proselyte of Antioch” (Acts 6:5); he notes, by way of analogy, that out of eight accounts of Napoleon’s Russian Campaign in 1812—three by Frenchmen, three by Englishmen and two by Scots—only the two Scots writers mention that the Russian general Barclay de Tolly was of Scots descent (The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul [London, ⁴ 1880], p. 4).

¹ “Paradise” (παράδεισος) was a word of Persian origin, used in the Septuagint (Genesis 2:8 ff.) of the primaeval Eden and in later Jewish usage of the Eden above. Whether Paul thought of “the third heaven” as the highest heaven or not—the idea of seven heavens was commonest at the time (cf. Testament of Levi 2:7 ff.; Ascension of Isaiah 6:13; 7:13 ff.; TB Ḥagigah 12b)—this was evidently the heaven in which he located paradise. According to Luke 23:43 paradise was the abode of bliss after death; in Revelation 2:7 it is the eschatological Eden.

² TB Ḥagigah 14b–15b. This experience appears to have been an early instance of merkābāh (“chariot”) mysticism, in which contemplative techniques were employed with a view to attaining the vision of the chariot-throne of God described in Ezekiel 1 and 10. See G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism and Talmudic Tradition (New York, ² 1965), pp. 14–19; J. W. Bowker, “ ‘Merkabah’ Visions and the Visions of Paul”, Journal of Semitic Studies 16 (1971), pp. 157–173; C. Rowland, The Open Heaven (London, 1982).

³ Cf. W. Wrede, Paul, E. T. (London, 1907), pp. 22 ff. Other guesses are ophthalmia (e.g. J. T. Brown, “St. Paul’s Thorn in the Flesh”, in Horae Subsecivae, ed. J. Brown [Edinburgh, 1858]), Malta fever (e.g. W. M. Alexander, “St. Paul’s Infirmity”, Expository Times 15 [1903–4], pp. 469 ff., 545 ff.), malaria (e.g. W. M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London, ¹⁴ 1920), pp. 94 ff.; neurasthenia (e.g. H. Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the Christian Church, E. T. [London, ² 1949], p. 113), an impediment in his speech (cf. 2 Corinthians 10:10). Some are perhaps less improbable than others, but they are all equally guesses.

⁴ 2 Corinthians 4:7.

⁵ English translation by W. Montgomery (London, 1931) of Die Mystik des Apostels Paulus (Tübingen, 1930).

⁶ Leipzig, 1929.

⁷ A. Deissmann, Paul: A Study in Social and Religious History, E. T. (London, 1926), p. 149.

⁸ E. Underhill, Mysticism (London, ¹² 1930), p. 81 (where she defines it alternatively as “the art of establishing … conscious relation with the Absolute”). Rufus M. Jones described “mysticism, in its normal aspect” as “a type of religion which is characterized by an immediate consciousness of personal relationship with a Divine Being” (Studies in Mystical Religion [London, 1909], p. xviii). Cf. also R. C. Zaehner, Mysticism, Sacred and Profane (Oxford, 1957); D. Knowles, What is Mysticism? (London, 1967); G. Parrinder, Mysticism in the World’s Religions (London, 1976).

⁹ See R. C. Tannehill’s definition quoted below (p. 147).

¹⁰ The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, p. 3.

¹¹ See p. 245.

¹² Still less can “we rejoice in God” in Rom 5:11 be understood in a mystical sense.

¹³ Plotinus, Ennead vi. 9. 11 (φυγὴ μόνου πρὸς μόνον).

¹⁴ 1 Corinthians 10:16 f.; 11:20–34a. See pp. 280 ff.

¹⁵ See p. 210.

¹⁶ The implication of the words “why do you persecute me?” cannot readily be paralleled elsewhere in Luke’s writings, but they are completely in tune with Pauline theology.

¹⁷ Among recent studies of this passage see R. Yates, “A Note on Colossians 1:24”, EQ 42 (1970), pp. 88 ff.; L. P. Trudinger, “A Further Brief Notice on Colossians 1:24”, EQ 45 (1973), pp. 36 ff.; R. J. Bauckham, “Colossians 1:24 Again: The Apocalyptic Motif”, EQ 47 (1975), pp. 167 ff.

¹⁸ 1QS col. 9, 11. 4 f., alluding to Hosea 14:2 (cf. Hebrews 13:14).

¹⁹ In some places in the Qumran texts (e.g. 1QM col. 11, ll. 7 f.; CD 2, l. 12; 6, l. 1) the prophets are called God’s “anointed ones”, in accordance with the precedent set in Psalm 105:15.

²⁰ 1QH col. 12, ll. 11 ff.

²¹ Mark 1:9 f.; cf. John 1:32.

²² To John the Baptist’s prophecy that the Coming One would baptize “with the Holy Spirit” the words “and fire” are added in Matthew 3:11/Luke 3:16; cf. the action of wind and fire in the metaphor of Matthew 3:12/Luke 3:17.

²³ Cf. Luke 12:50, where Jesus speaks of being under constraint until he has accomplished his “baptism”.

²⁴ Cf. John 14:12; 16:7.

²⁵ Whatever be the primary reference of Mark 9:1, it may be said that the first Christian Pentecost saw “the kingdom of God come in power”: in that one day Jesus acquired many more followers than had attached themselves to him during his earthly ministry. For the “signs” of the early apostolic age cf. Acts 2:43; 5:12; Galatians 3:5; Hebrews 2:4, etc.

²⁶ 1 Corinthians 3:16 f.; 6:19.

²⁷ Romans 5:5.

²⁸ 1 Corinthians 9:24–27.

²⁹ F. W. H. Myers, Saint Paul (London, 1867), stanza 15; cf. Philippians 3:12–14.

³⁰ 1 Corinthians 12:14ff.; Romans 12:4f.

³¹ Cf. Philippians 2:14–16.

³² 1 Corinthians 14:18.

³³ Cf. 1 Corinthians 12:2 f.

³⁴ See p. 311.

³⁵ Acts 9:1–19; 22:3–16; 26:4–18 (the first of these is related in the third person, the second and third in the first person, on Paul’s own lips).

³⁶ He seems to mean: They know how hostile I was to you and your people; they will therefore understand that my change of heart must have been the result of the most convincing proof, and so they will take my testimony seriously.

³⁷ See p. 94. According to Acts 9:15 his commission had originally been to Jews as well as Gentiles (cf. Acts 26:17, 20). On the relation of the Acts record to Paul’s testimony in Galatians 1:16 see O. Betz, “Die Vision des Paulus im Tempel von Jerusalem”, in Verborum Veritas, Festschrift für G. Stählin, ed. O. Böcher and K. Haacker (Wuppertal, 1970), pp. 113–123; he concludes that Luke’s account was composed on the pattern of Isaiah’s temple vision (Isaiah 6:1 ff.).

³⁸ F. W. Newman, The Soul: its Sorrows and its Aspirations (London, ³ 1852), pp. 89 ff; W. James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (London, 1902), pp. 80 ff., 166 ff.

³⁹ Romans 15:18; cf. 1 Corinthians 15:10.

⁴⁰ 1 Corinthians 9:1; 15:8 f.

⁴¹ See p. 75.

⁴² See p. 167.

⁴³ R. C. Tannehill, Dying and Rising with Christ (Berlin, 1967), p. 4, n. 7.

¹ See pp. 385 ff.

² A reviewer with some concern for verisimilitude might ask if a dark-skinned man was likely to have a red-headed son (for the name Rufus was no doubt as appropriately bestowed as the designation Niger); but the fiction-writer could readily explain that Rufus’s mother was auburn.

³ Cf. W. M. Ramsay, The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament (London, 1915), pp. 374 ff.

⁴ In Colossians 4:10 f. Paul sends greetings from three companions whom he calls “the only men of the circumcision among my fellow-workers for the kingdom of God”. It is a natural inference that the three other companions whose greetings he sends immediately afterwards (verses 12–14)—Epaphras, Luke and Demas—were not of Jewish birth.

⁵ Ephrem Syrus (4th century A.D.), in his commentary on Acts adds “and Luke the Cyrenean” after “Mark” in Acts 12:25, with a comment that “these were both evangelists”.

