Notes

Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), 196.

2. This is not to say that this idea was not encountered in other periods of Christian history, where it was associated with individual writers or sectarian groups. The point is that this marginal idea became mainline as it moved from the fringes of respectable church life to take a central place in the major religious transformations of the sixteenth century.

3. For some of the issues, see Marcus Walsh, “Profession and Authority: The Interpretation of the Bible in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Literature and Theology 9 (1995): 383–98.

4. The Vanishing Protestant Majority, GSS Social Change Report 49 (Chicago: National Opinion Research Center, University of Chicago, 2004).

5. Outstanding recent studies of the history of the Reformation include: Euan Cameron, The European Reformation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991); Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996); and Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490–1700 (London: Allen Lane, 2003).

6. The older generation of such studies includes: John Dillenberger and Claude Welch, Protestant Christianity Interpreted Through Its Development (New York: Scribner, 1954); J. S. Whale, The Protestant Tradition: An Essay in Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955); Louis Bouyer, The Spirit and Forms of Protestantism (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1956); Émile G. Léonard, A History of Protestantism (London: Nelson, 1965); Charles W. Kegley, Protestantism in Transition (New York: Harper & Row, 1965); Jerald C. Brauer, Protestantism in America: A Narrative History (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1965); Martin E. Marty, Protestantism (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1972).

7. Andrew Pettegree, “Reformation Europe Reformed,” History Today 49, no. 12 (1999): 10–16.

8. Mack P. Holt, “The Social History of the Reformation: Recent Trends and Future Agendas,” Journal of Social History 37 (2003): 133–44.

9. Lucy E. C. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000).

10. Volker Leppin, “Wie reformatorisch war die Reformation?” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 99 (2002): 162–76; Martin Ohst, “‘Reformation’ Versus ‘Protestantismus’? Theologiegeschichtliche Fallstudien,” Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 99 (2002): 441–79.

11. Thomas J. Davis, “Images of Intolerance: John Calvin in Nineteenth-Century History Textbooks,” Church History 65 (1996): 234–48. For the lingering influence of this stereotype of Calvin, see Will Durant’s comment that “we shall always find it hard to love the man who darkened the human soul with the most absurd and blasphemous conception of God in all the long and honored history of nonsense”; Will Durant, The Reformation (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), 490.

12. Petegree, “Reformation Europe Reformed,” 16.

13. Murray W. Dempster, Byron D. Klaus, and Douglas Petersen, eds., The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel (Carlisle, UK: Regnum Books International, 1999).

14. See the important points made by Mark A. Noll, “The Contingencies of Christian Republicanism: An Alternative Account of Protestantism and the American Founding,” in Protestantism and the American Founding, edited by Thomas S. Engeman and Michael P. Zuckert (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004), 225–56.

15. Alister E. McGrath, Luther’s Theology of the Cross: Martin Luther’s Theological Breakthrough (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985).

16. Alister E. McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification, 3rd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

17. Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003).

CHAPTER 1: THE GATHERING STORM

1. For studies illuminating aspects of these roles, see Colin Morris, The Papal Monarchy: The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England c. 1400–c. 1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992); R. N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993); Carl A. Volz, The Medieval Church: From the Dawn of the Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997).

2. George Holmes, ed., Oxford Illustrated History of Medieval Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988); Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).

3. See James C. Russell, The Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity: A Sociohistorical Approach to Religious Transformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).

4. Kathleen Cushing, Papacy and Law in the Gregorian Revolution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).

5. Jane Sayers, Innocent III, Leader of Europe, 1198–1216 (New York: Longman, 1994).

6. The classic account of the early phase of this development remains Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory: The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955). For its later development, see Brian Patrick McGuire, Jean Gerson and the Last Medieval Reformation (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005).

7. For an accessible account, see Yves Renouard, The Avignon Papacy, 1305–1403 (London: Faber and Faber, 1970).

8. The flavor of the debates of that era can be sensed from J. H. Burns and Thomas M. Izbicki, eds., Conciliarism and Papalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For the later debate, see Katherine Eliot van Liere, “Victoria, Cajetan, and the Conciliarists,” Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 597–616.

9. Caroline M. Barron and Jenny Stratford, eds., The Church and Learning in Later Medieval Society (Donington, UK: Shaun Tyas, 2002).

10. See Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Anchor Books, 1990).

11. David S. Peterson, “Out of the Margins: Religion and the Church in Renaissance Italy,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 835–79.

12. Jean-Maurice Rouquette, Provence romane: La Provence rhodanienne, 2nd ed. (La Pierre-qui-Vire: Zodiaque, 1980), 50.

13. Francis Sullivan, Salvation Outside the Church? Tracing the History of the Catholic Response (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 1992).

14. On the Borgias, see Joachim Brambach, Die Borgia: Faszination einer Renaissance-Familie (Munich: Diederichs, 1995).

15. For comment, see Wendy Scase, Piers Plowman and the New Anticlericalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Peter A. Dykema and Heiko A. Oberman, eds., Anticlericalism in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1994); Geoffrey Dipple, Antifraternalism and Anticlericalism in the German Reformation: Johann Eberlin von Günzburg and the Campaign Against the Friars (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1996).

16. For comments on the growth of piety in England around this time, see Andrew Brown, Popular Piety in Late Medieval England: The Diocese of Salisbury, 1250–1550 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Susan S. Morrison, Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval England: Private Piety as Public Performance (London: Routledge, 2000); Mary C. Erler, Women, Reading, and Piety in Late Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Kathleen Kamerick, Popular Piety and Art in the Late Middle Ages: Image Worship and Idolatry in England, 1350–1500 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).

17. For a fascinating analysis of peasant beliefs on this matter, see Carlo Ginzburg, The Night Battles: Witchcraft and Agrarian Cults in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).

18. See Anne Clark Bartlett and H. Bestul Thomas, Cultures of Piety: Medieval English Devotional Literature in Translation (Ithaca. NY: Cornell University Press, 1999).

19. Robert Stupperich, “Das Enchiridion Militis Christiani des Erasmus von Rotterdam nach seiner Entstehung, seinem Sinn und Charakter,” Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte 69 (1978): 5–23.

20. For points of connection, see Heinz Holeczek, Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas More, und William Tyndale (Leiden: Brill, 1975).

21. The classic study remains Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For a careful study of the gradual change from manuscript to printed books, see David McKitterick, Print, Manuscript, and the Search for Order, 1450–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

22. For some of the developments, see John W. O’Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform: A Study in Renaissance Thought (Leiden: Brill, 1968); Barbara McClung Hallman, Italian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985).

23. For an accessible account of these reforms and their impact, see Sara Tilghman Nalle, God in La Mancha: Religious Reform and the People of Cuenca, 1500–1650 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 3–31.

24. For the background, see John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, 1474–1520 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000); Charles A. Truxillo, By the Sword and the Cross: The Historical Evolution of the Catholic World Monarchy in Spain and the New World, 1492–1825 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2001).

25. Gabriel Audisio, The Waldensian Dissent: Persecution and Survival, c.1170–c.1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Note also the alternative spelling “Waldesian.” For a more popular account of this important movement, see Giorgio Tourn, I Valdesi: La Singolare vicenda di un popolo-chiesa (1170–1976) (Turin: Editrice Claudiana, 1977).

26. The best study of this movement is Marie F. Viallon, Italie, 1541, ou l’unité perdue de l’Église (Paris: Éditions CNRS, 2005).

27. For analysis of this important issue, see Joseph T. Lienhard, The Bible, the Church, and Authority: The Canon of the Christian Bible in History and Theology (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1995); Stephen E. Fowl, ed., The Theological Interpretation of Scripture: Classic and Contemporary Readings (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997).

28. For a full scholarly account of the developments noted in this section, see Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003).

29. For introductions, see Roberto Weiss, The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988); Charles G. Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Jill Kraye, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

30. See, for example, Robert Coogan, Erasmus, Lee, and the Correction of the Vulgate: The Shaking of the Foundations (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1992).

31. Erasmus actually included this in his text of the New Testament, for reasons that are not entirely persuasive; see Charles Augrain, “À propos du Comma Johanneum,” Moreana 35 (1998): 87–94.

