Bible Commentary (1871–1879 Edition) (continued)
FaiU's Address to the Elders of Epliesus. ACTS XX. He Commits to them the Care of God! s Flock.
self, on which all the clinrges against him turned; (2) the Biinien of thai Gospel which lie preached— Grace ; it was "the Gospel of Ihe Grace of God." 25-37. 1 know tliat yc all . . . shall see my face no more—not an inspired prediction ol what was certainly to be, but wliat the apostlie western churches, for keeping the feast, and clearing
Jils apostolic position witii the Church, then repn sen ted in large number at Jerusalem. The words imply that there was considerable ground to doubt if he would attain this object—for more than three of the seven weeks from Passover to Pentecost had already e.xpired—and they are inserted evidently to explain why he did not on<-e more tle, in his peculiar circumstances, fully expected. WlieUier, Iherefore, he ever did see them again, is a question to be decided purely on its own evidence, lam pure from tlie blood of all men—;Ch. 18. 6 ; and cf. 1 Samuel 12.
visit Ephesus. 17. from Miletus lie sent to EyUesiis, and called the ciders of the church—jVs he was now some forty miles south of Ephesus, we might tliiiik that more time would be lost by sending thus far for tlieelili-rs tocome to him, than by going at once to Ephesus itsi lf, when so near it. But if unfavourable winds and stormy weatlier had overtaken them, his object could not hav.e been attained, and perhaps he was unwilliug to run the
3, 5; Ezekiel 3. 17-21; 33. 8,9.) For I have not shunned to dccliire all the counsel of God—God's way of Salvation, anil His kingdom of souls saved by His Son Jesus Christ. See Lukii 7. 30. 28. Take heed . . . unto yourselves—Cf. 1 Timothy 3. 2-7; 4. 16 ; 6. U. and to tlic flock —Cf. Hebrews 13. 17. Observe here how X\\e personal is put before the pri Moral care, over . . . which tlie Holy Ghost hath made you—Cf. John 20. 22, 23; Ephcsians 4.
risk of detention at Ephesus by the slate of the Church, and other causes. Those here called "ciders" or "presbyters," are in u. 28 called " bi.'ihop.i." (See nole there.) The identity of presbyters and bishops in tJ)e >\'w Testament is beyond all reasonable dispute. 18. Te Itiiuiv
8, 11, 12; Revelations 3. 1. (Ch. 14. 23 shows that the apostle did not mean to exclude /t«»na/i ordination.) overseerg —or, as tlie same word is everywhere else rendered in our version, ' bishops.' ' The English Version has hardly dealt fair in this case with the sacred text, In rendering the word "overseers," whereas it ought here, as in all other places, to have been 'bishops,' in order that the fact of elilersaiid bishops h.aving been originally and aposto Ucally sy nonj-inous, might be apparent to the ordinary English reader, which now it is not.' [Alfobd.] The distinction between these oflices cannot be certainly traced tilt the second cenltiry, nor was it established till late in that century, to fctd t3»e C'liurcli of God—or, ' the Church of the Ijord.' Which ol these two readings of the text is the true one, is a question which has divided the best critics. The evidence of MSS. preponderates in favour of 'tub LoKD;' soiueof the mostaneieut Versions, tliough net all, so read; and Athanasius, the great champion of llie supreme Divinity of Christ early in the fourth century, sajs the expression ' Church of God. . . after what manner I have been xi'lth you at all seasons, &c.—For the Christian integritjand tidelity of his whole official intercourse with them he ap;)<-als to themselves. 19. Serving the Lord (Jesus) with nil Jiumillty . . . and many tears and temptations—Sell-exaltation was unknown to him, and ease of niind: Pie "'sowed in tears," froia anxieties both on account of the converts for whom he "travailed in birth," and of the Jews, whose bitter hostility was perpetnallj' plotting against him, interrupting his v/ork and endangering his life. !40. kept back—timidly withheld from fear of consequences, notliing tliat was profitable—editlcatiou directing all. have tauglit yoti publicly, and from Itouse to house—Did an apostle, whose functions were of so wide a range, not feel satisfied without private as well as public ministrations? How then must jpasto-s feel? [Bengel.] 31. testifying both to Jews and Greeks (labouring under a common malady, and recoverable only by a common treatment) repentance toward God and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ—See on ch. 5. 31. Repentance, as distinguished from faith, is that state of the " honest and good heart" which arises from a discovery of one's contrariety to the righteous demands of the Divine law. This Issiiidtobe "towards God," because seeing Him to be the party dishonoured by sin, it feels all its acknowledgments and compunctions to be properly due to Him, as the great Lawgiver, and directs them to Him accordingly; condemning, humbling Itself, and grieving before Him, looking also to Him as Its onlj' Hope of deliverance. Kaith
' is unknown to the Scriptures. Which reading, theu, does the internal evidence favour? As 'Church of God ' occurs nine times elsewhere In Paul's writings, and 'Church of the Lord' nowhere, the probability, it issaid, is, that he used his wonted phraseology herealsi). Butif he did, it is extremely dil Scult tosee how so many early transcribers should have altered it into the quite unusual phrase, 'Church of the Lord ;' whereas, if the apostle did use this latter expression, and the historian wrote it so accordingly, it is easy to see how transcribers might, from being so accustoned to the usual phrase, write it 'Church of God.' On the whole, therefore, we accept the second reading as most probably the true one. But see what follows, which he linth purcliased (' made his own,' 'acquired') with his own blood —'His own' is emphatic: q. d., 'That glorified Lord who from the right hand of power in the heavens is gathering and ruling li.e Church, and by His Spirit, through human agency, hath set you over it, cannot be indifferent to iUs welfare in your hands, seeing He hath given for it His own most precious blood, thus making it His own by the dearest cf all ties.' The transcendent sacredness of the Church of Christ is thus made to rest on the Dignity of
Is said to be " lowards our Lord Jexus ChrLit," because in that frame of mind just described it eagerly credi Is the testimony of relief divinely provided in Christ, gladlj' embraces the overtures of reconciliation in Him, and dii-ects all its expectations of salvation, from its first stage to it.s last, to Him as tlie one appointed Medium of all grace from God to a sinful world. Thus we have here a i)rief summary of all Gospel preaching. And it is easy to see why repentance is here put before faith; for the former must of necessity precede the latter. Tliere is a repentance subsequent to faith, the fruit of felt pardon and restoraits Lord and the consequent preciousness of that blood which He shed for it. And as the sacrilicial atoning cr.aracter of Christ's dcatu is here plainly expiressed, so His supreme dignity is implied as clearly by the second reading as it is expressed by the first. Wliat a motive to pa Storal fii JieliUj is here furnished ! 89, 30. after' my departure shall grievous wolves enter in among yon—Two classes of coming enemies are here aniiounced, the one more external to themselves, the other bred in the bosom of their own community; both were to be teachers, but the one, "grievous wolves," not sparing, i. e., making a prey of tlie (lock; the ol her, simply sectarian "perverters" of tile truth, with the view of drawing a party after them. I'erhaps the one pointed to that subtle poison of Oriental Gnosticism which we know to have very eaUy infected tlie Asiatic cliurches ; the other to such Judaizing tendencies as we know to have troubled nearly all the early cliurches. See the Ejiistles to the Epliesians, ColoS' tians, uud 'I'imothy, also those to the seven churches oX tion. It was tliis which drew the teai'S wilh which the Saviour's feet were once so copiously moistened. (Luke
7. 37, as, 47; and cf. Ezekiel 16. Ci) But that is not the light in which It Is here presented. 83,23. And now, beliold,
I ("I " is emphatic here) bound in tlie Spirit—ef. ch. 19.