⁶ Cf. H. J. Cadbury, “Lucius of Cyrene”, in BC i, 5 (London, 1933), pp. 489 ff.

⁷ Cf. J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament (Edinburgh, 1930), p. 615.

⁸ Cf. Josephus, Ant. xv. 373–378.

⁹ Suetonius, Life of Claudius 18.2.

¹⁰ Cf. Josephus, Ant. iii. 320 f., xx. 51–53, 101. It may have been while visiting Jerusalem in connexion with her famine relief that Helena undertook a Nazirite vow (Mishnah Nazir 3:6).

¹¹ Acts 11:27–30.

¹² See pp. 319 ff.

¹³ In Galatians 1:18 Paul says “after (μετά) three years”; in 2:1 he says “in the course of (διά) fourteen years”. For a recent discussion see J. A. T. Robinson, Redating the New Testament (London, 1976), pp. 36 ff.

¹⁴ Not even when Agabus was the channel of revelation (cf. Acts 21:10–14).

¹⁵ Gk. οἱ δοκοῦντες. Three times in this context Paul uses this form (the present participle of δοκεῖν, “seem”) to denote the leaders of the Jerusalem church. In itself this use has no nuance of disparagement or sarcasm, either here or in Gal. 2:9 (“men of repute as pillars”) But in Gal. 2:6, where Paul speaks of them as “men of some repute” and adds “what they were makes no difference to me; God has no favourites”, he is at least reacting vigorously against those who reckoned his apostolic authority dubious by comparison with that of the Jerusalem leaders (perhaps because of their association with the historical Jesus).

¹⁶ Cf. Philippians 2:16; also 1 Corinthians 9:24–27, with 1 Timothy 6:12; 2 Timothy 4:7f.

¹⁷ Cf. C. K. Barrett, “Paul and the ‘Pillar’ Apostles”, in Studia Paulina in honorem J. de Zwaan, ed. J. N. Sevenster and W. C. van Unnik (Haarlem, 1953), pp. 1 ff. Perhaps four “pillars” were originally recognized, but one (James the son of Zebedee) had been removed by martyrdom (Acts 12:12).

¹⁸ Galatians 1:18 f; see p. 84.

¹⁹ Cf. O. Cullmann, Peter: Disciple-Apostle-Martyr, E. T. (London, 1953), p. 18, and TDNT vi (Grand Rapids, 1968), s.v. Πέτρος, p. 100, n. 6; E. Dinkler, “Der Brief an die Galater”, in Verkündigung und Forschung, 1953–55, pp. 182 f. J. Munck curiously inclined to the opposite view: “Perhaps we should rather say that vv. 7 f. are Paul’s formulation, while v. 9 … is a citation of the argument” (Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T. [London, 1959], p. 62, n. 2).

²⁰ Cf. G. Klein, “Galater 2, 6–9 und die Geschichte der Jerusalemer Urgemeinde”, in Rekonstrucktion und Interpretation (München, 1969), pp. 107 ff.

²¹ Cf. Galatians 2:12 (see pp. 175 ff.).

²² The debate about the New Testament apostleship has come a long way since K. H. Rengstorf’s epoch-making article ἀπόστολος in TWNT i (Stuttgart, 1933)—E. T. in TDNT i (Grand Rapids, 1964), pp. 407–477. For a judicious assessment of the state of the question cf. R. Schnackenburg, “Apostles before and during Paul’s Time”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter, 1970), pp. 287–303; see also W. Schneemelcher and others, “Apostle and Apostolic”, etc., in New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ed. E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher and R. McL. Wilson (London 1965), pp. 25–87; J. A. Kirk, “Apostleship since Rengstorf: Towards a Synthesis”, NTS 21 (1974–75), pp. 249–264.

²³ Tertullian ridicules the Marcionites for their recognition of Paul as the only true apostle of Jesus Christ at the same time as they disowned the one independent witness to his apostolic credentials: “Let me say here to those who reject the Acts of the Apostles: ‘It is of primary necessity that you show us who this Paul was, what he was before he was an apostle, and how he became an apostle”—so very great is the use which they make of him in respect of other questions” (De praescriptione haerettorum, 23).

²⁴ Cf. C. W. Emmet, “The Case for the Tradition”, in BC i, 2 (London, 1922), p. 279.

²⁵ Cf. K. Holl, “Der Kirchenbegriff des Pauius in seinem Verhältnis 7, zu dem der Urgemeinde”, in Gesammelte Aufsätze ii (Tübingen, 1928), pp. 44 ff., especially pp. 58 ff.

²⁶ At an earlier date the men of Qumran called themselves “the poor” (hāʾebyōnîm) and in more recent times there have been separatist Christian groups which described themselves by such terms as “the poor of the flock” (cf. Zechariah 11:7, 11, although there the word in the Massoretic text is not ʾebyōnîm).

²⁷ So K. Holl, loc. cit.

²⁸ The Western text of Galatians 2:5 omits οὐδέ before πρὸς ὥραν and thus makes Paul say the exact opposite of what he most probably meant.

²⁹ F. C. Burkitt, Christian Beginnings (London, 1924), p. 118; so also S. C. Neill, Jesus Through Many Eyes (London, 1976), pp. 55 f.

³⁰ T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 175 f.

³¹ Cf. T. W. Manson, ibid.; the parenthesis, he suggests, comprises verses 4 and 5. B. Orchard, “A New Solution of the Galatians Problem”, BJRL 28 (1944), pp. 154 ff., adopts a similar interpretation, but includes verse 3 in the parenthesis. Cf. his “The Ellipsis between Galatians 2, 3 and 2, 4”, Biblica 54 (1973), pp. 469–481, and “Once Again the Ellipsis between Galatians 2, 3 and 2, 4”, Biblica 57 (1976), pp. 254 f.

³² See p. 175.

³³ Cf. Acts 10:34–11:18.

¹ Acts 13:1 ff.

² Cf. Acts 12:12.

³ CIL vi. 31545.

⁴ He is named on a Latin inscription found by W. M. Ramsay and J. G. C. Anderson at Pisidian Antioch in 1912; see Ramsay, The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament (London, 1915), pp. 150–152.

⁵ In CIL vi. 253 he is named as consul suffectus along with Torquatus Asprenas on the former occasion. He is mentioned twice by Galen (De anatomicis administrationibus i. 2; De praenotione 2).

⁶ E.g. by E. Groag, in Pauly-Wissowa RE, s.v. “Sergius”, No. 34, and (tentatively) by K. Lake, in BC i, 5, p. 458.

⁷ IGRR iii. 935; the name of his official position is missing but he is said to have held it under Claudius. Another inscription (IGRR iii. 930), from Soli on the north coast of Cyprus, mentions a proconsul named Paullus as holding office, perhaps, in the tenth year (? of Claudius); cf. T. B. Mitford, Annual of the British School at Athens 42 (1947), pp. 201–206.

⁸ Mainly by the poets but also in a considerable number of inscriptions. She was also called Kypris (“the Cyprian”). Her cult at Paphos was probably Phoenician in origin: Herodotus (History i. 105) derives it from Ascalon, Pausanias (Description of Greece i. 14. 6) from Assyria.

⁹ Cf. Acts 17:6 f.; see p. 225.

¹⁰ “The proconsul believed”, says Luke, “… for he was astonished at the teaching of the Lord” (Acts 13:12).

¹¹ Possibly Luke intends ὁ μάγος to be the equivalent of the false prophet’s name Elymas, which may have been a Semitic word cognate with Arabic ʿalīm (“wise”, “learned”). See further A. D. Nock, “Paul and the Magus”, in BC i, 5, pp. 164 ff.

¹² St. Paul the Traveller, pp. 94 ff.; see p. 135.

¹³ Cf. G. L. Cheesman, “The Family of the Caristanii at Antioch in Pisidia”, JRS 3 (1913), pp. 253 ff., especially pp. 261–265. W. M. Ramsay, eking out the limited epigraphic evidence with a generous supply of imagination, argued that Sergia Paulla was a Christian, having inherited the faith from her supposed ancestor the proconsul of Cyprus (The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament, pp. 152 ff.)—an argument consisting, as K. Lake put it, of “marvellously ingenious, but not very convincing combinations” (BC i, 5, p. 458).