32. See the classic study of P. S. Allen, “The Trilingual Colleges of the Early Sixteenth Century,” in Erasmus: Lectures and Wayfaring Sketches (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934), 138–63.

33. For some of these approaches, see Kathy Eden, Hermeneutics and the Rhetorical Tradition: Chapters in the Ancient Legacy and Its Humanist Reception (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997).

34. See the discussion of Pico’s influence in Stephen A. McKnight, Sacralizing the Secular: The Renaissance Origins of Modernity (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981), 50–70.

35. Charles Trinkaus, “Cosmos and Man: Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico on the Structure of the Universe and the Freedom of Man,” Vivens Homo 5 (1994): 335–57.

36. Skinner sees this idea as linked with Calvinism; see Quentin Skinner, Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 2:219–40.

37. See the comments of Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983).

38. A point stressed by Michael Walzer in The Revolution of the Saints: A Study in the Origins of Radical Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982).

CHAPTER 2: THE ACCIDENTAL REVOLUTIONARY: MARTIN LUTHER

1. For excellent recent studies, see Susan C. Karant-Nunn, The Reformation of Ritual: An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany, Christianity, and Society in the Modern World (London: Routledge, 1997); Steven E. Ozment, Flesh and Spirit: Private Life in Early Modern Germany (London: Penguin, 2002).

2. Early works of this nature include Natalie Z. Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1975); Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century England (London: Penguin, 1978). For a survey of more recent studies, see Mack P. Holt, “The Social History of the Reformation: Recent Trends and Future Agendas,” Journal of Social History 37 (2003): 133–44.

3. For a vigorous reassertion of the religious roots of the Reformation, focusing particularly on its impact on individuals, see Steven E. Ozment, Protestants: The Birth of a Revolution (New York: Doubleday, 1992).

4. The standard account of this doctrine is Alister E. McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification, 3rd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

5. The best critical biography is Martin Brecht, Martin Luther, 3 vols. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990–94).

6. This theme is prominent in the important biography of Heiko A. Oberman, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil (New York: Doubleday, 1989).

7. See the classic, though deeply flawed, account of this in Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther: A Study in Psychoanalysis and History (New York: Norton, 1958).

8. For the development and significance of this idea, see McGrath, Iustitia Dei, 107–17.

9. Jens-Martin Kruse, Universitätstheologie und Kirchenreform: Die Anfänge der Reformation in Wittenberg 1516–1522 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002).

10. Alister E. McGrath, Luther’s Theology of the Cross: Martin Luther’s Theological Breakthrough (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985); Bernard Lohse, Martin Luther’s Theology: Its Historical and Systematic Development (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1999).

11. It is interesting to speculate whether Luther’s early critics entirely appreciated this point: see David V. N. Bagchi, Luther’s Earliest Opponents: Catholic Controversialists, 1518–1525 (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1991).

12. The best study is Stephen Greenblatt, Hamlet in Purgatory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

13. Howard Colvin, “The Origin of Chantries,” Journal of Medieval History 26 (2000): 163–73.

14. For the background to this issue, see Kurt Stadtwald, Roman Popes and German Patriots: Antipapalism in the Politics of the German Humanist Movement from Gregor Heimburg to Martin Luther (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1996).

15. For an excellent study of the use of pamphlets in England, see Joad Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

16. Norman E. Nagel, “Luther and the Priesthood of All Believers,” Concordia Theological Quarterly 61 (1997): 277–98.

17. For analysis and comment, see Hermann Sasse, This Is My Body: Luther’s Contention for the Real Presence in the Sacrament of the Altar (Minneapolis: Concordia, 2003).

18. See the useful background material in Josef Wohlmuth, Realpräsenz und Trans-substantiation im Konzil von Trient: Eine historisch-kritische Analyse (Bern: Peter Lang, 1975).

19. It must be noted that the famous phrase “Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise” is not included in the official transcript of the proceedings at Worms and may have been added to Luther’s words by a printer; see the discussion in Oberman, Luther: Man Between God and the Devil, 35–40.

20. The best study is Jeanette C. Smith, “Katharina von Bora Through Five Centuries: A Historiography,” Sixteenth Century Journal 30 (1999): 745–74.

21. This point is stressed in Berndt Hamm, “Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation–oder: Was die Reformation zur Reformation machte,” in Reformationstheorien: Ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation, edited by Berndt Hamm, Bernd Moeller, and Dorothea Wendebourg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 57–127.

CHAPTER 3: ALTERNATIVES TO LUTHER: THE DIVERSIFICATION OF THE REFORMATION

1. See Hans-Jürgen Goertz, “Eine ‘bewegte’ Epoche: Zur Heterogenität reformatorischer Bewegungen,” in Wegscheiden der Reformation: Alternatives Denken vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, edited by Günter Vogler (Weimar: Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1994), 23–56; Alister E. McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), 182–89.

2. For a collection of excellent attempts to make sense of what happened, see Bruce Gordon, ed., Protestant History and Identity in Sixteenth-Century Europe, 2 vols. (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1996).

3. Dorothea Wendebourg, “Die Einheit der Reformation als historisches Problem,” in Reformationstheorien: Ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation, edited by Berndt Hamm, Bernd Moeller, and Dorothea Wendebourg (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995), 31–51.

4. Carlos M. N. Eire, War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 65–73.

5. Ulrich Bubenheimer and Stefan Oehmig, eds., Querdenker der Reformation: Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt und seine frühe Wirkung (Würzburg: Religion & Kultur Verlag, 2001).

6. The same criticism would be directed against Zwingli’s limited reforms in Zurich, even though these were more radical than Luther’s; see Andrea Strübind, Eifriger als Zwingli: Die frühe Täuferbewegung in der Schweiz (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2003), 79–119.

7. For an excellent analysis, see Abraham Friesen, Thomas Müntzer, a Destroyer of the Godless: The Making of a Sixteenth-Century Religious Revolutionary (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 33–52.

8. Peter Blickle, Der deutsche Bauernkrieg von 1525 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985).

9. For an analysis of some of these factors, see Berndt Hamm, “Reformation ‘von unten’ und Reformation ‘von oben’: Zur Problematik der reformationshistorischen Klassifizierungen,” in Reformation in Deutschland und Europa: Interpretationen und Debatten, edited by Hans R. Guggisberg and Gottfried G. Krodel (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1993), 256–93.

10. See especially Franziska Conrad’s study of the reception of reforming ideas in Alsace, Reformation in der bäuerlichen Gesellschaft: Zur Rezeption reformatorischer Theologie im Elsass (Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag, 1984).

11. A point stressed in Peter Blickle, Gemeindereformation: Die Menschen des 16. Jahrhunderts auf dem Weg zum Heil (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1987).

12. Berndt Hamm, Bürgertum und Glaube: Konturen der städtischen Reformation (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996).

13. The best study of this fascinating movement is Bruce Gordon, The Swiss Reformation (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2002).

14. For a comparison of the divergent hermeneutical approaches of Luther and Zwingli, see McGrath, The Intellectual Origins of the European Reformation, 153–66.

15. For popular demands for iconoclasm elsewhere in the region, see Paul A. Russell, Lay Theology in the Reformation: Popular Pamphleteers in Southwest Germany, 1521–1525 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 56–79.

16. For reflections on the role of riots in spreading Protestantism, see Natalie Z. Davis, “The Rites of Violence: Religious Riot in Sixteenth-Century France,” Past and Present 59 (1973): 51–91.

17. Christine Christ, “Das Schriftverständnis von Zwingli und Erasmus im Jahre 1522,” Zwingliana 16 (1983): 111–25.

18. See here the excellent study of Ralf Hoburg, Seligkeit und Heilsgewissheit: Hermeneutik und Schriftauslegung bei Huldrych Zwingli bis 1522 (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1994).

19. See Eberhard Grötzinger, Luther und Zwingli: Die Kritik an der mittelalterlichen Lehre von der Messe, als Wurzel des Abendmahlsstreites (Zurich: Benziger Verlag, 1980).