21. This Internal pressure, unattended with any knowledge of "what was to befall him there," was the result of that higher guidance which shaped all his movements.
Save that tlie Holy Ghost witnesseth In every city, <i:c. —by prophetic utterances from city to city, as ch. 11.4;
21. 10, 11. Analogous premonitions of coining events are not unknown to the general method of God's providence. Tliey would tend to season the ai)ostle's spirit. 'H. But none of these things move me, neitlier, &.C.—In this noble expression of absolute dedication to the service of Christ and preparedness for the worst that could befall him In such a cause, note (P "lis Jealousy for the peculiar diaracler of his mission, as imnte UiaU'lj/ Jrom Christ Him-
PkIuI Journeyeth to Jerusalem, ACTS XXI. ivhere he Addrvsseth the Elden.
were taken along with their parents, but must have joined in this act of solemn worship. See on Epliesians
Asia (chs. 2. and 3). But watchfulness against all that tends to injure and corrupt the Cliurch is the duty of its pastors in every age. 31. l>y tUe space of three years speaking in round numbers; for it was nearer tliree tlian two years. I ceased not to warn every mie night and day with tears—What an appeal to be able to make! 'And if this was an apostle's part, how much more a pastor's!' [Bengel.] 3!J-35. I commend you to God— the almighty Conservator of His people, and to the word of his grace—that message of His pure grace (v.
6. 1. 7. when we had tinlshed our course ('compleliug the voyage") from Tyre, we came (which they would do the same day) to Ptolemais—anciently called Aceho (Judges 1. 31), now St. Jean d'Acre, or Acre, and saluted the brethren, and abo<le, &c.—disciples gathered probably as at Tyre, on the occasion mentioned ch. II. 19. 810. next day We [that were of Paul's company] departed —(The words in brackets are omitted in the best MSS. They were probably added as the connecting words at the head of some church lessons.) and came to Csesarea—
24) by the faith of which He keeps us (1 Peter 1.5). which
(i. e., God) Is able to build you up, and to give you an Inheritance, &c.—Observe how Salvation—not only in its run along the coast, southward, of some thirty miles. Philip the evangelist— a term answering apparently very much to our missionary IHovfS], by whose ministry such joy had been dil Tused over Samaria, and the Ethiopian eunuch had been baptized, ch. 8. one of the seven (deacons)—who had "purchased to himself a good degree" initial stages of pardon and regeneration, but in all its subsequent stages of " up-building," even to Us consummation in the final inheritance—is here ascribed to the "ability" of God to bestow it, as in Romans 16. 2-3; Ephesians 3. 20; particularly Jude 24; and cf. 2 Timothy 1. 12, where the same thing is ascribed to Christ, among all them wlilch are sanctified—Sauctificalion is here viewed as the final character and condition of the heirs of glory, regarded as one saved companj'. these bonds—doubtless holding them up, as before Agrippa in chains, ch. 26. 29. have ministered unto my necessities, and to them tliat were with mc—See ch. 18. 3; and 1 Corinthians 4. 12; 9. 6, written from Ephesus ; also 1 Thessaloniaus 2. 9. that so labouring (as I have done, for others, as well as myself) ye ought to support the weak, and to remember tlie words of the Liord Jesus, liow he ('how Himself) said, It is more blessed to give than to receive, &c.—Th is golden saying, snatclied from oblivion, and here added to the Church's abiding treasures, is apt to beget the wish that more of what issued from those Lips wliicli "dropped as an honeycomb," had been preserved to ns. But see on John 21. 25. 36-38. he luieeled ilown and prayed witli them all, Ac—Nothing can be more toucliing than these three concluding verses, leaving an indelible impression of rare ministerial fidelity and al Tectiou on the apostle's part, and of warm admiration and attachment on the part of these Ephesiau presbyters. Would to God that such Bcenes were more frequent in the Cliurch !
(1 Timothy 3. 13). He and Paul now meet for the first time, some twenty-five years after that time, the same man Iiad four daughters . . . whiclk did prophesy fulfilling Joel 2. 28 (see ch. 2. 18). This is mentioned, it would seem, merely as a higli distinction divinely conferred on so devoted a servant of the Lord Jesus, and proljably indicates the high tone of religion in his family, tarried there many ('a good many') days — Finding himself in good time for Pentecost at Jerusalem, he would feel it a refreshing thing to his spirit to hold Christian communion for a few days with such a family, there came down from Judea (the news of Paul's arrival having spread) a certain prophet . . . Agabus—no doubt the same as in cli. 11. 28. 11-14:. So shall the Jews bind the man that owneth this girdle, &c.—For though the Romans did it, it was at tlie Jews' instigation, v. 33; ch.