¹⁴ Pisidian Antioch was probably one of the “fortresses and most important places” in Phrygia where Jews were settled by Antiochus III (Josephus, Ant. xii. 149).

¹⁵ “Word of exhortation” (λόγος παρακλήσεως) is the expression used by the writer to the Hebrews (13:22) to describe his “epistle”—a written homily. The first lesson was taken from the Law, the second from the Prophets (see F. F. Bruce, New Testament History [London, ² 1971], pp. 136 f.).

¹⁶ These words are widely thought to have been quoted by Paul from a current confession of faith. This, “though it is hardly as certain as it is sometimes assumed to be, seems highly probable” (C. E. B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, ICC, i [Edinburgh, 1975], p. 57).

¹⁷ RSV and NEB render “freed”, not “justified”. But Luke probably intended the word to be understood in its Pauline sense.

¹⁸ Cf. B. W. Bacon, The Story of St. Paul (London, 1905), p. 103.

¹⁹ Xenophon, Anabasis i. 2. 19.

²⁰ In the second-century Acts of Justin (ch. 4) one of the Christians accused at Rome along with Justin Martyr, a slave named Hierax, says that he was “dragged away from Iconium of Phrygia”.

²¹ E.g. Cicero, Ad Familiares xv. 4. 2, and Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 95, but on the latter see W. M. Ramsay. “The ‘Galatia’ of St. Paul and the ‘Galatic territory’ of Acts”, in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica iv (Oxford, 1896), pp. 15 ff., especially pp. 46–55.

²² The best-known episode in the second-century Acts of Paul (see p. 467).

²³ For an argument that the paragraph 1 Thessalonians 2:13–16 is an anti-Jewish interpolation cf. H. Boers, “The Form-Critical Study of Paul’s Letters: 1 Thessalonians as a Case Study”, NTS 22 (1975–76), pp. 145–153. Such an argument is difficult to establish in the absence of supporting textual evidence.

²⁴ Hebrew lōʾ ʿam, which was readily associated in the mind of a biblical expositor like Paul with lōʾ ʿammî (“Not my people”) of Hosea 1:9 (cf. Romans 9:25 f.). See pp. 333 ff.

²⁵ The identification was made by J. R. S. Sterrett in 1885, on the strength of a Latin inscription found there (CIL iii. 6786), naming the place as Col (onia) Iul(ia) Felix Gemina Lustra. Cf. W. M. Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890), p. 332.

²⁶ Cf. Acts 16:1 f.

²⁷ The best-known attestation in legend is the story of Philemon and Baucis, who received a visit from these two gods incognito (Ovid, Metamorphoses viii. 626 ff.). There is inscriptional evidence of their joint worship around Lystra, e.g. at Sedasa, where some men with Lycaonian names dedicated to Zeus a statue of Hermes together with a sun-dial c. A.D. 250 (W. M. Calder, “A Cult of the Homonades”, Classical Review 24 [1910], pp. 77 ff.), and at another spot in the same neighbourhood, where a stone altar was dedicated to the “hearer of prayer” (Ἐπήκοος), presumably Zeus, and to Hermes (MAMA viii [Manchester, 1962], No. 1). Cf. also W. M. Calder, “Zeus and Hermes at Lystra”, Expositor, series 7, 10 (1910), pp. 1 ff., and “The Priest of Zeus at Lystra”, ibid., pp. 148 ff.

²⁸ Acts 17:22 ff.; see pp. 238 ff.

²⁹ In the poetical quotations in Acts 17:28.

³⁰ Romans 1:18 ff.

³¹ Romans 3:21–26.

³² See M. H. Ballance, “The Site of Derbe: A New Inscription”, Anatolian Studies 7 (1957), pp. 147–151; “Derbe and Faustinopolis”, Anatolian Studies 14 (1964), pp. 139 f. in the former paper he argued for Kerti Hüyük; in the latter for Devri Şehri. But in view of conflicting evidence on the provenance of the inscription on which the latter identification is based, “Kerti Hüyük cannot be so quickly eliminated as the site of ancient Derbe” (B. Van Elderen, “Some Archaeological Observations on Paul’s First Missionary Journey”, in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin [Exeter, 1970], pp. 156–161).

³³ Possibly beyond, according to G. Ogg, “Derbe”, NTS 9 (1962–63), pp. 367–370; B. Van Elderen, loc. cit., pp. 159 f.

³⁴ Cf. E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (Oxford, 1971), p. 436.

¹ T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 176 f., suggests that this was the purpose of Barnabas and Paul’s Jerusalem visit of Galatians 2:1–10.

² Paul’s indictment of paganism in Romans 1:18 ff. is a commonplace in Jewish literature of the period; cf. Wisdom 13:1 ff. (especially 14:12); Letter of Aristeas, 134–138.

³ Cf. Matthew 5:21 ff.

⁴ Acts 12:1 ff.

⁵ Acts 10:1–11:18.

⁶ While Zealots as such are first mentioned by Josephus when he so describes the extremists among the insurgents in Jerusalem in the winter of A.D. 66–67 (BJ ii. 651), he makes it plain that they are the same people to whom he refers pejoratively as “bandits” (λῃσταί) from the rising of Judas the Galilaean in A.D. 6 onwards (Ant. xviii. 8).

⁷ Josephus, Ant. xx. 102.

⁸ Josephus, BJ ii. 254 ff.; Ant. xx. 186 f.

⁹ Cf. Josephus, Ant. xx. 200.

¹⁰ Gk. τινα for τινας. D. W. B. Robinson, “The Circumcision of Titus and Paul’s ‘Liberty’ ”, Australian Biblical Review 12 (1964), pp. 40 f., takes τινα as neuter plural—“certain things”—and suggests that the reference may be to the contents of the Jerusalem decree of Acts 15:28 f. (see p. 184).

¹¹ Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, pp. 179–181. It is indeed possible (but unlikely) that what was said to Peter to make him desist from table-fellowship with Gentiles was additional to James’s message.

¹² Cf. R. Jewett, “The Agitators and the Galatian Congregation”, NTS 17 (1970–71), pp. 198 ff.

¹³ 1 Corinthians 9:22 f. So Tertullian: “since Paul made himself all things to all men so that he might gain them all, Peter too may well have had this in mind in acting somewhat differently from what he taught” (Against Marcion iv. 3.3).

¹⁴ Worse still, there was the risk of eating food that had been presented in sacrifice to pagan divinities (see pp. 185 f., 270 ff.).

¹⁵ Galatians 1:7; 5:12.

¹⁶ Cf. W. Schmithals, Paul and the Gnostics, E. T. (Nashville/New York, 1972), pp. 13 ff. See also the earlier studies by W. Lütgert, Gesetz und Geist (Gütersloh, 1919), and J. H. Ropes, The Singular Problem of the Epistle to the Galatians (Harvard Theological Studies, 14 [1929]), and a judicious survey by R. McL. Wilson, “Gnostics—in Galatia?” in Studia Evangelica iv, ed. F. L. Cross = Texte und Untersuchungen 102 (Berlin, 1968), pp. 358–367.

¹⁷ See p. 261.

¹⁸ See pp. 408 ff.

¹⁹ See R. McL. Wilson, “Gnostics—in Galatia?” p. 361, in criticism of Schmithals.

²⁰ Galatians 5:6; 6:15; cf. 1 Corinthians 7:19 (see p. 215, n. 14).

²¹ See pp. 70, 115, 190.

²² Deuteronomy 27:26, quoted in Galatians 3:10.

²³ “A hanged man is accursed by God” (Deuteronomy 21:23, quoted in Galatians 3:13).

²⁴ Genesis 15:6, quoted in Galatians 3:6.

²⁵ Cf. Rosemary Haughton, The Liberated Heart (London, 1975), pp. 100 f.

²⁶ Acts 15:28 f.

²⁷ Paul’s warning against the “mutilation” party in Philippians 3:2 and his insistence in Colossians 2:11 on the inward and spiritual character of true circumcision do not imply pressure on Gentile Christians by members of the Jerusalem church.