20. See Rupert E. Davies’s classic study, The Problem of Authority in the Continental Reformers: A Study in Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin (London: Epworth Press, 1946).

21. The role of this notion, along with other “communal” concepts, is contested; see Robert W. Scribner, “Communalism: Universal Category or Ideological Construct? A Debate in the Historiography of Early Modern Germany and Switzerland,” Historical Journal 37 (1994): 199–207.

22. The best study is Walter Schaufelberger, “Kappel: Die Hintergründe einer militärschen Katastrophe,” Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde 51 (1955): 34–61. The mortally wounded Zwingli was run through with a sword by Captain Fuckinger of Unterwalden after refusing to make confession.

23. See Berndt Moeller, Imperial Cities and the Reformation (Durham, NC: Labyrinth Press, 1982). Note also the analysis in Alister E. McGrath, “Justification and the Reformation: The Significance of the Doctrine of Justification by Faith to Sixteenth-Century Urban Communities,” Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 81 (1990): 5–19.

24. For an excellent account of the issues underlying these developments, see Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

25. Lorna Jane Abray, The People’s Reformation: Magistrates, Clergy, and Commons in Strasbourg, 1500–1598 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).

26. See Friedhelm Kruger, Bucer und Erasmus: Eine Untersuchung zum Einfluss des Erasmus auf die Theologie Martin Bucers (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1970); Beate Stierle, Capito als Humanist (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1974).

27. T. A. Fudge, “Icarus of Basel? Oecolampadius and the Early Swiss Reformation,” Journal of Religious History 21 (1997): 268–84.

28. For the Catholic response to the Augsburg Confession at this point, see the magisterial study by Vinzenz Pfnür, Einig in der Rechtfertigungslehre?: Die Rechtfertigungslehre der Confessio Augustana (1530) und die Stellungnahme der katholischen Kontroverstheologie zwischen 1530 und 1535 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1970).

29. The best study is George H. Williams, The Radical Reformation, 3rd ed. (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1992).

30. Arnold Snyder, Anabaptist History and Theology: An Introduction (Kitchener, ON: Pandora Press, 1996).

31. For the impact of such ideas on one group, see Donald B. Kraybill, The Amish and the State, 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003).

32. The best study is Alvin J. Beachy, The Concept of Grace in the Radical Reformation (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1977).

33. See, for example, Mihály Balázs, Early Transylvanian Anti-trinitarianism (1566–1571): From Servet to Palaeologus (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1996).

34. The best study is John D. Rempel, The Lord’s Supper in Anabaptism: A Study in the Christology of Balthasar Hubmaier, Pilgram Marpeck, and Dirk Philips (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1993).

35. See the discussion in Stuart Murray, Biblical Interpretation in the Anabaptist Tradition (Kitchener, ON: Pandora Press, 2000).

36. For some reflections, see Paul L. Maier, “Fanaticism as a Theological Category in the Lutheran Confessions,” Concordia Theological Quarterly 44 (1980): 173–81. Luther used the term Schwärmerei to refer to just about any Protestants who transgressed his own theological boundaries, including Zwingli, Karlstadt, Müntzer, and the Anabaptists.

37. For the history of the interpretation of this biblical work—a favorite with marginalized groups—see Kenneth G. C. Newport, Apocalypse and Millennium: Studies in Biblical Eisegesis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).

38. Anthony Arthur, The Tailor-King: The Rise and Fall of the Anabaptist Kingdom of Münster (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999).

39. Sigrun Haude, In the Shadow of “Savage Wolves”: Anabaptist Münster and the German Reformation During the 1530s (Boston: Humanities Press, 2000).

40. Claus-Peter Clasen, Anabaptism: A Social History, 1525–1618: Switzerland, Austria, Moravia, South and Central Germany (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972).

CHAPTER 4: THE SHIFT IN POWER: CALVIN AND GENEVA

1. For the background, see Gabriele Schlütter-Schindler, Der Schmalkaldische Bund und das Problem der causa religionis (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1986).

2. See the comments of Frank Tallett in War and Society in Early Modern Europe, 1495–1715 (London: Routledge, 1992), 51.

3. A series of legends have arisen around this event, none with any reliable historical basis. The best known is that, on being urged to burn Luther’s bones to demonstrate he died as a heretic, Charles answered: “He has met his judge. I only wage war on the living, not on the dead.”

4. For an excellent study, see Oliver K. Olson, Matthias Flacius and the Survival of Luther’s Reform (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002).

5. Nathan Baruch Rein, “Faith and Empire: Conflicting Visions of Religion in a Late-Reformation Controversy: The Augsburg Interim and Its Opponents, 1548–1550,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71 (2003): 45–74.

6. See Axel Gotthard, Der Augsburger Religionsfrieden (Münster: Aschendorff, 2004).

7. For details of Lutheranism’s expansion into Nordic countries, see Ole Peter Grell, The Scandinavian Reformation: From Evangelical Movement to Institutionalization of Reform (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

8. For reflections on the general issue of nationalism in relation to the Reformation, see Bob Scribner, Roy Porter, and Mikulás Teich, eds., The Reformation in National Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

9. For good analyses, see André Holenstein, “Reformierte Konfessionalisierung und bernischer Territorialstaat,” in Territorialstaat und Calvinismus, edited by Meinrad Schaab (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1993), 5–33; Heinrich Richard Schmidt, Dorf und Religion: Reformierte Sittenzucht in Berner Landgemeinden der frühen Neuzeit (Stuttgart: Fischer, 1995).

10. Farel Comité, Guillaume Farel, 1489–1565: Biographie nouvelle (Geneve: Slatkine Reprints, 1978).

11. Henri Delarue, “La Première offensive évangélique à Genève,” Bulletin de la Société et d’Archéologie de Genève 9 (1948): 83–102.

12. For a good introduction to Viret, see Georges Bavaud, Le Réformateur Pierre Viret, 1511–1571: Sa théologie (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1986).

13. The best recent biography is Bernard Cottret, Calvin: A Biography (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000).

14. For an account of the event and theories of the placards’ authorship, see Gabrielle Berthoud, Antoine Marcourt: Réformateur et pamphlétaire, du “Livre des marchans” aux Placards de 1534 (Geneva: Droz, 1973).

15. For an analysis of its contents, see Ford Lewis Battles, Analysis of the Institutes of the Christian Religion of John Calvin (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1980).

16. For the best account of the Reformation at Geneva and Calvin’s role in its implementation, see Henri Naef, Les Origines de la réforme à Genève, 2 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1968).

17. Eric Junod, ed., La Dispute de Lausanne (1536): La Théologie réformée après Zwingli et avant Calvin (Lausanne: Presses Centrales Lausanne, 1988).

18. For an excellent analysis of this phase, see William G. Naphy, Calvin and the Consolidation of the Genevan Reformation (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2003).

19. Albert Autin, L’Institution chrétienne de Calvin (Paris: Malfere, 1929).

20. For a good discussion of this point, see Alexandre Ganoczy, The Young Calvin (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1987), 137–68.

21. For the importance of this point, see A. N. S. Lane, John Calvin: Student of the Church Fathers (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1999).

22. See the material gathered in Menna Prestwich, ed., International Calvinism, 1541–1715 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).

23. Gottfried W. Locher, “Von Bern nach Genf: Die Ursachen der Spannung zwischen zwinglischer und calvinistischer Reformation,” in Wegen en gestalten in het gereformeerd protestantisme: Een bundel studies over de geschiedenis van het gereformeerd protestantisme, edited by W. Balke, C. Graafland, and H. Harkema (Amsterdam: Ton Bolland, 1976), 75–87.

24. The best study of Geneva’s role in this development remains Robert M. Kingdon, Geneva and the Coming of the Wars of Religion in France, 1555–1563 (Geneva: Droz, 1956).

25. The best study is Volker Press, Calvinismus und Territorialstaat: Regierung und Zentralbehörden der Kurpfalz, 1559–1619 (Stuttgart: Klett, 1970).