28. 17. Such dramatic methods of announcing important future events would bring the old prophets to remembrance. (Cf. Isaiah 20. 2, &c. ; Jeremiah 13. 1, and EzekieJ
5. 1, &c.) This prediction and that at Tyre (v. i) were intended, not to prohibit him from going, but to put his courage to tlie test and when he stood the test, to deepen and mature it. we and titey at that place (the Cesarean Christians) besought him (even with tears, v. 13) not to go to Jerusalem. Then Paul answered, AVhat mean ye to weep and to break mine heart, <Sc.—Beautiful union of manly resoluteness and womanly tenderness, alike removed fronr mawkishness and stoicism! 1 am ready not to be bound only—7. d., ' If that is all, let it come.' but to die, ike.—It was well he could add this, for he had that also to do. 15, 10. we took up our carriages ('our baggage'), and went up to Jerusalem—for the Jijih time after his conversion, thus concluding his third misxion-
CHAPTER XXI.
Ver. 1-16. Sailing from Ephesus, tuey land at Tykk, and thence sailing to Ptolemai-s, they pkoceed by land to ciesakea and jekusalem. 1. we were gotten ('torn') from tliein—expressing the difficulty and pj-in of the parting, wltli a straiglit course running bel'ore the wind, as ch. 10. II. ujilo Cous ('tos') —an island due south from Miletus, whicli lliey would reach in about six hours, and coming close to tlie mainland, tlie day following unto Rliodrs—anotlier island, some fifty miles to tlie soutli-east, of brilliant classic memory and beauty, thence unto Patara—a town on the magnificent mainland of Lycia, almost due east from Rhodes. It was the seat of a celebrated oracle of Apollo.
ai-y lour, which proved his last, so far as recorded ; for thougli he accomplislied t-iie fourth and last part of the missionary plan sketched out, ch. 19.21—"After I have been at Jerusalem, I must also see Rome"—it was as "a prisoner of Jesus Clirist." went with us . . . and brought witik tliem (ratlier, 'brought us to ) on* >Inason of Cyprus, an old disciple, &c.—not an agrU disciple, but probalily 'a disciple of old standing,' perhaps one of the 3000 converted on the day of Pentecost, or, more likely it. And iliiding asliip (their -former one going no farther, probably) to Phoenicia—.See on ch. 11. 19. went abroad One would almost think tliis extracted from a Journal of the voyage, so graphic are its details. 3. when we . . . discovered ('sighted,' as the phrase is) Cyprus, we left It on tiie left hand—i. e., steeretl south-east of it, leaving it on the north-west, sailed into (' unto')!^yrla, and landed at Tyre—tlie celebrated seat of maritime commerce for East and West. It might be reached from Patara in aliout two days, there the ship was to unlade lier bui-den which gave the apostle time for what follows, 't-0. linding disci|>les (' finding out the disciples')—implying some still, drawn to the Saviour Himself during His lifetime. He had conie, probably, willi tlie otlier Cyprians (eh. Jl.
20), to Aiitiocli, "pi( acliiug the lA)rd Jesus unto the (Jrecians," and now he appears settled at Jerusalem.
17-10. Paul keports the events of his Thikd Mi.sSIONARY JoUltNEY—In THE TE.MPLE, PURIFYING HIMKELF FROM A JKWI.SH VOW, HK IS SEIZED BY A MOB AND BEATUN TO THE DANGER OF HIS LIFE—TlIK UPKO.\K BECO.MJNG UNIVERSAL, THE HOMAN CoMMAND.\NT HAS HIM BROUGHT IN 1'1I.4.INS TO THE FORTItE.SS, FROM THE STAiHS OF WHICH HE IS PER.MITrED TO ADDRKSS THE PEOPLK. The apostle was full of anxiety about tliis visit to Jerusalem, from the numerous prophetic intimalious of danger awaiting him, and having reason to expect the presence at tliis ft ast of the very parties from whose virulent rage he had once and again narrowly escaped with his life. Hence we tliul liiin asking tlie Roman Christians to wressearcli. Tliey would expi'ct such, from what is recorded, ch. 11. 19. Perhaps they were not many; yet there were gifted ones among tliem. wlio said to Paul . . . that he should not go to .Jerusalem—See on <'h. 2t). 23; also on t<. 11-11. tiiey all brouglit us on our way with wives and children . . . and we knrrlcil down on the shore and prayed, &c.—See on cli. 20. ,'i()-3.S. Observe tle with him in prayer, " for the Lord Jesus Christ's s&ke.
iifcre that the children of these Tyrian disciples not only
Paid Assaulted in the Temple. ACTS XXII. Sis Defence from the Stairs of the Forlrest.
CHAPTER XXII.