²⁸ Abstention from eating (a) things sacrificed to idols, (b) the flesh of strangled animals, (c) flesh with blood in it. The second of these is one instance of the third. In the Western text of Acts 15:20, 29 (cf. 21:25), these three are reduced to two, idolatry and blood (probably in the sense of bloodshed); with the ban on fornication they constitute a threefold ethical prohibition.

²⁹ The corresponding Hebrew word, z^enût, is so used in CD 4, ll. 17, 20 ff. (of polygamy and, more particularly, of intermarriage between uncle and niece).

³⁰ The commandments of Gen. 9:1–7 were held in rabbinical teaching to be binding on all Noah’s descendants, Gentiles as well as Jews. But, according to the oldest form of this teaching, six of these seven “Noachian decrees” had already been enjoined on Adam: only the seventh, the ban on eating flesh with the blood in it (Genesis 9:4) was given for the first time to Noah (Deuteronomy Rabba 2:25 on Deuteronomy 4:41; TB Sanhedrin 59b). See p. 195 with n. 19.

³¹ They are regarded as obligatory in the letters to the seven churches of Asia (Revelation 2:14, 20), and were held to be binding in the churches of the Rhone valley in A.D. 177 (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. v. 1. 26) and by Tertullian in Carthage a decade or so later (Apology, 9). In the late ninth century Alfred the Great incorporated them in his English law-code.

³² 1 Corinthians 6:13 (see p. 261).

³³ Romans 14:14.

³⁴ Cf. Mark 12:31 (see p. 58).

¹ Mark 10:20 and parallels.

² Philippians 3:9.

³ It would be a mistake, however, to see here only the reflection of Paul’s personal experience: see the exposition of the context in R. C. Tannehill, Dying and Rising with Christ (Berlin, 1967), pp. 55 ff.

⁴ L. Baeck, “The Faith of Paul”, Journal of Jewish Studies 3 (1952), pp. 93 ff.; see p. 70 with n. 5.

⁵ L. Baeck, “The Faith of Paul”, pp. 105 f., quoting W. Bacher, Tradition und Tradenten (Frankfurt, 1914), pp. 25 ff., 233 f.

⁶ Cf. 1 Corinthians 9:20; Acts 16:3; 21:20–26.

⁷ Cf. Romans 3:8; 6:1 ff.

⁸ Cf. Formula of Concord (1576), article 6, in P. Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, iii; The Evangelical Protestant Churches (New York, 1878), pp. 130–135. Luther himself, in contrast to his followers, taught only two uses of the law: the usus theologicus (sometimes called the usus spiritualis) and the usus politicus (sometimes called the usus civilis). (For this information about Luther I am indebted to Professor James Atkinson.)

⁹ For these angelic intermediaries in the giving of the law see Acts 7:53; Hebrews 2:2; cf. also Jubilees 1:29; Mekhilta (tractate Baḥōdeš 5) on Exodus 20:18; Sifre 102 on Numbers 12:5; Pesiqta Rabbati 21. More general mediation or intercession is ascribed to angels in Philo, On Dreams i, 141 ff.; Testament of Dan 6:2.

¹⁰ Cf. Colossians 2:8, 20; see pp. 182 f., 413 ff.

¹¹ See pp. 187, 201 f.

¹² Cf. J. Calvin, Institutio Christianae Religionis (Edinburgh, 1874 [1559]), ii. 7. 12–15.

¹³ Cf. Calvin, Institutio ii. 7. 17.

¹⁴ K. Barth, The Epistle to the Romans, E. T. (Oxford, 1933), pp. 37 (“the perception which moves outwards from God cannot have free course until the arrogance of religion be done away”), 238 (“But religion must die. In God we are rid of it”), 374: “All human religion is directed towards an end beyond itself (3:21); and that end is Christ”. Barth, however, insists elsewhere that τέλος in Romans 10:4 means “the ‘aim’, the contents, the substance, the sum total of the Law, its meaning and at the same time the way to its fulfilment”; he compares Matthew 5:17 (A Shorter Commentary on Romans, E. T. [London, 1959], p. 126).

¹⁵ E. Fuchs, “Christus das Ende der Geschichte”, Evangelische Theologie 8 (1948/9), pp. 447 ff. = Gesammelte Aufsätze ii (Tübingen, 1960), pp. 79 ff.; cf. his Studies of the Historical Jesus, E. T. (London, 1964), pp. 40, 176 ff.; R. Bultmann, History and Eschatology (Edinburgh, 1957), p. 43 (“history has reached its end, since Christ is the end of the law”). See pp. 245 f., 335.

¹⁶ Cf. O. Cullmann, Salvation in History, E. T. (London, 1967), pp. 40–63.

¹⁷ T. W. Manson, in Peake’s Commentary on the Bible, ed. M. Black and H. H. Rowley (London and Edinburgh, ² 1962), p. 945.

¹⁸ Cf. also M. D. Hooker, “Adam in Romans i”, NTS 6 (1959–60), pp. 297 ff.

¹⁹ Cf. C. K. Barrett, From First Adam to Last (London, 1962), pp. 23–26. In Paul’s eyes the ungodliness of the pagan world consisted in disobedience to the creation ordinances (Romans 1:18 ff.). See p. 186, n. 30.

²⁰ Cf. Philippians 3:6; also Acts 23:1.

²¹ Parallels have been adduced from Greek and Latin literature (e.g. Euripides, Medea 1078–80; Ovid, Metamorphoses vii. 20 f.; Amores iii. 4. 17; Horace, Epistles i. 8. 11; Epictetus, Enchiridion ii. 26. 4), but however similar their wording may be, none of them means exactly what Paul does.

²² Luther’s interior conflict was spiritual, while Augustine’s was moral, but Paul seems to have been troubled in neither respect before his conversion.

²³ K. Stendahl, “The Apostle Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West”, Harvard Theological Review 56 (1963), pp. 199 ff. See also the critique of Stendahl in E. Käsemann, Perspectives on Paul, E. T. (London, 1969), pp. 60 ff., and Stendahl’s reply in Paul among Jews and Gentiles (Philadelphia, 1976), pp. 129 ff.

²⁴ E. K. Lee, A Study in Romans (London, 1962), p. 27.

²⁵ The psychological-autobiographical interpretation of Romans 7:7–25 received a heavy (though not mortal) blow from W. G. Kümmel, Römer 7 und die Bekehrung des Paulus (Leipzig, 1929), to the point where it has been spoken of as “now relegated to the museum of exegetical absurdities” (P. Démann, “Moïse et la loi dans la pensée de saint Paul”, in Moïse, l’homme de l’alliance [Paris, 1954], p. 229). Kümmel treats the “I” as symbolical, referring to the condition of all Jews under the law.

²⁶ In the following words, “Who will deliver me from this body of death?” (verse 24b), the “body of death” is human nature in its frailty, existing κατὰ σάρκα.

²⁷ M. Goguel, The Birth of Christianity, E. T. (London, 1953), pp. 213 f.; cf. C. H. Dodd, The Epistle of Paul to the Romans (London, 1932), p. 107 (“A man is not moved like that by an ideal construction”).

²⁸ J. Milton, Areopagitica (1644).

²⁹ Cf. A. Nygren, Commentary on Romans, E. T. (London, 1952), pp. 291 ff.

³⁰ To live “according to the flesh” means for Paul to live “under law” (i.e. in the old aeon of bondage); to live “according to the Spirit” means to live “under grace” (i.e. in the new aeon of freedom).

³¹ Deuteronomy 21:23.

³² Genesis 15:6.

³³ See pp. 19, 58, 337.

³⁴ See p. 192.

³⁵ Cf. 1 Corinthians 6:12–20; 11:17–22.

³⁶ M. Luther, Tractatus de libertate christiana (1520), in Luthers Werke (Weimar edition), 7 (1897), p. 49.

³⁷ See also T. W. Manson, “Jesus, Paul and the Law”, in Judaism and Christianity, iii: Law and Religion, ed. E. I. J. Rosenthal (London, 1938), pp. 125 ff.; C. F. D. Moule, “Obligation in the Ethic of Paul”, in Christian History and Interpretation: Studies presented to John Knox, ed, W. R. Farmer, C. F. D. Moule, R. R. Niebuhr (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 389 ff.; E. P. Sanders, “Patterns of Religion in Paul and Rabbinic Judaism: A Holistic Method of Comparison”, Harvard Theological Review 66 (1973), pp. 455 ff.; D. P. Fuller, “Paul and ‘The Works of the Law’ ”, Westminster Theological Journal 38 (1975–76), pp. 28 ff.; C. E. B. Cranfield, “St Paul and the Law”, Scottish Journal of Theology 17 (1964), pp. 43–88; H. Hübner, Das Gesetz bei Paulus (Göttingen, 1978).