26. For comment, see Lyle D. Bierma, The Doctrine of the Sacraments in the Heidelberg Catechism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Theological Seminary, 1999).

27. See Ernst Bizer, Studien zur Geschichte des Abendmahlstreits im 16. Jahrhundert (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1940); Josef Bohatec, “‘Lutherisch’ und ‘Reformiert,’” Reformiertes Kirchenblatt für Österreich (January 28, 1951): 1–3.

28. The classic study remains Hans Leube, Kalvinismus und Luthertum im Zeitalter der Orthodoxie I: Der Kampf um die Herrschaft im protestantischen Deutschland (Leipzig: Deichert, 1928). For more recent perspectives, see Bodo Nischan, Lutherans and Calvinists in the Age of Confessionalism (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1999).

29. Knox has, of course, Mary, Queen of Scots, in mind: see Sydney H. Wood, Mary Queen of Scots and the Scottish Reformation, 1540–1587 (London: Collins, 1999).

30. For a thorough analysis, see Ian B. Cowan, The Scottish Reformation: Church and Society in Sixteenth-Century Scotland (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1982).

31. See Jonathan I. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); R. Po-chia Hsia and Henk F. K. van Nierop, eds., Calvinism and Religious Toleration in the Dutch Golden Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

32. See Alois Schröer, Die Reformation in Westfalen: Der Glaubenskampf einer Land-schaft (Münster: Aschendorff, 1979); Michael G. Müller, Zweite Reformation und städtische Autonomie im königlichen Preussen: Danzig, Elbing, und Thorn in der Epoche der Konfessionalisierung (1557–1660) (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1997).

33. See John M. Headley, Hans Joachim Hillerbrand, and Anthony J. Papalas, eds., Confessionalization in Europe, 1555–1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischan (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2004).

34. H. J. Cohn, “The Territorial Princes in Germany’s Second Reformation, 1559–1622,” in International Calvinism, 1541–1715, edited by M. Prestwich (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 135–65, 135.

CHAPTER 5: ENGLAND: THE EMERGENCE OF ANGLICANISM

1. Diarmaid MacCulloch, “The Myth of the English Reformation,” Journal of British Studies 30 (1991): 1–19.

2. It is, in fact, quite difficult to find a satisfactory label for these forerunners of the nineteenth-century Anglo-Catholics other than the vague description “High Church,” which can be applied equally to Presbyterians in comparison with Congregationalists. In his excellent account of this period, Anthony Milton has suggested the term “avant-garde conformists” to refer to this trend; see Anthony Milton, Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought, 1600–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

3. See, for example, the “Bill for the Relief of His Majesty’s Roman Catholic Subjects” of March 24, 1829.

4. See especially Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), xv–xvi. Older studies remain important, such as Greg Walker, Persuasive Fictions: Faction, Faith, and Political Culture in the Reign of Henry VIII (Aldershot, UK: Scolar, 1996), 136–37.

5. Peter Marshall, Religious Identities in Henry VIII’s England (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2006), 4–8.

6. Christine Peters, Patterns of Piety: Women, Gender, and Religion in Late Medieval and Reformation England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 60–96.

7. See especially Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c. 1400–c. 1580 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992); Felicity Heal, Reformation in Britain and Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003).

8. Norman L. Jones, The English Reformation: Religion and Cultural Adaptation (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002).

9. Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII, 233–37. The role of Lollardy is contested; see the more negative assessment in Richard Rex, The Lollards (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2002).

10. See the documentation of this point in Ethan H. Shagan, Popular Politics and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).

11. For the theological motifs linked to this concern, see Alec Ryrie, “Divine Kingship and Royal Theology in Henry VIII’s Reformation,” Reformation 7 (2002): 49–77.

12. G. W. Bernard, The King’s Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005).

13. See especially Marjo Kaartinen, Religious Life and English Culture in the Reformation (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2002).

14. For the argument that English nationalism emerged in the 1520s, see Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992). The situation is more complex, however, than Greenfeld suggests, as shown by Gillian E. Brennan, Patriotism, Power, and Print: National Consciousness in Tudor England (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 2003).

15. Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII, 8–10.

16. For the fortunes of Lutheranism in England, see Alec Ryrie, “The Strange Death of Lutheran England,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53 (2002): 64–92.

17. For comment, see Rory McEntegart, Henry VIII, the League of Schmalkalden, and the English Reformation (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2002); Peter Marshall, Reformation England: 1480–1642 (London: Arnold, 2003), 197–98.

18. The issues are explored in Stephen Alford, Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

19. W. K. Jordan, Edward VI, the Young King: The Protectorship of the Duke of Somerset (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1971); Alford, Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI, 65–99.

20. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996), 364–65.

21. The best study is Diarmaid MacCulloch, Tudor Church Militant: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation (London: Allen Lane, 1999).

22. For a study of the development of these texts and their impact, see the elegant study by David N. Griffiths, The Bibliography of the Book of Common Prayer, 1549–1999 (London: British Library, 2002).

23. Julia Houston, “Transubstantiation and the Sign: Cranmer’s Drama of the Last Supper,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 24 (1994): 115–30; Judith H. Anderson, “Language and History in the Reformation: Cranmer, Gardiner, and the Words of Institution,” Renaissance Quarterly 54 (2001): 20–35.

24. Basil Hall, “Cranmer, the Eucharist, and the Foreign Divines in the Reign of Edward VI,” in Thomas Cranmer: Churchman and Scholar, edited by Paul Ayris and David Selwyn (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 1993), 217–58.

25. See Carlos M. N. Eire, War Against the Idols: The Reformation of Worship from Erasmus to Calvin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 76–83, 304–5.

26. D. M. Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government, and Religion in England, 1553–1558, 2nd ed. (London: Longman, 1991).

27. For analysis of the Spanish religious connection and its impact at this time, see John Edwards and R. W. Truman, eds., Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartolome Carranza (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005).

28. Claire Cross, “No Continuing City: Exiles in the English Reformation, 1520–1570,” History Review 32 (1998): 17–22.

29. For the process, see William P. Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English Reformation: The Struggle for a Stable Settlement of Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).

30. See Norman L. Jones, Faith by Statute: Parliament and the Settlement of Religion, 1559 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1982).

31. Hirofumi Horie, “The Lutheran Influence on the Elizabethan Settlement, 1558–1563,” Historical Journal 34 (1991): 519–37.

32. For the origins of this demand for institutional, doctrinal, and personal purity, see Theodore Dwight Bozeman, To Live Ancient Lives: The Primitivist Dimension in Puritanism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).

33. C. S. L. Davies, “International Politics and the Establishment of Presbyterianism: The Coutances Connection,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50 (1999): 498–522.

34. See the comments of Diana Newton, Papists, Protestants, and Puritans, 1559–1714 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

35. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman, eds., The Myth of Elizabeth (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). For alternative evaluations, see Julia M. Walker, Dissing Elizabeth: Negative Representations of Gloriana (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998).

36. See Peter Lake, Anglicans and Puritans? Presbyterianism and English Conformist Thought from Whitgift to Hooker (London: Unwin Hyman, 1988); and especially Daniel W. Doerksen, Conforming to the Word: Herbert, Donne, and the English Church Before Laud (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 1997).

37. See Charles and Katherine George, The Protestant Mind of the English Reformation, 570–1640 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961); Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559–1625 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982); Nicholas Tyacke, Anti-Calvinists: The Rise of English Arminianism, c.1590–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987); Peter White, Predestination, Policy, and Polemic: Conflict and Consensus in the English Church from the Reformation to the Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

38. For details, see Kenneth Fincham and Peter Lake, “The Ecclesiastical Policy of King James I,” Journal of British Studies 24 (1985): 182–86; Kenneth Fincham, Prelate as Pastor: The Episcopate of James I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990).

39. The text is more properly known as the “Declaration to His Subjects.” For this and other works, including the famous “Directions to Preachers” (1622), see Neil Rhodes, Jennifer Richards, and Joseph Marshall, eds., King James VI and I: Selected Writings (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003).