and for the love of the Spirit, that he might be delivered /rwi tnem that believed not in Judca," as well as "that his
Ver. 1-30. Paul's defenck from the .stairs of thb FORTRESS— The kage of the audience burstino FORTH, THE COMMAJtDANT HAS HIM BROUGHT INTO THE FOltTTOBE examined BY SCOURGING, BUT LEARNING THAT HE IS A Roman, he orders his release and commands THE Sanhedrim to try him. l, 3. when they heard
Bervice which he had for Jerusalem (the great collection for the poorsaints there) might be accepted of the saints," Romans 15. 30, 31. 17-19. the bretliren received iis gladly—the disciples generally, as distinguished from the official reception recorded in ti. 18. Paul went In with U8 unto James ; and all tlie elders were present —to "report himself" formally to the acknowledged head of the Church at Jerusalem, and his associates in. . . the Hebrew tongue (see on ch. 21. 40) they kept the more silence—They could have understood him in Greek, and doubtless fully expected the renegade to address them in that language, but the sound of their holy mother-tongue awed them Into deeper silence. 3. a Jew of Tarsus, brought up in this city, at the feet (see on Luke 10. 39) of Gamaliel—(See on ch. 5. 24)—a fact of great importance in the apostle's history, standing in the same relation to his futui'e career as Moses' education In the Egyptian court tq the work for which he was destined, office. See on ch. 15. 13. Had any other of the apostles been in Jerusalem on that occasion, it could hardly fail to have been noted, he declared particularly (in detail) nrhat God had wrouglit among the Gentiles by Ills ministry—as on previous occasions, ch. 14. 27; and see Romans 15.15; no doubt referring to the insidious and systematic efforts of the Judaizing party in a number of places to shrivel the Church of Christ into a Jewish sect, and his own counter-procedure. aO-35. they glorified the Iiord, &c.—constrained to justify his course, notwithstanding the Jewish complexion of the Christianity of Jerusalem, they are informed . . . that thou teachest tlie perfect manner of the law of the fathers—the strictest form of traditional Judaism, zealous ('a zealot') toward God as ye all are this day—his own murderous zeal against the disciples of the Lord Jesus being merely reflected in their present treatment of himself. 4. I persecuted, &c.—See on ch. 9. 1, 2, 5-7. the high priest all the Jews which are among the Gentiles (those re Siding in heathen countries) to forsake Moses, &c.—This calumny of the unbelieving Jews would lind easy credence amon the Christian zealots for Judaism, we have four men (Christian Jews, no doubt) which have a vowperhaps kept ready on purpose, be at chax-ges with them i. e., defray the expense of the sacrifices legally required of them, along with his own, which was deemed a mark of Jewish generosity, touching tlie Gentiles . . . we have written and concluded tliat they observe no such thli\gs, &c.—This shows that with all their conciliation to Jewish prejudice, the Church of Jerusalem was taught to adhere to the decision of the famous council held there (ch. 15). 3G. to signify (i. e., announce to the
(still alive) doth bear me witness, and all tlie estate of the elders—the whole Sanhedrim. 8. Jesus of Nazareth—('The Nazarene.') See on ch. 9. 5. 9-11. the men, &C.—See on ch. 9. 7, &c. 13. Ananias, a devout man, according to tike law, having a good report of all the Jews which dwelt there—One would not know from this description of Ananias that he was a Christian at all, the apostle's object being to hold him up a.s unexceptionable even to the most rigid Jews. 13-15. The God of our fathers hath chosen thee—studiously linking the new economy upon the old, as but the sequel of it; both havfng one glorious Author, that thou shouldest sec that
('the') Just One—cf. ch. 3. 14; 7.52. and hear the voice of his mouth—in order to place him on a level with the other apostles, who had "seen the (Risen) Lord." be baptized and wash away thy sins—This way of speaking arises from baptism being the visible seal of remission, calling on the name of the Lord—rather, ' Iiaving called,' i. e., after having done so; referring to the confession of Christ which preceded baptism, as ch. 8. 37. 17-31.
priest) the accomplishment of the days of purification, &c.—See on Numbers 6. 13-21. 27-30. the Jews of Asia—in all likelihood those oi Ephesus (since they i-ecognized Tropiiimus apparently as a townsman, d. 29), embittered by tlieir discomfiture, ch. 19. 9, &c. Trophlmus —See on cli. 20. 1. took Paul, and drew him out of the temple ; and forthwith the doors were shut—that the murder they meant to perpetrate might not pollute that holy place. 31. tidings came lit., ' went up,' it came to pass, &c.—This thrilling dialogue between the glorified Redeemer and his chosen vessefl is nowhere else related. When I was come again to Jerusalem—on the occasion mentioned ch, 9. '26, &c. while I prayed in the temple—He thus calls their attention to the fact that after his conversion he kept up his connection with the temple as before, get quickly out of Jerusalem (cf. ch. 9. 29), for they will not receive tliy testimony . . . And I said, Lord, they know, &c. : q. d., ' Can it be. Lord, that they will resist the testimony of one whom they knew so well as among the bitterest of all against thy disciples, and whom nothing short of resistless evidence could have turned to Thee'.'' Depart, for 1 will send thee far hence unto the Gentiles q. d., 'Enough; thy testimony is not to be thrown away upon Jerusalem ; the Gentiles, afar off, are thy peculiar sphere.' 33, 33. gave him audience to this word . . . then . . . Away with sucli a fellow from the earth, &c.—Their national prejudices lashed into fury at the mention of a mission to the Gentiles, they would speedily have done to him as they did to Stephen, but for the presence and protection of the Roman officer. 34-'36. examined by scourging according to the Roman practice, that he might know wherefore they cried so—Paul's speech being to him in an unknown tongue, he concluded from the horror which i. e., to the fortress of .Vntonia, where the commandant resided. See on v. 32. This part of the narrative is particularly graphic, the cliief cai>tain— ' the chiliarch,' or tribune of the Roman coliort, whose full number was 1,000 men. 33. commanded him to be boiuid with two chains—See on ch. 12. 34. some cried one thing—The difficulty would be so to state his crimes as to Justify their proceedings to a Roman ol Rcer. to be carried Into the castle—rattier, perhaps, ' the barracks,' or that part of the fortress of Antonia appropriated to the soldiers. 'The fort was built by Herod on a high rock at the north-west corner of the great temple area, and called after Mark Antony. 35, 36. Away with him—as before of his Lord, Luke 23. 18; John 19. 15. 37-40. Art not thou that Egyptian, (fee.—Tlie form of the question implies that the answer is to be in the negative, and is matter of some surprise: q. d., 'Tliou art not then,' Ac? madest an uproar, &c.—The narrative Is given in Josephus {.Tctvi.th War, ii, 8. B; and 13. 5), tliougli his two allusions and ours seem to refer to dit Terent periods of the rebellion, acitlzen of no mean city—See on ch. 16. 37. stood on the •tatrs—'What nobler spectacle than that of Paul at this moment! There he stood, bound with two chains, ready to make his defence to the people. The Roman commander 8it.s liy, to enforce order hy liis presence. An enraged populace look up to him from below, yet in the midst of so many dangers, how self-possessed Is he, how tranquil !' [Chky.sostom (or in his name) in Hacket.] a
It kindled in the vast audience that he must have been guilty of some crime. Paul said to the centurion that stood by—to superintend the torture and receive the confession expected to be wrung from him. Is it lawful foi you to scourge a man that Is a Roman, itc.—.See on ch.