¹ Where a male and a female “of every living thing of all flesh” were to be taken by Noah into the ark; so also in Genesis 7:15 f. Apart from these, “all flesh died” (Genesis 7:21).

² This is the probable meaning (cf. NEB: “he for his part is mortal flesh”); less likely is the suggestion in RV margin: “in their going astray they are flesh” (Hebrew b^ešaggām hûʾ bāśār).

³ Cf. Deuteronomy 10:16; 30:6; Jeremiah 4:4; Philippians 3:3.

⁴ See p. 135.

⁵ Cf. 2 Samuel 5:1.

⁶ See p. 81.

⁷ Cf. Colossians 2:11; the Hebrew equivalent occurs in 1QpHab. 9, l. 2.

⁸ Literally, “in likeness of flesh of sin”; cf. A. Nygren, Commentary on Romans, E. T. (London, 1952), pp. 313 ff.; C. E. B. Cranfield, The Epistle to the Romans, ICC, i (Edinburgh, 1975), pp. 379 ff. See p. 199.

⁹ See p. 329.

¹⁰ See p. 197.

NEB New English Bible

¹¹ Cf., however, R. H. Gundry, “Sōma” in Biblical Theology (Cambridge, 1976), p. 39; he distinguishes “the body of sin” from the “flesh” in that the former “is the body which sin, or the flesh, dominates”. Its destruction, he says, is its “future dissolution” and replacement by the resurrection body (ibid., pp. 57 f.).

¹² “The deeds of the body have their immediate source in the sōma, but their ultimate source in the sarx, which dominates the sōma and is thereby indistinguishable from it” (R. H. Gundry, op. cit., p. 39).

¹³ “But here the body of death is not ‘flesh’ in the sense of sin itself; it is the physical body destined to die because within its members dwells the law of sin and death” (Gundry, op. cit., p. 40).

¹⁴ Cf. Gundry, op. cit., pp. 43–45.

¹⁵ In 2 Corinthians 7:1, “let us cleanse ourselves from every defilement of flesh and spirit”, it is the human spirit that is meant.

¹⁶ See pp. 55, 60, 428 ff.

¹⁷ Literally “Spirit was not yet”. Cf. John 16:7 (one of Jesus’ upper-room promises about the Paraclete): “if I go, I will send him to you”.

¹⁸ Acts 2:1 ff.; cf. W. F. Lofthouse, “The Holy Spirit in the Acts and the Fourth Gospel”, Expository Times 52 (1940–41), pp. 334–336.

¹⁹ Acts 2:43; 4:8, 31; 5:32 (cf. John 15:26 f.), etc.

²⁰ Acts 11:28; 13:1 f.; 20:23; 21:4, 10 f.

²¹ Acts 15:28.

²² Acts 13:4; 16:6–10.

²³ John 14:26; 16:12–15.

²⁴ Cf. 1 Corinthians 15:45, “the last Adam [i.e. Christ in resurrection] became a life-giving spirit” (with E. Käsemann’s comment, quoted above, p. 122 with n. 26).

²⁵ The practically interchangeable force of “seal” and “guarantee” (Gk. ἀρραβών) as used of the Spirit is specially evident in 2 Corinthians 1:22 and Ephesians 1:13 f. Gk. ἀρραβών is derived from a Phoenician mercantile term, which appears in Hebrew as ʿērābôn. It may be nothing more than a coincidence, but it is noteworthy that on the first occasion where ʿērābôn occurs in the Hebrew Bible, meaning the “pledge” or “guarantee” of repayment of a debt, the debtor’s “seal” (Heb. ḥōtām) was an important part of the pledge (Genesis 38:18, 25).

²⁶ Romans 8:26 f.

²⁷ Romans 8:28; see p. 332, no. 22.

²⁸ Romans 8:2.

²⁹ See p. 120.

³⁰ Cf. Romans 12:4–8. Occasionally Paul expresses this corporate unity in terms not of a body but of a temple; cf. 1 Corinthians 3:16 (“you are God’s temple and God’s Spirit dwells in you”). While the image of the body seems to be original with him, that of the temple had earlier antecedents: the Qumran community, for example, looked on itself as a living temple in which the general membership constituted the holy place and the inner council the holy of holies (1QS 8, ll. 5 f.). (Paul also uses the temple image for the individual believer, as in 1 Corinthians 6:19, “your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit within you”).

³¹ A wealth of exegetical material is presented in E. Schweizer’s TDNT articles πνεῦμα (vi [1968], pp. 332–455), σάρξ and σῶμα (vii [1971], pp. 98–151, 1024–1094). See also A. Sand, Der Begriff “Sarx” in den paulinischen Hauptbriefen (Regensburg, 1967); M. E. Isaacs, The Concept of Spirit (London, 1967). A specially sympathetic exposition of Paul’s doctrine of the Spirit is presented by J. D. G. Dunn, Jesus and the Spirit (London, 1975), pp. 97–114, 199–342.

¹ Acts 15:36–39.

² Colossians 4:10; cf. Philemon 24; 2 Timothy 4:11.

³ Galatians 2:13.

⁴ Cf. 1 Corinthians 9:6.

⁵ Acts 15:22, 32 f.

⁶ Cf. Acts 16:37.

⁷ Cf. 1 Thessalonians 1:1; 2 Thessalonians 1:1; 2 Corinthians 1:19.

⁸ Acts 15:27.

⁹ It is implied in Acts 16:4 that the contents of the letter were communicated to South Galatian churches also, but see A. S. Geyser, “Paul, the Apostolic Decree and the Liberals in Corinth”, in Studia Paulina in Honorem J. de Zwaan, ed. J. N. Sevenster and W. C. van Unnik (Haarlem, 1953), pp. 124 ff., where a case is argued for the deletion of that verse.

¹⁰ See pp. 171 f.

¹¹ Her name is given as Eunice in 2 Timothy 1:5.

¹² Cf. 1 Timothy 4:14; 2 Timothy 1:6.

¹³ Luke’s statement about Timothy’s circumcision, coming as it does after his account of the Jerusalem decree in Acts 15:22–29, is astonishing indeed—so much so that he is unlikely to have made it without very good authority.

¹⁴ Cf. 1 Corinthians 7:19 (“neither circumcision counts for anything nor uncircumcision, but keeping the commandments of God”), where J. W. Drane (with doubtful cogency) sees in the “but” clause an instance of Paul’s more positive attitude to the principle of law in 1 Corinthians than in Galatians (Paul: Libertine or Legalist? [London, 1975], p. 65). What Paul means here is that being circumcised or uncircumcised is irrelevant to the doing of God’s will.

¹⁵ This may have reference to Paul’s missionary enterprise in his pre-Christian days, when he would naturally have insisted on the circumcision of proselytes from paganism (see p. 129).

¹⁶ Cf. R. W. Emerson: “A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines” (“Essay on Self-Reliance”, in Essays, Lectures and Orations (London, 1848], p. 30). See also F. J. Foakes-Jackson, Life of St. Paul (London, 1927), p. 15.

¹⁷ Cf. H. Chadwick, “All Things to all Men”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 261 ff.

¹⁸ See p. 214.

¹⁹ Cf. W. M. Calder, “The Boundary of Galatic Phrygia”, MAMA vii (Manchester, 1956), pp. ix ff.

²⁰ See F. F. Bruce, “Galatian Problems: 2. North or South Galatians?” BJRL 52 (1969–70), pp. 246–258. An analogy to the postulated Phrygia Galatica is Pontus Galaticus, specified (as distinct from Pontus Polemoniacus) in CIL iii. 6818 as one of the regions over which the legate of Galatia exercised control.