40. For the controversies, and their continuation in North America, see Theodore Dwight Bozeman, The Precisianist Strain: Disciplinary Religion and Antinomian Backlash in Puritanism to 1638 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).

CHAPTER 6: WAR, PEACE, AND DISINTEREST: EUROPEAN PROTESTANTISM IN CRISIS, 1560?1800

1. Ernest Renan, “What Is a Nation?,” in Nation and Narration, edited by Homi K. Bhabha (London: Routledge, 1990), 8–22, 19.

2. For an excellent analysis, see Nikki Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).

3. Robert Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450–1700: A Reassessment of the Counter Reformation (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1999).

4. R. Po-chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

5. For the sources of this remarkable work, see Susan Wabuda, “Henry Bull, Miles Coverdale, and the Making of Foxe’s Book of Martyrs,” in Martyrs and Martyrologies, edited by Diana Wood (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 245–58.

6. Peter Lake, “Anti-popery: The Structure of a Prejudice,” in Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics, 1603–1642, edited by Richard Cust and Ann Hughs (London: Longman, 1989), 72–106.

7. See David Cressy, Bonfires and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart England (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1989).

8. The phrase “Wars of the Three Kingdoms” is sometimes used to indicate that the English Civil War also affected Ireland and Scotland. Until the Act of Union (1801), these three countries could not be regarded as a single political entity. For background, see Conrad Russell, The Origins of the English Civil War (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1973); Norah Carlin, The Causes of the English Civil War (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998).

9. See the analysis in Roxane C. Murph, The English Civil War Through the Restoration in Fiction: An Annotated Bibliography, 1625–1999 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000).

10. See especially the essays gathered in Laura Lunger Knoppers, ed., Puritanism and Its Discontents (Newark, NJ: University of Delaware Press, 2003).

11. For an important study, see Richard McCoy, Alterations of State: Sacred Kingship in the English Reformation (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).

12. R. E. Giesey, “The Monarchomach Triumvirs: Hotman, Beza, and Mornay,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 32 (1970): 41–56. For the later development of this point, see W. J. Stankiewicz, Politics and Religion in Seventeenth-Century France: A Study of Political Ideas from the Monarchomachs to Bayle (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976).

13. Dan G. Danner, “The Contribution of the Geneva Bible of 1560 to English Protestantism,” Sixteenth Century Journal 12 (1981): 5–18.

14. For an exploration of the central role of the Bible at this time, see Christopher Hill, The English Bible and the Seventeenth-Century Revolution (London: Penguin Books, 1993).

15. For the political background to these negotiations, see Glyn Redworth, The Prince and the Infanta: The Cultural Politics of the Spanish Match (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003).

16. On this fascinating figure, see the classic study of Hugh R. Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, 1573–1645, 3rd ed. (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1988).

17. The definition of “treason” at this time is not without interest. Originally understood as a personal crime against the person of the monarch, treason was redefined as a crime against an impersonal state. The issue was of special importance in the charge of treason laid against Charles I by Parliament. For an excellent account of this development, see D. Alan Orr, Treason and the State: Law, Politics, and Ideology in the English Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

18. For critical accounts of Cromwell’s religious and political significance, see Christopher Hill, God’s Englishman: Oliver Cromwell and the English Revolution (London: Penguin, 2000); Antonia Fraser, Cromwell: Our Chief of Men (London: Phoenix, 2002).

19. See the fascinating study by Robert Thomas Fallon, The Christian Soldier: Religious Tracts Published for Soldiers on Both Sides During and After the English Civil Wars, 1642–1648 (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2003).

20. The best account is Michael Mendle, The Putney Debates of 1647: The Army, the Levelers, and the English State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

21. For some aspects of the debate, see Graham E. Seel, Regicide and Republic: England, 1603–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

22. Quentin Skinner, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 2:193.

23. See the older study by Winthrop S. Hudson, John Ponet (1516?–1556), Advocate of Limited Monarchy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942).

24. Others went further: Cromwell, they argued, had simply assumed the role of the king. For the apparent merging of protectoral and monarchical iconography, as reflected in contemporary portraits of Cromwell, see John Cooper, Oliver the First: Contemporary Images of Oliver Cromwell (London: National Portrait Gallery, 1999).

25. J. Douglas Canfield, Tricksters and Estates: On the Ideology of Restoration Comedy (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997).

26. John Morrill, “Life After Death? The Survival of the Church of England in the Seventeenth Century,” History Review 30 (1998): 18–23.

27. For a study, see Alister E. McGrath, In the Beginning: The Story of the King James Bible (New York: Doubleday, 2001).

28. See McCoy, Alterations of State, 108, 135–37.

29. Geoffrey Parker, The Thirty Years’ War, rev. ed. (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987).

30. For a study of how such a radicalized social vision arose within English Puritanism at this time, see Nicholas McDowell, The English Radical Imagination: Culture, Religion, and Revolution, 1630–1660 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003).

31. This is the thesis of Christopher Dawson, The Dividing of Christendom (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1965), 9–11. Cf. his earlier work, The Judgment of the Nations (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1942), 103–4. However, recent studies have stressed that a Christian—rather than a secular—agenda undergirded Locke’s approach; see especially Jeremy Waldron, God, Locke, and Equality: Christian Foundations of John Locke’s Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002).

32. Ole Peter Grell, Jonathan Irvine Israel, and Nicholas Tyacke, eds., From Persecution to Toleration: The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).

33. See the analysis in Louis K. Dupré, Passage to Modernity: An Essay in the Hermeneutics of Nature and Culture (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993).

34. See the arguments of Margaret C. Jacob, The Newtonians and the English Revolution, 1689–1720 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1976).

35. See the classic essay of H. R. Trevor-Roper, “Religious Origins of the Enlightenment,” in Religion, the Reformation, and Social Change (London: Macmillan, 1967), 193–236.

36. For useful surveys, see F. Ernest Stoeffler, German Pietism During the Eighteenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 1973); Harry Yeide, Studies in Classical Pietism: The Flowering of the Ecclesiola (New York: Peter Lang, 1997).

37. J. Munsey Turner, John Wesley: The Evangelical Revival and the Rise of Methodism in England (Peterborough, UK: Epworth Press, 2002).

38. For the best study of this phenomenon, see Ann Taves, Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 13–117.

CHAPTER 7: PROTESTANTISM IN AMERICA

1. For the best survey of the emergence of American Christianity, see Mark A. Noll, The Old Religion in a New World: The History of North American Christianity (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2002).

2. Virginia DeJohn Anderson, New England’s Generation: The Great Migration and the Formation of Society and Culture in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

3. For useful studies, see Peter N. Carroll, Puritanism and the Wilderness: The Intellectual Significance of the New England Frontier, 1629–1700 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969); Stephen Foster, The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570–1700 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991).

4. Harry S. Stout, The New England Soul: Preaching and Religious Culture in Colonial New England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

5. See the classic study by Barry R. White, The English Separatist Tradition: From the Marian Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers (London: Oxford University Press, 1971).

6. Lazar Ziff, “The Salem Puritans in the ‘Free Aire of a New World,’” Huntington Library Quarterly 20 (1956–57): 373–84; John M. Bumstead, “A Well-Bounded Toleration: Church and State in the Plymouth Colony,” Journal of Church and State 10 (1968): 265–79.

7. Allen C. Guelzo, Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003), 11.

8. This point is stressed by Louise A. Breen, Transgressing the Bounds: Subversive Enterprises Among the Puritan Elite in Massachusetts, 1630–1692 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001). Her suggestions of alternative outcomes, though historically tentative, reflect the diversity of visions of Puritanism in the region and the fragility of certain balances of power.

9. See Martin E. Marty, Anticipating Pluralism: The Founders’ Vision (Providence, RI: John Carter Brown Library, 1986); Edwin S. Gaustad, Liberty of Conscience: Roger Williams in America (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1991).

10. The situation in South Carolina is especially illuminating; see Robert Olwell, Masters, Slaves, and Subjects: The Culture of Power in the South Carolina Low Country, 1740–1790 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).

11. As pointed out by William G. McLoughlin, Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform: An Essay on Religion and Social Change in America, 1607–1977 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).