fp-cat silence—tlie people awed at the permission given hlra by the commandant, and .seeing liitn silting as a listener, in the Hebrew tongue-the Ky ro-Clialdaic, the vernaculyr tongue of the Palestine Jews since the captivity
16. .37. 37-39. Art thou a Koman I — show! ng that his being of Tarsus, which h(^ liail told him before (ch. 21. 39) did not necessarily imply that he was a Koman citizen, With a great sum obtained 1 this freedom—Koman cit-
PauPs Defence before the Sanhedrim. ACTS XXIII. He is Encouraged by a Vui'ffn, izenship was bought and sold in the reign of Clandins, we know, at a high price: at a subsequent date, for next to nothing. But to put in a false claim to this privilege was a capital crime. I was [free] born {'born to it')—by purchase, or in reward of services, on the part of his father or some ancestor, chief captain feared, &c.—See on ch.
their opinions, but only to explain it away as sonictliing not worth raising a noise about. (The following words, " Let us not fight against God," seem not to belong to the original text, and perliaps are from ch. 5.39. In this ca.se, either tlie meaning is, 'If he has had some Divine communication, wliat of Diatf or, the conclusion of the sentence may have been drowned in the hubbul), wliich the next verse .shows to have been intense.) 10. tlie chief captain, fearing lest Paul should have been pulled to pieces . . . comm.-vnded the soldiers to go down and take him by force, &c.—Tills shows that the commandant was not liimself present, and lurther, that instead of the Sanhedrim trying thecau.se, the proceedings quickly consisted in the one party attempting to seize the pris-
16. 38. 30. coinmandeil tlie chief priests and all tlielr coimcil to appear— i. e., the .Sanliedrim to be formally convened. Note here the power to order a Sanhedrim to try this case, assumed by the Roman officers and acquiesced in on their part.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Ver. 1-10. Paul's defence before the Sanhedrij: DIVIDES THE RIVAL FACTIONS, FROM WHOSE VIOLENCE THE COMMANDANT HAS THE APOSTLE REMOVED INTO THE FORTRESS. 1. Paul, earnestly beholding the council with a look of conscious integrity and unfaltering courilv oner, and the other to protect him.
15 \ 11-35. In the fortress Paul is cheered by a night VISION — An infamous conspiracy to assassinate him is providentially defeated, and he is despatched BY night with a letter FROM TIIE COMMANDANT TO Felix at CaesAREA, by whom arrangements ARE MADE FOR A HEARING OF HIS CACSH 11. the night following— his heart perhaps sinking, in tlie solitude of his barrrack-ward, and thinking perhaps that all the predictions of danger at Jerusalem were now to be fulfilled in his death there, the Lord age, perhaps also recognizing some of his early fellowpupils. I have lived In all good conscience before God until this day, etc.—The word has an indirect reference to the ' polity' or " commonwealth of Israel," of which he would signify that he had been, and was to that hour, an honest and God-fearing member. 2. t!ie high priest . . . commanded ... to smite him on the mouth—a metliod of silencing a speaker common in the East to this day. [H.\CKET.] But for a judge thus to treat a prisoner on liis
(i. e., Jesus) stood by him . . . Be of good clieer, Paul for as thou hast testitied of me In Jerusalem, so must tho<» also at Rome q, d., 'Thy work in Jerusalem trial, for merely prefacing his defence by a protest.ition of his integrity, was infamous. 3, 4. God shall smite thee—as indeed He did ; for he was killed by an assassin during the Jewish war. (JoSKFnvs, Jewish War, ii. 17.9.) thou whlted wall— e., hypocrite (INIatthew 23. 27). Tliis epithet, however correctly describing the man, must not be defended as addressed to a judge, though the remonstrance which follows—"for sittest thou," &c.—ouglit to have put him to shame. 5. I wist mot that he was the high priest—All sorts of explanations of this have been given. The high priesthood was in a state of great confusion and constant change at this time (as appears from JoSEi'HUS), and tiie apostle's long absence from Jerusalem, and perhaps the manner in wliich he was habited or the seat he occupied, with other circumstances to us unknown, may account for such a speech. But if he was thrown off his guard by an insult wliicli touched him to the quick, ' wiiat can surpass tlie grace with wliich lie recovered his self-possession, and the frankness with which he acknowledged his error? If his conduct in yielding to the momentary impulse was not tliat of Christ himself under a similar provocation (John 18. 22, 23), certainly the manner in which he atoned for his fault was Christ-like.' [Hacket.] 0-9. when Paul perceived (from the discussion which plainly had by this time arisen between the is done, faithfully and well done; but thou art not to die here; thy purpose next to "see Rome" (ch. I'J. 21) shall not be disappointed, and there also must thou bear witness of Me.' As this vision was not unneeded now, so we shall find it cheering and upholding him througliout all that befell him up to his arrival there. 12-14. bound themselves with a curse . . . that they would neither eat . . . till they had killed Paul—Cf. 2 Samuel 3. 35; 1 Samuel 14. 24. 15. Now ... ye with the council signify to the chief captain ... as though, &c.—That tliese high ecclesiastics fell in readily with this infamous plot is clear. What will not unscrupulous and hypocritical religionists do under the mask of religion ? The n.arrative bears unmistakaljle internal marks of truth, or ever he come near—Their plan was to as.sassinate him on hia way down from the barratdts to the council. The case was critical, but He who had pledged His word to him that he should testify for Him at Rome provided unexpected means of defeating this well-laid scheme. 16-'32. Paul's sister's son—See on ch. 9. 30. If he was at this time residing at Jerusalem for his education, like Paul himself, he may have got at the schools those hints of the conspiracy on which ho so promptly acted. Then Paul called one of the centurions—Though divinelj' assured of safety, he never allows this to interfere with the duty he owed to his own life and the work he had yet to do. (See on ch. 27. 22-25, 31.) took him by the hand—This shows that he must have been quite in his boyhood, and throws a pleasing light on the kind-hearted impartiality of thisot Ticer. antl now are they reaily, looking for a promise frofm thee—Tlius, as is so often the case with God's iieople, not till the last moment, when the plot was all prepared, did deliverance come. !43, 34. two hundred soldiers—a formidalle guard for such an occasion ; but Roman odicials felt their honour concerned in the preservation of the public peace, and the danger of an attempted rescue woulil seem to require it. The force at Jerusalem was large enough to spare this convoy, the thlr(\ hour of the night—nine o'clock, beasts to set Paul on—as relays, and to carry baggage, unto Felix, the govertior—the procurator. See on ch. 24. 24, '25. 3530. t'laudlus—the Roman name lie would lake on purchasing his citi/.cnslilp. Liyslns—his Greek family name, the most excellent governor—an honorary title of office. I'.ame I with an army— rather, 'with the military.' perceiveil to be accused of questions of their law, &c.— Amidst all his dilhcnlty in getting at the charges laid against Paul, enougli, no doubt, came out to satisfy lilm that the whole was a question of relijioii, and that there was no case for a civil tribunal. gavt> commandment to parties) that the one part were Sadducees, and tlie other Pharisees, he cried out (raising his voice above both parties), I am a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee
(the true reading seems to be, 'the son of Pharisees,' i. e., belonging to a family who from father to son had long been such)—of the hope and resurrection of the dcnd
(t. e., not the vague hope of immortality, but the definite expectai'iOn of the resurrection) I am called in question —By this adroit stroke, Paul engages the whole Pharisaic section of the council in his favour; the doctrine of a resurrection being common to both, though they would totally dii Ter in their application of it. This was, of course, quite w:irrantable, and the more so as it was already evident that no impartiality in trying his cause was to be
'.coked from such an assembly, the Sadducees say . . . there is no r»'Surreetlon, itelther angel, nor spirit—See on LuliO 20.37. the scribes ... of the Piiarisees' part. . strove, saying. We tlnd no evil In this man, but as to those startling things which lie brings to our ears)'
If a spirit or an angel hath spoken to him—referring, perhaps, to his trance in the temple, of which he had told them, ch. '22.17. They put this favourable construction upon his proc(!edings fnr no otlier reason than that they had found him one of their own parly. Tliey care not to Inquire into the truth of what he alleged, over and above
Pavrs Defence before Felix ACTS XXIV. on the Doctrine of the Resurrtction.