²¹ From Eski Istanbul (Old Istanbul). Cf. C. J. Hemer, “Alexandria Troas”, Tyndale Bulletin 26 (1975), pp. 79–112, where it is pointed out that “Troas was a nodal point on what became a sophisticated system of international routes” (p. 91). See also W. Leaf, Strabo on the Troad (Cambridge, 1923), p. 238; J. M. Cook, The Troad (Oxford, 1973), pp. 16 ff.

²² Cf. Suetonius, Life of Julius Caesar 79. 3 (the “Alexandria” there mentioned along with “Ilium” [Troy] is naturally Alexandria Troas).

²³ Cf. Acts 20:5–12.

²⁴ One and the same person, in my judgment; contrast C. K. Barrett: “On any showing it is unlikely that Luke (by which name I intend the author of the complete work) knew Paul personally” (“Acts and the Pauline Corpus”, Expository Times 88 [1976–77], p. 4).

²⁵ Acts 16:10–17; 20:5–21:18; 27:1–28:16. Each of the three ends with a statement in which Paul is distinguished from the narrator and the rest of his companions.

²⁶ Acts 20:6 (see p. 340).

²⁷ This text survives only in a few Latin codices and a couple of mediaeval European versions based on the Latin. It postulates πρώτης (agreeing with μερίδος, “district”, “division”) in place of the majority reading πρώτη (agreeing with πόλις, “city”). So, rightly, E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (Oxford, 1971), p. 494; also, more tentatively, H. Conzelmann, Die Apostelgeschichte (Tübingen, 1963), p. 91.

²⁸ The first “we” section of Acts ends in Philippi (16:17), the second begins there (20:6). A simple-minded inference would be that the narrator spent the intervening period in Philippi, and was possibly entrusted with the Philippian Christians’ contribution to the relief fund for the Jerusalem church (see p. 339).

²⁹ Cf. Rabbi Halafta in Pirqê Abôt 3:7. A similar practice obtained in the Qumran community (1QS 6, l. 3) and among the Essenes (Josephus, BJ ii. 146).

³⁰ The Byzantine reading ἐνομίζετο προσευχὴ εἶναι (cf. AV: “where prayer was wont to be made”) may well be original as against the readings of the early codices, which apparently represent attempts to mend a primitive corruption.

³¹ Cf. Homer, Iliad iv. 141 f., “as when some Maeonian [Lydian] or Carian woman dyes ivory with purple”. “Lydia” means “the Lydian woman”; it may not have been her original name.

³² Probably not merely her “nuclear” family (it is unknown whether she was married or not) but her familia, including slaves and other dependants as well as kinsfolk.

³³ See p. 291.

³⁴ See p. 107 with n. 32.

³⁵ Their official title was duo uiri (“duumvirs” or “two men”) but, like the duumvirs of the colony of Capua, they “wished to be called praetors” (Cicero, De lege agraria, ii. 93).

³⁶ In Greek the lictors are called ῥαβδοῦχοι, “rod-bearers” (as in Acts 16:35).

³⁷ Her soothsaying appears to have been a form of ventriloquism, except that the ventriloquist (ἐγγαστρίμυθος) was normally in conscious control of his utterances, whereas the Philippian slave-girl was not.

³⁸ The proselytizing of Roman citizens, even if not formally forbidden, was officially discouraged; it was, nevertheless, widely practised. See A. D. Momigliano, Claudius the Emperor and his Achievement (Oxford, 1934), pp. 29 ff.; A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), pp. 78 ff.

³⁹ Acts 16:36.

⁴⁰ That is, if Luke is the narrator of the “we” sections (see p. 218).

⁴¹ See pp. 299, 390.

⁴² Cf. Philippians 4:10 ff.

¹ Cf. E. D. Burton, “The Politarchs”, American Journal of Theology 2 (1898), pp. 598 ff.

² Cf., at an earlier period, Jason the son of Simon II and last Zadokite high priest in Jerusalem (c. 174–171 B.C.).

³ Cf. Acts 19:29; 20:4; 27:2; Colossians 4:10 (where it is made plain that he was a Jewish Christian).

⁴ Cf. Acts 20:4.

⁵ The Western text of Acts 17:4 specifically includes among the converts “not a few of the wives of the leading men”.

⁶ The same Greek word βασιλεύς does duty for both king (Latin rex) and emperor (Latin imperator); since it is over against Caesar that Jesus is set here, “a rival emperor” is the sense (as in John 19:15 where, in answer to Pilate’s sarcastic question “Shall I crucify your βασιλεύς ?” the chief priests say “We have no βασιλεύς but Caesar”).

⁷ This term is used because it is currently an acceptable euphemism for people more bluntly described as “terrorists”.

⁸ Cf. Acts 18:2; see pp. 235, 381.

⁹ Cf. H. I. Bell (ed.), Jews and Christians in Egypt (London, 1924), pp. 1 ff., for editio princeps.

¹⁰ Cf. E. A. Judge, “The Decrees of Caesar at Thessalonica”, Reformed Theological Review 30 (1971), pp. 1–7.

¹¹ See pp. 231 ff.

¹² Dio Cassius, History lvi. 25. 5 f.

¹³ Ibid. 1vii. 15. 8.

¹⁴ Cf. 2 Corinthians 12:7 (see p. 135).

¹⁵ Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), p. 271.

¹⁶ See p. 231.

¹⁷ Cf. K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul (London, ²1914), pp. 83 ff., following A. Harnack, “Das Problem des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefs”, Sitzungsberichte der königlichen preussischen Akademie der Wissenchaften, 1910, pp. 562 f.

¹⁸ Cf. F. C. Burkitt, Christian Beginnings (London, 1924), pp. 128 ff.

¹⁹ Cf. J. Weiss, Earliest Christianity, E. T. i (New York, 1959), pp. 289 ff.; T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, pp. 268 ff.; R. G. Gregson, “A Solution to the Problems of the Thessalonian Epistles”, Evangelical Quarterly 38 (1966) pp. 76 ff.

²⁰ Cf. 1 Thessalonians 3:1 f., 6; Acts 17:14 f.; 18:5. A useful suggestion about the relation between the two accounts is made by K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, p. 74.

²¹ Cf. 1 Thessalonians 4:3–8.

²² Cf. 4:9–12; 2 Thessalonians 3:6–12.

²³ See pp. 305 f.

²⁴ See p. 112 with n. 39. It is uncertain whether the “word of the Lord” to which Paul appeals was spoken by the historical Jesus or by a prophet in his name; see p. 105 with n. 26.

²⁵ So, first, J. E. C. Schmidt in a succession of works: Philologisch-exegetische Clavis über das Neue Testament, i. 2 (Giessen, 1798); Bibliothek für Kritik und Exegese des Neuen Testaments (Hadamar, 1801), pp. 385 f.; Einleitung in das Neue Testament (Giessen, 1804), pp. 256 f.

²⁶ Possibly a “Q” passage, conflated with its Markan counterpart (Mark 13:5–37) in Matthew 24:4–44.

²⁷ Cf. Matthew 24:28. If the saying is proverbial, a reference to vultures would be expected; they may have been replaced by eagles here in allusion to the Roman legionary standards (aquilae). When the temple area in Jerusalem was stormed in A.D. 70, the victorious Romans set up their standards in the sacred area opposite the east gate and offered sacrifice to them (Josephus, BJ vi. 316).

²⁸ The word ἀντίχριστος occurs in the New Testament only in the Johannine epistles (1 John 2:18, 22; 4:3; 2 John 7), but the idea was quite familiar CF. F. Bruce, The Epistles of John (London, 1970), pp. 64 ff.

²⁹ Compare the apocalyptic seven-headed dragon (Revelation 12:3 ff.) and his agent, the seven-headed beast, i.e. the Roman Empire (Revelation 11:7; 13:1 ff.; 17:3 ff.).

³⁰ Cf. 1 Maccabees 1:54. Olympian Zeus, whose cult was established in the Jerusalem temple towards the end of 167 B.C., was equated with the Syrian deity Baʿal Shamen (“lord of heaven”; Baʿal Shamaim in Hebrew), whose name was parodied by the Jews a šiqqûṣ m^ešōmēm (“the desolating abomination”). Cf. E. Nestle, “Zu Daniel, 2: Der Greuel der Verwüstung”, ZAW 4 (1884), p. 248.