12. For an account of this appalling episode, see Frances Hill, A Delusion of Satan: The Full Story of the Salem Witch Trials (New York: Doubleday, 1995).

13. The best study remains Robert G. Pope, The Half-Way Covenant: Church Membership in Puritan New England (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969).

14. For what follows, see Joseph A. Conforti, Jonathan Edwards, Religious Tradition, and American Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).

15. For comment on this theme, see Linda Munk, “His Dazzling Absence: The Shekinah in Jonathan Edwards,” Early American Literature 27 (1992): 1–30.

16. See the study by Frank Lambert, Inventing the “Great Awakening” (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).

17. Ann Taves, Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 34–41.

18. Frank Lambert, “Pedlar in Divinity”: George Whitefield and the Transatlantic Revivals, 1737–1770 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003).

19. For studies, see Robert W. Jenson, America’s Theologian: A Recommendation of Jonathan Edwards (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Leon Chai, Jonathan Edwards and the Limits of Enlightenment Philosophy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).

20. The best study is Bruce D. Hindmarsh, The Evangelical Conversion Narrative: Spiritual Autobiography in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

21. See especially Michael McGiffert, God’s Plot: Puritan Spirituality in Thomas Shepard’s Cambridge (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1994), 42–48. More generally, see Charles Lloyd Cohen, God’s Caress: The Psychology of Puritan Religious Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

22. Andrew S. Walmsley, Thomas Hutchinson and the Origins of the American Revolution (New York: New York University Press, 1999).

23. Page Smith, Religious Origins of the American Revolution (Missoula, MT: American Academy of Religion, 1976).

24. Dale S. Kuehne, Massachusetts Congregationalist Political Thought, 1760–1790 (Colombia: University of Missouri Press, 1996). For examples of such sermons, see Marie L. Ahern, The Rhetoric of War: Training Day, the Militia, and the Military Sermon (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1989).

25. John W. Thornton, ed., The Pulpit of the American Revolution: or, The Political Sermons of the Period of 1776 (New York: Franklin, 1970).

26. The religious diversity of the leading figures of the American Revolution is explored in David L. Holmes, The Faiths of the Founding Fathers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).

27. For the origins of this animus against religion, see Charles A. Gliozzo, “The Philosophes and Religion: Intellectual Origins of the De-Christianization Movement in the French Revolution,” Church History 40 (1971): 273–83.

28. Dale K. Van Kley, The Religious Origins of the French Revolution: From Calvin to the Civil Constitution, 1560–1791 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996).

29. H. J. Eckenrode, Separation of Church and State in Virginia: A Study in the Development of the Revolution (New York: Da Capo Press, 1971).

30. There is a large literature: see John L. Brooke, The Heart of the Commonwealth: Society and Political Culture in Worcester County, Massachusetts, 1713–1861 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Randolph A. Roth, The Democratic Dilemma: Religion, Reform, and the Social Order in the Connecticut River Valley of Vermont, 1791–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Curtis D. Johnson, Islands of Holiness: Rural Religion in Upstate New York, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).

31. Jay P. Dolan, In Search of an American Catholicism: A History of Religion and Culture in Tension (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).

32. For the background, see Peter Kolchin, American Slavery, 1619–1877 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2003).

33. The divisions went far beyond traditional denominational disputes. For some of the factors, see Susan Juster and Lisa MacFarlane, eds., A Mighty Baptism: Race, Gender, and the Creation of American Protestantism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996).

34. James D. Bratt, Antirevivalism in Antebellum America: A Collection of Religious Voices (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005).

35. The best study is Charles E. Hambrick-Stowe, Charles G. Finney and the Spirit of American Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996).

36. See David B. Chesebrough, Charles G. Finney: Revivalistic Rhetoric (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2002).

37. See the judgment of William G. McLoughlin, Modern Revivalism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham (New York: Ronald Press, 1959), 86: “[Finney] and his followers believed it to be the legitimate function of a revivalist to utilize the laws of mind in order to engineer individuals and crowds into making a choice which was ostensibly based upon free will.”

38. Robert Samuel Fletcher, A History of Oberlin College from Its Foundation Through the Civil War, 2 vols. (Oberlin, OH: Oberlin College Press, 1943). On the college’s later influence, see John Barnard, From Evangelicalism to Progressivism at Oberlin College, 1866–1917 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1969).

39. Don Cusic, The Sound of Light: A History of Gospel Music (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1990), 59–60.

40. For what follows, see Christine Leigh Heyrman, Southern Cross: The Beginnings of the Bible Belt (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997).

41. See the excellent analysis in John B. Boles, The Great Revival: Beginnings of the Bible Belt (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996).

42. Arthur Emery Farnsley, Southern Baptist Politics: Authority and Power in the Restructuring of an American Denomination (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 2–10.

43. Paul Harvey, Redeeming the South: Religious Cultures and Racial Identities Among Southern Baptists, 1865–1925 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 45–50. It must be pointed out that there appears to have been little attempt by such white supervisors to control antebellum black congregations.

44. William E. Montgomery, Under Their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The African-American Church in the South, 1865–1900 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1993).

45. Richard Carwardine, Evangelicals and Politics in Antebellum America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), 80–84.

46. Mary Augustina Ray, American Opinion of Roman Catholicism in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Octagon Books, 1974), 128.

47. For an excellent study, see John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York: Norton, 2003).

48. For the background, see Nancy L. Schultz, Fire and Roses: The Burning of the Charlestown Convent, 1834 (New York: Free Press, 2000). Many believed that Beecher’s inflammatory preaching contributed to this act of mob violence.

49. John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1963).

50. For the incident and its significance, see Margaret Bendroth, “Rum, Romanism, and Evangelism: Protestants and Catholics in Late Nineteenth-Century Boston,” Church History 68 (1999): 627–47.

51. Kathleen Flake, The Politics of American Religious Identity: The Seating of Senator Reed Smoot, Mormon Apostle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).

CHAPTER 8: THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE GLOBAL EXPANSION OF PROTESTANTISM

1. Gustav Warneck, Abriss einer Geschichte der protestantischen Missionen von der Reformation bis auf die Gegenwart: Ein Beitrag zur neueren Kirchengeschichte, 5th ed. (Berlin: Martin Warneck, 1899).

2. The best response is from the Swedish scholar Ingemar Oberg, Luther och världsmissionen (Abo, Finland: Abo Akademi, 1991). Yet Oberg merely shows that the basic elements of a missionary theology are present in Luther, not that they were assembled and put to use for this purpose by Luther himself or his immediate followers. Although there is no doubt that the basic elements of a missionary theology can be found in the writings of both Luther and Calvin, they were like vestigial organs—present, but not perceived to be useful.

3. For an introduction to his thought, though, sadly, it fails to emphasize this point, see Willem Nijenhuis, Adrianus Saravia (c. 1532–1613): Dutch Calvinist, First Reformed Defender of the English Episcopal Church Order on the Basis of the Ius Divinum (Leiden: Brill, 1980). The Lutheran writer Justinian von Weltz (1621–68) should also be noted as an early example of a Protestant who explicitly advocated missionary work and evangelism.

4. One of the best studies of the motivations for this surge of missionary enthusiasm remains Johannes van den Berg, Constrained by Jesus’ Love: An Inquiry into the Motives of the Missionary Awakening in Great Britain in the Period Between 1698 and 1815 (Kampen: Kok, 1956).

5. Andrew F. Walls, in The Missionary Movement in Christian History (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1996), speaks of the “fortunate subversion” of the church by such societies (241–54).

6. For a detailed analysis, see Paul William Harris, Nothing but Christ: Rufus Anderson and the Ideology of Protestant Foreign Missions (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

7. The best account is still Richard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society, 1795–1895, 2 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1899).

8. The best history is Elizabeth Isichei, A History of Christianity in Africa from Antiquity to the Present (London: SPCK, 1995).

9. For the importance of such hymns, see Donald E. Demarey, The Innovation of John Newton (1725–1807): Synergism of Word and Music in Eighteenth-Century Evangelism (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).