Jerusalem on the evening of the same day (ch. 22. 23, 31);
Ma accusers ... to say l>efore tliee—This was not done when he wrote, but would be ere the letter reached. 31,
10, 11, 12, 13. The remaining peiiod referred to (ch. 24. 1). [Meyer.] This short period is mentioned to show how unlikely it was that lie should have had time to do what was charged against him. for to worship—a very different purpose from that imputed to him. 1^2,13. they neither found me . . . neither can they prove the things, &c.—After specifying several pai ticulars, he challenges proof ofany one of the charges brouglit against him. So much for the charge of «eci£iton. 11,1.5. But (his I con-
3-Z. bi-onglit hlin to Antlpatris—nearly torty miles.l'rom Jerusalem, on the way to Cfe.sarea ; so named by Herod in honour of his father, Antipater. On the morrow tUey
(Ibe infantry) left tlie liorse—themselves no longer needed as a guard. The remaining distance was about twenty-five or twenty-six miles. 34, 35. asked of wJiat province lie was—the letter describing him as a Roman citizen. I will Iiear tliee—The word means, 'give thee a full hearing.' to be kept in Herod's j«dgment-l»nll fess to thee (in which Felix would see no crime) that after the way they call heresy (lit., and better, 'a sect'), so worship I the God of my fathers (' the aiicesti'al
' praitorinm,' the palace built at CfEsarea by Herod, and now occupied by the Roman procurators; in one of the buildings attached to which Paul was ordered to be kept.
God'). Two arguments are contained here : (1.) Our nation is divided into what they call 'sects'—the sect of llii;Pharisees.and thatof the Sadducees—all thedilt'erence between them and me is, that I belong to neither of these, but
CHAPTER XXIV.
Ver. 1-27. Paul, Accused BY A Pkofessionai. Pleader BKFORE Felix, makes his Defence, and is Ri;manded FOK A Further Hearing. At a Private Interview Felix Trembles under Paul's Preaching, bdt keeps HIM Prisoner FOR Two Years, when he was Succeeded BY Festus. 1. after live days—or, ou the lifth day from their departure from Jerusalem. Ananias. . . witli tlie elders-a deputation of the Sanhedrim, a certain orator —one of those Roman advocates who trained tliemselves to another sect, or religious section of the nation, wliicli from its Head they call . Nazarenes : for this reason, and this alone, am I hated. (2.) The Roman law allows every nation to worship its own deities; I claim protection under that law, worshipping the God of my ancestors; even as tliey, only of a ditl'erent sect of the common religion, believing all, &c.—Here, disowning all opinions at variance with the Old Testament Scriptures, he challenges for the Gospel wliich he preached the authority of the God of their fathers. So much for tlie charge of for tlie Ivigher practice of the metropolis by practising in the provinces, where the Latin language, employed in tlie fiernsy. and have hope ... as themselves alloiv, that there shall be a resui-rectlon, &c.—Tills appeal to the court.s, was but imperfectly understood and Roman forms were not familiar, informed . . . against Paul—'laid information,' i. e., put in tlie charges. ^-4. Seeing tUat by thee we enjoy great quietness, &c.—In this fulsome faith of his accusers shows that they were chielly of the
Pharisees, and that the favour of that party, to which he owed in some measure his safety at the recent council (ch.
23. 6-9), had been quite momentary. 16. And herein—' On this account,' ' accordingly ;' q. d., looking forward to that awful day (cf. 2 Corinthians 5. 10). I exercise myself—The "1" here is emphatic; g. d., 'Whatever they do, this is my study.' to have always a conscience void of oftence &c.—See ch. 2:3. 1; 2 Corinthians 1. 12, 2. 17, &c.; q. d., ' Tliese are the great principles of my life and conduct—how different from turbulence and sectarianism!' 17. Now after many (' several') years (absence from Jerusalem) I came to bring alms to my nation—referring to the collection from the churches of Macedonia and Greece, which he had taken such pains to gather. This only allusion in the Acts to what is dwelt upon so frequently in his own Epistles (Romans 15. 25, 26; 1 Corinthians 16. 1-4 ; 2 Corinthians 8. 1-4), throws a beautiful light on the truth of this History. (See Paley's -fforce PauimcE.) and (to present) offerings—connected with his Jewish vow : see next verse. 18-ai. found me purified in the temple—not polluting flattery there was a semblance of truth: nothing more. Felix act»id with a degree of vigour and success in suppressing lawless violence. [Josephus. Antiquities, xx. S.