³¹ Cf. Philo, Embassy to Gaius 203 ff.; Josephus, BJ ii. 184 ff.; Ant. xviii. 261 ff.

³² It is uncertain if this should be related to the oracle mentioned by Eusebius which the members of the church of Jerusalem received before the outbreak of war in A.D. 66, bidding them leave the doomed capital and settle in the Peraean city of Pella (Hist. Eccl. iii. 5. 3); departure for Pella is scarcely the same thing as “fleeing to the mountains”. Eusebius may owe his account to the second-century writer Ariston of Pella.

³³ βδέλυγμα (neuter) qualified by ἑστηκότα (masculine).

³⁴ O. Cullmann, “Le caractère eschatologique du devoir missionnaire et de la conscience apostolique de saint Paul”, RHPR 16 (1936), pp. 210 ff.; cf. J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T. (London, 1959), pp. 36 ff. Munck linked this interpretation with his exegesis of Romans 11:13–27; the cessation of Paul’s missionary activity would be followed by the rise of Antichrist, whose lordship would be ended by Christ’s appearing as “Deliverer from Zion”.

³⁵ Cf. in particular 1 Corinthians 15:24–28; Romans 8:17–25.

³⁶ His letter to the Galatians may be earlier; see p. 179.

³⁷ F. W. Farrar goes as far as caution allows: “Whether there is any allusion to his [Claudius’s] name in the word κατέχω [“restrain”] I am not prepared to say” (Life and Work of St. Paul, ii [London, 1879], p. 584).

³⁸ Acts 25:11; see p. 363.

¹ Cicero, In Pisonem 89. It was the first city to surrender to the Romans after their victory at Pydna in 168 B.C.

² Cf. A. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, E. T., i (London, 1908), pp. 74 f.; H. J. Cadbury, The Book of Acts in History (New York, 1955), pp. 60 f.; G. Bornkamm, Paul, E. T. (London, 1971), pp. 51 ff.; E. A. Judge and G. S. R. Thomas, “The Origin of the Church at Rome”, Reformed Theological Review 25 (1966), p. 90.

³ Acts 18:2; see p. 250.

⁴ “He by-passed Thessaly, for he was forbidden to preach the word to them” (cf. Acts 16:6–8). Thessaly formed part of the province of Macedonia.

⁵ John Milton, Paradise Regained iv. 240 ff.

⁶ It was used of Aeschines as a term of abuse by Demosthenes, De corona 127. NEB renders it “charlatan”, which is more accurate than the traditional “babbler”.

⁷ Acts 17:22–31.

⁸ Acts 14:15–17; see p. 170.

⁹ Pausanias, Description of Greece i. 1.4; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius vi. 3. 5.

¹⁰ Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Philosophers i. 110.

¹¹ Euripides, fragment 968.

¹² The NEB rendering of Acts 17:25 is unsurpassed in conveying the precise force of the words: “It is not because he lacks anything that he accepts service at men’s hands …”. Cf. Euripides, Hercules Furens 1345 f.

¹³ Preserved in Syriac translation by Isho’dad of Merv; cf. Horae Semiticae x, ed. M. D. Gibson (Cambridge, 1913), p. 40 (Syriac). The second line of the quatrain is quoted in Titus 1:12.

¹⁴ Aratus, Phainomena 1–5; cf. Cleanthes, Hymn to Zeus 4.

¹⁵ BC i, 5, p. 406.

¹⁶ E. Meyer, Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums, iii (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1923), p. 105.

¹⁷ Meyer, op. cit., p. 92, n. 4.

¹⁸ U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Die griechische Literatur des Altertums (Berlin/Leipzig,³ 1912), p. 232.

¹⁹ A. Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, E. T., (London, 1931), pp. 6 ff.

²⁰ M. Dibelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E. T. (London, 1956), pp. 26 ff.

²¹ H. Conzelmann, “The Address of Paul on the Areopagus”, in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), pp. 217 ff.

²² P. Vielhauer, “On the ‘Paulinism’ of Acts”, in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck and Martyn, pp. 36 f.

²³ For a more positive appraisal cf. B. Gärtner, The Areopagus Speech and Natural Revelation (Uppsala, 1955).

²⁴ Thucydides, History i. 22. 1.

²⁵ See p. 137.

²⁶ J. H. Moulton and W. F. Howard, Grammar of New Testament Greek, ii (Edinburgh, 1929), p. 8, n. 3.

²⁷ On Pauline salvation-history (Heilsgeschichte) see J. Munck, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E. T., (London, 1959); O. Cullmann, Salvation in History, E. T. (London, 1967), pp. 248 ff.; E. Käsemann, Perspectives on Paul, E. T. (London 1971), pp. 60 ff.

²⁸ Aeschylus, Eumenides 647 f.

²⁹ A sober study of the whole Athenian episode has been published by T. D. Barnes, “An Apostle on Trial”, JTS, n.s. 20 (1969), pp. 407–419.

¹ The -nth- sound-group is generally recognized as a pre-Greek formation. On the history and archaeology of Corinth see J. G. O’Neill, Ancient Corinth (Oxford, 1930); O. Broneer, “Corinth: Center of St. Paul’s Missionary Work in Greece”, Biblical Archaeologist 14 (1951), pp. 78–96.

² Corinth first appears in Greek literature in Homer (Iliad ii. 570, xiii. 664, and under the name Ephyre, vi. 152); the name (though perhaps in reference to another place) has been identified in a Mycenaean text from Pylos.

³ The verb κορινθιάζεσθαι, lit. “to play the Corinthian”, was current from the fifth century B.C. in the sense of practising fornication.

⁴ According to one strand of tradition, the Isthmian Games were founded in honour of Melicertes (Thrasyllus, according to Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis i. 137. 1).

⁵ Cf. Strabo, Geography viii. 6. 20–23; Pausanias, Description of Greece ii. 1. 1–5. 2.

⁶ Cf. B. Powell, “Greek Inscriptions from Corinth”, American Journal of Archaeology, series 2, 7 (1903), pp. 60 f., No. 40; A. Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East, E. T. (London, ² 1927), p. 16.

⁷ She was probably associated in some way with the gens Prisca. While Luke gives her the more familiar name Priscilla, Paul refers to her more formally as Prisca (e.g. in 1 Corinthians 16:19).

⁸ See pp. 235, 381.

⁹ See p. 298.

¹⁰ Both by Luke (Acts 18:18, 26) and by Paul (Romans 16:3; cf. 2 Timothy 4:19). The Western reviser of Acts reverses the order in 18:26, and this is not the only place where he appears to play down the prominence of women in the narrative.

¹¹ Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25.4.

¹² Making it plain that it was to him that the scriptures in question pointed. We may compare the insertion of “Messiah” at appropriate points in the Isaianic Servant Songs (Isaiah 42:1; 52:13) and elsewhere (43:10) in the Targum of Jonathan on the Prophets.

¹³ Acts 18:8; 1 Corinthians 1:15.

¹⁴ Acts 18:7.

¹⁵ Cf. E. J. Goodspeed, “Gaius Titius Justus”, JBL 69 (1950), pp. 382 f.

¹⁶ 1 Corinthians 1:15 f.; cf. 16:15.

¹⁷ Acts 18:5; cf. 2 Corinthians 11:9.

¹⁸ Reported by T. L. Shear in AJA, series 2, 33 (1929), pp. 325 f.

¹⁹ Cf. H. J. Cadbury, “Erastus of Corinth”, JBL 50 (1931), pp. 42–58; P. N. Harrison, “Erastus and his Pavement”, in Paulines and Pastorals (London, 1964), pp. 100–105. The inscription runs: ERASTVS. PRO. AED. S. P. STRAVIT.

²⁰ The evidence for the date of Gallio’s proconsulship of Achaia is provided by an inscription recording a rescript of Claudius to the people of Delphi (W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum ii ³, 801; E. M, Smallwood, Documents illustrating the Principates of Gaius, Claudius and Nero [Cambridge, 1967], p. 105, no. 376), which mentions Gallio as holding that office in the period of Claudius’s 26th acclamation as imperator—a period known from other inscriptions (CIL iii. 476; vi. 1256) to have covered the first seven months of A.D. 52. Proconsuls entered on their tour of duty on July 1. Unless, then, the rescript belongs to the very end of the period in question (in which case Gallio could have entered on his proconsulship on July 1, A.D. 52), Gallio arrived in his province on or about July 1, A.D. 51.