10. J. R. Oldfield, “The Protestant Episcopal Church, Black Nationalists, and Expansion of the West African Missionary Field, 1851–71,” Church History 31 (1988): 31–45.

11. Line Nyhagen Predelli, “Sexual Control and the Remaking of Gender: The Attempt of Nineteenth-Century Protestant Norwegian Women to Export Western Domesticity to Madagascar,” Journal of Women’s History 12 (2000): 88–103.

12. The CPSA was sympathetic to the Oxford Movement, which was fundamentally a Catholic renewal movement within the Church of England that sought to deny, or at least downplay, the Protestant origins and character of that church.

13. Stephen Charles Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984–85).

14. Werner Raupp, Mission in Quellentexten: Geschichte der Deutschen Evangelischen Mission von der Reformation bis zur Weltmissionskonferenz Edinburgh 1910 (Erlangen: Verlag der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Mission, 1990).

15. For an excellent account of the background, see D. Dennis Hudson, Protestant Origins in India: Tamil Evangelical Christians, 1706–1835 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000).

16. John Kaye, Kaye’s and Malleson’s History of the Indian Mutiny of 1857–1858 (London: Longman, Green & Co., 1889), 5: 279–95. “The mutiny of the army and the insurrection in the provinces…were the natural consequences of an attempt to govern a great Eastern empire according to purely Western ideas.”

17. For a very critical assessment of these missionaries, see Eric Reinders, Borrowed Gods and Foreign Bodies: Christian Missionaries Imagine Chinese Religion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).

18. Joseph Tse-Hei Lee, The Bible and the Gun: Christianity in South China, 1860–1900, East Asia: History, Politics, Sociology, Culture (New York: Routledge, 2003).

19. Aasulv Lande, Meiji Protestantism in History and Historiography: A Comparative Study of Japanese and Western Interpretation of Early Protestantism in Japan (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1989).

20. For discussion of this era, see Allan K. Davidson, “The Interaction of Missionary and Colonial Christianity in Nineteenth-Century New Zealand,” Studies in World Christianity 2 (1996): 145–66.

21. For example, see Elizabeth M. Roach, “Transformation of Christian Ritual in the Pacific: Samoan White Sunday,” Missiology 16 (1988): 173–82.

22. Karl-Wilhelm Westmeier, “Becoming All Things to All People: Early Moravian Mission to Native North Americans,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 21 (1997): 172–76.

23. Steven J. Crum, “Henry Roe Cloud, a Winnebago Indian Reformer: His Quest for American Indian Higher Education,” Kansas History 11 (1988): 171–84.

24. Thomas P. Barr, “The Pottawatomie Baptist Manual Labor Training School,” Kansas Historical Quarterly 43 (Winter 1977): 377–431.

25. Charles R. King, “Physician to Body and Soul: Jotham Meeker—Kansas Missionary,” Kansas History 17 (Winter 1994–95): 262–73.

26. George A. Schultz, An Indian Canaan: Isaac McCoy and the Vision of an Indian State (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972).

27. Virginia P. Miller, “Silas T. Rand, Nineteenth-Century Anthropologist Among the Micmac,” Anthropologica 22 (1980): 235–49.

28. G. S. Parsonson, “The Literate Revolution in Polynesia,” Journal of Pacific History 2 (1967): 39–57.

29. William N. Fenton, “Toward the Gradual Civilization of the Indian Natives: The Missionary and Linguistic Work of Asher Wright (1803–75) Among the Senecas of Western New York,” American Philosophical Society Proceedings 199 (1956): 567–81.

30. The best analysis of these factors is John D. Y. Peel, Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000).

31. For example, see John L. Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).

32. See Martin Pabst, Mission und Kolonialpolitik: Die Norddeutsche Missonsgesellschaft an der Goldküste und in Togo bis zum Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges (Munich: Verlagsgemeinschaft Anarche, 1988); Werner Ustorf, Die Missions-methode Franz Michael Zahns und der Aufbau kirchlicher Strukturen in Westafrika: Eine missionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Erlangen: Verlag der Evangelisch-Lutherischen Mission, 1989).

33. Elizabeth Elbourne, Blood Ground: Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799–1853 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002).

34. See the evidence assembled in Andrew N. Porter, Religion Versus Empire?: British Protestant Missionaries and Overseas Expansion, 1700–1914 (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2004).

35. Claude E. Stipe, “Anthropologists Versus Missionaries: The Influence of Presuppositions,” American Anthropologist 35 (1980): 165–79.

36. Nigel Barley, The Innocent Anthropologist: Notes from a Mud Hut (London: Penguin Books, 1986), 28–29.

37. Andrew F. Walls, The Cross-Cultural Process in Christian History: Studies in the Transmission and Appropriation of Faith (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2002).

38. See the material gathered in Brian Stanley, ed., Christian Missions and the Enlightenment (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001).

39. See, for example, J. Stanley Friesen, Missionary Responses to Tribal Religions at Edinburgh, 1910 (New York: Peter Lang, 1996).

40. See, for example, the ideas of Christian Keysser, including the critical notion of the Volkskirch—a community based on local social realities and open to the work of the Holy Spirit; see Timothy Yates, Christian Mission in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 34–56.

41. Richard V. Pierard, “Shaking the Foundations: World War I, the Western Allies, and German Protestant Missions,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 22 (1998): 13–19.

CHAPTER 9: THE BIBLE AND PROTESTANTISM

1. Ulrich Luz, “Was heisst ‘sola scriptura’ heute? Ein Hilferuf für das protestantische Schriftprinzip,” Evangelische Theologie 57 (1997): 28–35.

2. On Calvin’s views on this matter, see H. Jackson Forstman, Word and Spirit: Calvin’s Doctrine of Biblical Authority (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1962).

3. Calvin’s analysis merits close consideration; see John D. Morrison, “John Calvin’s Christological Assertion of Word Authority in the Context of Sixteenth-Century Ecclesiological Polemics,” Scottish Journal of Theology 45 (1993): 465–86. For a related approach that stresses the “authority of God,” see N. T. Wright, Scripture and the Authority of God (London: SPCK, 2005), 17–25.

4. Stephen Charles Neill, Crises of Belief (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1984), 23.

5. Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics, 14 vols. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1936–75), II/2:52–54.

6. Frederick Stopp, “‘Verbum Domini Manet in Aeternum’: The Dissemination of a Reformation Slogan, 1522–1904,” in Essays in German Language, Culture, and Society, edited by Siegbert Salomon Prawer, R. Hinton Thomas, Leonard Wilson Forster, and Roy Pascal (London: University of London Institute of Germanic Studies, 1969), 123–35.

7. Their Catholic opponents wryly suggested that the words meant Verbum Domini manet in Ärmeln—“the word of the Lord stays on sleeves.”

8. For a rich account of this idea, see John Webster, “Biblical Theology and the Clarity of Scripture,” in Out of Egypt: Biblical Theology and Biblical Interpretation, edited by Craig Bartholomew (Carlisle, UK: Paternoster Press, 2004), 352–84. See also James P. Callahan, “Claritas Scripturae: The Role of Perspicuity in Protestant Hermeneutics,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 39 (1996): 353–72.

9. Beth Kreitzer, Reforming Mary: Changing Images of the Virgin Mary in Lutheran Sermons of the Sixteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). For Zwingli, see Emidio Campi, Zwingli und Maria: Eine reformationsgeschichtliche Studie (Zurich: TVZ Theologischer Verlag, 1997).

10. See especially Beverly R. Gaventa and Cynthia L. Rigby, eds., Blessed One: Protestant Perspectives on Mary (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2002); Tim Perry, Mary for Evangelicals: Towards an Understanding of the Mother of Our Lord (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2006).

11. H. D. McDonald, Theories of Revelation: An Historical Study 1700–1960 (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1979); W. J. Abraham, The Divine Inspiration of Holy Scripture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981).

12. K. R. Trembath, Evangelical Theories of Biblical Inspiration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987).