4; confirmed by Tacitus, Ann.xU.Cii]. by tliy providence—a phrase applied to the administriition of the emperors. 5-8. a pestilent fellow ('a plague,' or ' pest') and a mover of sedition among all the Jews (by exciting disturbances among them) throngliout the world See on Luke 2. 1. This was the first charge; and true only in the sense explained on ch. 16. 20. a ringleader of the sect of tlie Nazarenes—the second charge ; and true enough, hath gone about (' attempted') to profane the temple—the third charge; and entirely false, we . . . would have Judged according to our law. But . . . Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him out of our hands-^a wilful falsehood and calumnious charge against a puljllc officer. He had commanded the Sanhedrim to meet for no other purpose than to "Judge him according to their law ;" and only when, instead of doing so, they fell to disputing among themselves, and the prisoner was in danger of being "pulled it, therefore, by my own presence, and neither gathering a crowd nor raising a stir : If then these Asiatic Jews have any charge to bring against me in justification of their arrest of me, why are they not here to substantiate it? or else let these . . . here say—'Or, passing from all that preceded my trial, let those of the Sanhedrim here present say if I was guilty of aught there,' &c. No doubt his hasty speech to the high priest might occur to them, but the provocation to it on his own part was more than they would be willing to recall. Except . . . this one voice
In pieces of them" (ch. 23. 10)—or as his own letter says "killed of them" (ch. 23. 27)—did he rescue him, as was his duty, "by force" out of their hands, commanding bis accusers to come unto thee—Here they insinuate that, instead of troubling Felix with the case, he ought to have left it to be dealt with by the Jewish tribunal; in wliich case his life would soon have been taken, by examining whom (Lysias, as would seem, v. 22) thyself mayest, (fcc—referring all, as if with confidence, to Felix. The Jews assented, <fec.—See on ch. 23. 15. 10. thou hast been many years a Judge to this nation—He had been In this province for six or seven years, and in Galilee for a longer period. Paul uses no flattery, but simply expresses his satisfaction at having to plead before one whose long official experience of Jewish matters would enable him the better to understand and appreciate what be had to say. 11. thou mayest luiderstand (canst. . . Touching the resurrection, &c.—Tills would recall to the Pharisees present their own inconsistency, in befriending him then and now accusing him. 3:2, 33. having more perfect knowledge of tliat ('the') way—See on ch. W. 23; and on u. 10. when Lysias . . . shall come... 1 will know, &c.—Felix might have dismissed tlie case as a tissue of unsupported charges. But if from his interest In the matter he really wished to have the presence of Lysias and others involved, a brief delay was not unworthy of him as a Judge. Certainly, so far as recorded, neither Lysias nor any other parties appeared again in the case. Verse 23, however, seems to show that at that lima his prepossessions in favour of Paul were strong 34:, 35. Felix . . . with his wife Drusilla ... a Jewess—This beautiful but infamous woman was the third daughter of lierod Agrippa I., who was eaten of worms (see on ch. 12.
eivsily learn) that there are but twelve days since I urent up Jerusalem—viz., 1. The day of his arrival in Jerusalem (ch. 21. 15-17) ; 2. The interview with James (ch.
21. 18, dec.) ; 3. The assumption of the vow (ch. 21. 20) ; 4, 5, 6. Continuance of the vow, Interrupted by the arrest (ch. 21.
27, &c.); 7. Arrest of Paul (ch. 21. 27); 8. Paul before the' Sanhedrim (ch. 22. 30 ; 23. 1-10); 9. (Jonsplracy of the Jews aud defeat of it (ch. 23. 12, &c.), and despatch of Paul from
1), and a sister of Agrippa XL, before whom Paul pleaded, ch. 26. She was 'gi'veu in marriage to Azizus, king of UM fdix Disappointed as to a Bribe. ACTS XXV. Paul Accimed before Festus.
REA— On Festus asking the apostle if he would go TO Jerusalem for another hearing before him, he IS constrained in justice to his cause TO APPEAL TO THE Emperor. 1-3. Festus . . . after titree days ascended
Emesenes, who had consented to be circumcised for the Bake of the alliance. But this marriage was soon dis.s<)lved, after this manner: When Festus was procurator of Judea, he saw her, and being captivated witlj her beauty, persuaded her to desert her husband, transgress tlie laws of her country, and marry himself.' [Joseph us, Antiquities, XX. 7. 1, 2.] Such was this "wife" of Felix, he sent for Paul an«l heard him coucerning tl»e faith in {Jlirist— Perceiving from what he had heard on the trial that the new sect which was creating such a stir was represented by its own advocates as but a particular development of the Jewish faith, he probably wished to gratify the curiosity of his Jewish wife, as well as his own, by a more particular account of it from this distinguished champion. And no doubt Paul would so far humour this desire as to present 'o them the great leading features of the Gospel. But from v. 25 it is evident that his discourse took an entirely practical turn, suited to the life which his two auditors were notoriously leading. And as he reasoned of righteousness (with reference to the pufc/tc character of Felix), temperance (with reference to his immoral life), and judgment to come (when he would be called to an awful account for both), Felix trembled—and no wonder. For, on the testimony of Tacitus, the Roman Annalist (v.