²¹ Gallio does not appear to have retained his proconsulship long: soon afterwards we find him going on a cruise to throw off a fever (Seneca, Epistulae morales 104, 1). Later we find him taking another voyage from Rome to Egypt, after his consulship (55 or 56), because of threatened phthisis (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxi. 33). In A.D. 65, with his brother Mela, he fell victim to Nero’s malice soon after the enforced suicide of their brother Seneca (Dio Cassius, History lxii. 25. 3).

²² Cf. S. Applebaum in The Jewish People in the First Century, ed. S. Safrai and M. Stern, i (Assen, 1974), p. 460, for Judaism as a “permitted” association. If Paul and his followers could be dissociated from Judaism in the eyes of Roman law, their fellowship and activity would ipso facto become “illicit”.

²³ The βῆμα of Acts 18:12; the word is used of Pilate’s tribunal at Jerusalem from which the death sentence was pronounced on Jesus (John 19:13) and again of the tribunal of Festus at Caesarea (Acts 25:6), which Paul recognized as “Caesar’s tribunal” (Acts 25:10).

²⁴ This is the point of Acts 18:17, “Gallio paid no attention to this” (RSV); it is made explicit in the Western text, “Gallio pretended not to see”.

²⁵ The verb ἀνέχεσθαι in Acts 18:14 (RSV “I should have reason to bear with you”) has this sense in a judicial context (see W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament [Cambridge, 1957], p. 65).

²⁶ Acts 18:18. See p. 348.

²⁷ If it reached Cyrene early (see p. 131), it must have reached Alexandria earlier still.

²⁸ See Acts 8:5–25.

²⁹ Cf. W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, E. T. (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 44 ff.; A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 174 ff.; F. F. Bruce, The ‘Secret’ Gospel of Mark (London, 1974), pp. 13 ff.

³⁰ Like Ananias and Eleazar who played leading parts in the conversion to Judaism of King Izates of Adiabene (Josephus, Ant. xx. 34–48).

³¹ Cf. 1 Corinthians 1:12; 3:4.

³² It is not expressly stated whose will is in question; among Greek-speaking Jews “the will” was a way of referring to the will of God (as in Romans 2:18). Perhaps Apollos himself was quite unwilling to go back to Corinth, in spite of Paul’s urgency.

³³ Chloe (of whom nothing is otherwise known) seems to have been head of the household or owner of the house.

³⁴ He was en route for Rome to help with the reconstruction of the church there, after receiving news of Claudius’s death on October 13, A.D. 54, according to G. Edmundson, The Church in Rome in the First Century (London, 1913), pp. 80, 84. Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 38–40.

³⁵ How any one could infer from this wording that “Cephas” was not reckoned among the “apostles” is difficult to comprehend, but see W. Schmithals, The Office of Apostle in the Early Church, E. T. (London, 1971), pp. 80–82.

³⁶ There is an “undesigned coincidence” here with Mark 1:30 f., where Peter appears as a married man.

³⁷ Cf. C. K. Barrett, “Thing Sacrificed to Idols”, NTS 11 (1964–65), pp. 138–153, especially pp. 149 f.

³⁸ Cf. 1 Corinthians 4:8.

³⁹ Cf. 1 Corinthians 15:12.

⁴⁰ Cf. Romans 6:4 f. (where, however, the rising with Christ seems to be future as well as present); Colossians 2:11–13.

⁴¹ Cf. T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, p. 207. This is a quite different account of the Christ party from that propounded by F. C. Baur in his epoch-making article “Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde”, Tübinger Zeitschrift für Theologie 5 (1831), Heft 4, pp. 61–206 (reprinted in Ausgewählte Werke in Einzelausgaben, ed. K. Scholder, i [Stuttgart, 1963], pp. 1–76). Baur looked on the Christ party (to which he found a further reference in 2 Corinthians 10:7) as comprising judaistic adherents of Peter who wished to stress their relationship to the Christ who had appointed and commissioned Peter and his colleagues.

⁴² Acts 26:11.

⁴³ 1 Corinthians 12:3. Another, but less probable, explanation is that some Gentile Christians were so exclusively devoted to the heavenly Christ whose presence they enjoyed by the Spirit that they anathematized any reference to the earthly Jesus who suffered humiliation and death.

⁴⁴ R. Law, The Tests of Life (Edinburgh, 1909), p. 28.

⁴⁵ Cf. D. S. Bailey, The Man-Woman Relation in Christian Thought (London, 1959), p. 10.

⁴⁶ 1 Corinthians 6:13. Possibly RSV is right in placing the closing quotation-mark after “… the stomach for food”, in which case “but God will destroy both one and the other” is Paul’s comment on their saying.

⁴⁷ It is referred to in 1 Corinthians 5:9–11.

⁴⁸ 1 Corinthians 5:1 ff.

¹ Cf. 1 Corinthians 5:9–11 (see p. 262).

² 1 Corinthians 7:1; 16:17.

³ 1 Corinthians 11:2.

⁴ See J. C. Hurd, Jr., The Origin of 1 Corinthians (London, 1965).

⁵ Cf. 1 Corinthians 11:23; 15:3.

⁶ Cf. Colossians 2:6, 8.

⁷ See pp. 84 ff., 100 f.

⁸ 1 Corinthians 11:17 ff.

⁹ See pp. 283 ff.

¹⁰ Cf. Luke 22:16; Mark 14:25.

¹¹ It has a eucharistic setting in Didache 10:5. See O. Hofius, “Bis dass er kommt”, NTS 14 (1967–68), pp. 439 ff.

¹² 1 Corinthians 7:10 f. (cf. Mark 10:5–12); see p. 106.

¹³ 1 Corinthians 9:14 (cf. Matthew 10:9 f./Luke 9:3 f.); see p. 107.

¹⁴ 1 Corinthians 10:27 (cf. Luke 10:8); see p. 108.

¹⁵ See pp. 306 ff.

¹⁶ 1 Corinthians 15:12–19.

¹⁷ 1 Corinthians 7:1b. That this is Paul’s quotation of an attitude of the ascetic party in the Corinthian church, not his own dictum, was seen by Origen, Commentary on 1 Corinthians, §121 (ed. C. Jenkins, JTS 9 [1907–8], pp. 500 ff.).

¹⁸ E.g. Thekla, a virgin of Iconium, and Artemilla, wife of the governor of Asia (New Testament Apocrypha, E. T., ed. E. Hennecke, W. Schneemelcher, R. McL. Wilson, ii [London, 1965), pp. 355–364, 370–373). See pp. 467 f.

¹⁹ See J. M. Ford, “St. Paul the Philogamist”, NTS 11 (1964–65), pp. 326 ff.

²⁰ J. Klausner does less than justice to Paul on this point; he quite wrongly says that Paul saw marriage as a “necessary evil” (From Jesus to Paul, E. T. [London, 1944], pp. 570–572).

²¹ 1 Corinthians 7:7.

²² Cf. H. Chadwick, “All Things to all Men”, NTS 1 (1954–55), pp. 261 ff.

²³ 1 Corinthians 7:14.

²⁴ Mishnah Yebamôt 11:2.

²⁵ Cf. J. Jeremias, “Die missionarische Aufgabe in der Mischehe” in Neutestamentliche Studien für R. Bultmann, ed. W. Eltester, BZNW 21 (1954), pp. 255 ff.

²⁶ The interpretation of 1 Corinthians 7:25 ff. (“Now concerning virgins …”) is debatable, but the passage is best understood of couples living in a state of permanent but unconsummated betrothal.

²⁷ Luke 23:29; cf. Mark 13:17.

²⁸ 1 Corinthians 9:5 (see pp. 258 f.).

²⁹ Cf. S. Baring-Gould, A Study of St. Paul (London, 1897), pp. 213 ff.

³⁰ Judah ben Tema, a rabbi of a later period (second half of the second century A.D.), specified eighteen as the appropriate age for a young man to marry (Pirqê Abôt 5:24).

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