13. A. C. Sundberg, “The Bible Canon and the Christian Doctrine of Inspiration,” Interpretation 29 (1975): 352–71; Paul Achtemeier, The Inspiration of Scripture: Problems and Proposals (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980).

14. For an excellent survey of the debates at the time, see Richard A. Muller and John L. Thompson, eds., Biblical Interpretation in the Era of the Reformation: Essays Presented to David C. Steinmetz in Honor of His Sixtieth Birthday (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996).

15. For some of these issues, see Hans Heinrich Schmid and Joachim Mehlhausen, eds., Sola scriptura: Das reformatorische Schriftprinzip in der säkularen Welt (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1991); Hans-Ulrich Gehring, Schriftprinzip und Rezeptionsästhetik: Rezeption in Martin Luthers Predigt und bei Hans Robert Jauss (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1999).

16. Stuart Murray, Biblical Interpretation in the Anabaptist Tradition (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 2000).

17. Timothy George and David S. Dockery, eds., Theologians of the Baptist Tradition (Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 2001).

18. See, for example, the excellent studies of Robert Friedmann, The Theology of Anabaptism: An Interpretation (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1973); A. James Reimer, Mennonites and Classical Theology: Dogmatic Foundations for Christian Ethics (Kitchener, ON: Pandora, 2001).

19. For comment on this specific approach, see the classic study by H. R. McAdoo, The Spirit of Anglicanism (London: A. & C. Black, 1965).

20. Francis White, A Treatise of the Sabbath Day (London: Richard Badger, 1635), 11–12.

21. William Whitaker, A Disputation on Holy Scripture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1849), 411.

22. David C. Steinmetz, “Luther and Calvin on Church and Tradition,” in Luther in Context (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 85–97.

23. David W. Lotz, “Sola Scriptura: Luther on Biblical Authority,” Interpretation 35 (1981): 258–73.

24. Luchesius Smits, Saint Augustin dans l’oeuvre de Jean Calvin (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1956).

25. See the important study of Joseph Ratzinger, “On the Interpretation of the Tridentine Decree on Tradition,” in Revelation and Tradition, edited by Karl Rahner and Joseph Ratzinger (New York: Herder & Herder, 1966), 50–68.

26. See Irena Backus, Historical Method and Confessional Identity in the Era of the Reformation (1378–1615) (Leiden: Brill, 2003). See also the classic study by Peter Fraenkel, Testimonia Patrum: The Function of the Patristic Argument in the Theology of Philip Melanchthon (Geneva: Droz, 1961).

27. Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988).

28. See Neues Testament und Psalter in der Sprache Martin Luthers für Leser von Heute (Hamburg: Friedrich Wittig, 1982).

29. The best study remains David Daniell, Wiliam Tyndale (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994).

30. See the superb account of this process in Cameron A. MacKenzie, The Battle for the Bible in England, 1557–1582 (New York: Peter Lang, 2002).

31. This is the thesis of David S. Katz, God’s Last Words: Reading the English Bible from the Reformation to Fundamentalism (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), x–xi.

32. For an introduction to this somewhat ill-tempered debate, see D. A. Carson, The King James Version Debate: A Plea for Realism (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1979).

33. For the issues, see Peter J. Thuesen, In Discordance with the Scriptures: American Protestant Battles over Translating the Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

34. For specific issues, see Joseph A. Burgess, “Lutheran Interpretation of Scripture,” in The Bible in the Churches: How Various Christians Interpret the Scriptures, edited by Kenneth Hagen (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1998), 101–28; Marion L. Soards, “Reformed Interpretation of Scripture,” in ibid., 159–74.

35. For some aspects of this debate, see J. J. G. Jansen, The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt (Leiden: Brill, 1980), 60–69.

36. See the material in Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (1798–1939) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

37. Similar debates have, of course, taken place within Judaism; see David W. Halivni, “Plain Sense and Applied Meaning in Rabbinic Exegesis,” in The Return to Scripture in Judaism and Christianity: Essays in Postcritical Scriptural Interpretation, edited by Peter Ochs (New York: Paulist Press, 1993), 107–41.

38. Donald W. Dayton, “The Battle for the Bible: Renewing the Inerrancy Debate,” Christian Century (1976): 976–80.

39. J. I. Packer, “Fundamentalism” and the Word of God (London: InterVarsity Press, 1959), 101–14. For an alternative view, see Kathryn E. Tanner, “Theology and the Plain Sense,” in Scriptural Authority and Narrative Interpretation: Essays on the Occasion of the Sixty-fifth Birthday of Hans Frei, edited by Garrett Green (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), 59–78.

40. David F. Wright, “Accommodation and Barbarity in John Calvin’s Old Testament Commentaries,” in Understanding Poets and Prophets, edited by A. Graeme Auld (Sheffield, UK: JSOT Press, 1993), 413–27. More generally, see Stephen D. Benin, The Footprints of God: Divine Accommodation in Jewish and Christian Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).

41. Kevin J. Vanhoozer, “The Reader in New Testament Interpretation,” in Hearing the New Testament: Strategies for Interpretation, edited by Joel B. Green (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995), 301–28.

42. For different perspectives on this debate, see the material gathered in Eugene F. Rogers, Theology and Sexuality: Classic and Contemporary Readings—Blackwell Readings in Modern Theology (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002).

43. Marcel Simon, “From Greek Hairesis to Christian Heresy,” in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellectual Tradition, edited by William R. Schoedel and Robert L. Wilken (Paris: Beauchesne, 1979), 101–16.

44. H. E. W. Turner, The Pattern of Christian Truth: A Study in the Relations Between Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Early Church (London: Mowbray, 1954), 81–94.

45. For magisterial surveys of this development, see Robert M. Grant, Heresy and Criticism: The Search for Authenticity in Early Christian Literature (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993); Arland J. Hultgren, The Rise of Normative Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1994).

46. The best study of this movement is Rowan Williams, Arius: Heresy and Tradition, 2nd ed. (London: SCM Press, 2001).

47. See the important study by T. E. Pollard, Johannine Christology and the Early Church (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).

48. See the impressive list of novateurs provided by Gabriel Naudé, Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui sont faussement soupçonnez de magie (Paris, 1625).

49. Hence the title of the work by Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), which explores the intellectual world of this era.

50. For Melanchthon’s important statement of this position, see the classic study by Peter Fraenkel, Testimonia Patrum. This analysis has been extended in Backus, Historical Method and Confessional Identity.

51. For details, see Massimo Firpo, “The Italian Reformation and Juan de Valdés,” Sixteenth Century Journal 27 (1996): 353–64.

52. Other controversies of relevance here include the dispute between the Arminians and the Gomarists; see Jonathan Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 411–63.

53. See Maurice Wiles, Archetypal Heresy: Arianism Through the Centuries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996).

54. Oscar Kenshur, “Scriptural Deism and the Politics of Dryden’s Religio Laici,” English Literary History 54 (1987): 869–92.

55. See especially Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi and Michael Argyle, Acquiring Religious Beliefs: Socialization and Continuity (London: Routledge, 1997), 97–113.

56. Epitome, 1–8, in Die Bekenntisschriften der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, 2nd ed. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1952), 767–69.

57. See, for example, Henry Pickering, Chief Men Among the Brethren (Neptune, NJ: Loizeaux, 1918).

58. See the useful material in Thomas F. Torrance, The School of Faith: The Catechisms of the Reformed Church (London: James Clarke, 1959).

59. For what follows, see Alan P. F. Sell, A Reformed, Evangelical, Catholic Theology: The Contribution of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, 1875–1982 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1991), 73–78.

60. W. J. Sparrow-Simpson, Assent to the Articles: A Short History of Subscription to the XXXIX Articles of the Church of England (London: SPCK, 1925).

61. Clive L. Rawlins, William Barclay: The Authorized Biography (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984).

62. The key work is Antonio Gramsci, Gli intellettuali e l’organizzazione della cultura, 6th ed. (Milan: Giulio Einaudi Editore, 1955). For an introduction, see David Harris, From Class Struggle to the Politics of Pleasure: The Effects of Gramscianism on Cultural Studies (London: Routledge, 1992).

↑ Back to top

↑