. . . to Jerusalemto make himself acquainted with the great central city of his government without delay. Then the Iiigli priest—a successor of him before whom Paul had appeared (ch. 23. 2). and tlie cliief of the Jews—and "the whole multitude of the Jews," v. 24, clamorously, informed liim against Paul . . . desired favour (in v. 15, "judgment") against liim—It would seem that they had the insolence to ask him to have the prisoner executed even without a trial («. IG). laying wait ... to kill him —How deep must have been their liostility, when two years after the defeat of their former attempt, they thirst as keenly as ever for his blood ! Their plea for having tlie case tried at Jerusalem, where the alleged offence took place, was plausible enough ; but from t;. 10 it would seem that Festus had been made acquainted with their causeless malice, and that in some way which Paul was privy to. 4-6. answered . . . tliat Paulsliould be kept (rather, ' is in custody') at Cresarea, and himself would depart shortly thither. Iet them . . . whicli among you are able, go down—'your leading men.' tlie Jews. . . from Jerusalem — clamorously, as at Jerusalem, see V. 24. many and grievous complaints against Paul —From his reply, and Festus' statement of the case before Agrippa, tliese charges seem to have been a jumble of political and religious matter which they were unable to substantiate, and vociferous cries tliat he was unfit to live. Paul's reply, not given in full, was probably little more than a challenge to prove any of their cliarges, whether political or religious. 9, 10. Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure (to ingratiate himself \(^th them), said. Wilt tlioii go up to Jerusalem, and . . . be Judged
9; xii. 54), he ruled with a mixture of cruelty, lust, and servility, and relying on the influence of his brother Pallas at court, he thought himself at liberty to commit every sort of crime with impunity. How noble the tidelilj' and courage which dared to treat of such topics in such a presence, and what withering power must have been in those appeals which made even a Felix to tremble! Go tliy way for this time ; and when I have a convenient season I will call for thee—Alas for Felix! This was his golden opportunity, but like mMlitudes still—he missed it. Convenient seasons in abundance he found to call for Paul, but never again to " liear him concerning the faith in Christ," and writhe under the terrors of the wrath to come. Even in tliose moments of terror lie had no thought of submission to the Cross or a change of life. The Word discerned the thoughts and intents of his heart, but that heart even then clung to its idols; even as Heroti, who "did many things and heard John gladly," but in his best moments was enslaved to his lusts. How many Felixes have appeared from age to age ! He hoped . . . titat money sliould have been given him . . , wlierefore lie gent for liim tiie oftener, and conimuned tvltli liim Bribery in a judge was punishable by the Roman law, but the spirit of a slave (to use the words of Tacitus) was in. . . before me (or 'under my protection'). If this was meant in earnest, it was teinporiiiing and vacillating. But, possibly, anticipating Paul's refusal, he wi.shed merely to avoid the odium of refusing to remove the trial to Jerusalem. Tlien said Paul, 1 stand at Csesar'a judgment-seat— i. e., I am already before the proper tribunal. This seems to imply that he understood Festus to propose handing him over to the Sanhedrim lor judgment (and see on v. II), with a mere promise of protection from him. But from going to Jerusalem at all he was too well justified in shrinking, for thei'e assassination had been quite recently planned against him. to tlie Jews Iiave I done no wrong, as thou knowest very well all his acts, and his " communing with Paul "—as if he cared for either him or his message—simply added hypocrisy to meanness. The position in life of Paul's Christian visitors might beget the hope of extracting something from them for the release of their champion; but the apostle would rather lie in prison than stoop to this! after two years, &c.—What a trial to this burning missionary of Christ, to suffer such a tedious perioil of inaction! How mysterious it would seem ! But this repose would be medicine to his spirit ; he would not, and could not, be entirely Inactive, so long as he was able by pen and message to communicate with the churches; and he would doubtless learn the saluta.ry truth that even he was not essential to his Master's cause. That Luke wrote his Gospel during this period, under the apostle's superintendence, is the not unlikely conjecture of able critics. Porelus Festus— Little
Ji7., ' better,' i. e. (perhaps), better than to press such a proposal, if there be none of these things . . . no man may deliver me unto them—The word signifies to 'surrender in order to gratify' another. I appeal to Cwsar The right of appeal to the supreme power, in case of life and death, was secured by an ancient law to every Roman citizen, and continued under the empire. Had Festus shown any disposition to pronounce fiiuil judgment, Paul, strong in the consciousness of his Innocence and the justice of a Roman tribunal, would not have made this appeal. But when the only other alternative offered him was to give his own consent to he lransfcrre<l to the great hotbed of plots against his life, and to a tribunal of unscrupulous and bloodthirsty ecclesiastics whose vociferous cries for his death had scarcely subsided, no other course was open to him. I'i. Festus (little expecting such an appeal, but bound to respect it) having conferred with the eouiiell (his assessors in judgment, as to the admissibility of the appeal), said, Hast Uioii (lor 'thou hast'; . . . to C'resar shalt tlioii go—as if he would add (perhaps) 'and see if thou fare better.'
Is Icnown of him. He died a few years after tliis. [JosEPHUS, Antiquities, XX. 8. 9, to 9. 1.] came into Felix' roomHe was recalled, oh accusations against him by tlie Jews of Casarea, and only acquitted tli rough the intercession of his brotlier at court. [Josephus, Antiquities, xx. 8, 10.] Felix, willing to show tltc Jews a pleasure—'to earn the thanks of tlie Jews,' which he did not. left Paul boiuid (ch. 26. 29)—which does not seem to have been till then.
lA-'S,. Herod Agrippa II., on a visit to Fkstus, BEINO CONSULTED 1!Y HIM ON I'AUL'S C ASE, J)ES] R ES TO HEAR THE APOSTLE, WHO IS ACCOKDINGLV HUOUTH'P FORTH. 13. King Agrippa—great grandson of Hcroli the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on ch. 24.24). On his
CHAPTER XXV.
fatl'.er's awful deatli (ch. 12. 2.'!), being thought too young
Ver. 1-2. Festus, coming to .Iehitsaiem, dect.ixks to HAVE Paul, bkouoht tiiitiieu foii judument, nuv GIVES TUB PARTIES A l}EAKINO ON HIS KETUltN TO CiESA-
(17) to succeed, Judea was attached to the province of 8yrla. Four yi'ars alter, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chal-
Paul's Defence before King Agrippa, ACTS XXYI. Declaring his Life from Ids CJiildhood.
he received his education, even from early youth, at Jerusaleni. See on ch. 22. 3. if tliey would (' were willing to') testify—but this, of course, they were not, it being a strong point in his favour, after the most straitest ('the strictest') sect—as the Pharisees confessedly were. This was said to meet the charge, that as a Hellenistic Jew he had contracted among the heathen lax ideas of Jewish peculiarities. 6, 7. I . . . am judged for the hope of the promise made ... to our fathers— cIs, and after-wards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died
A. D. 100, after reigning flfty-one years, and Bernlce—his sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her brother Agrippa—not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm, came to salute Festns—to pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship. 14, 15. when there many ('several ) days, Festus declared Paul's cause taking advantage of the pi-esence of one who might be presumed to know such matters better than himself; though the lapse of "several days" ere the subject was touched on shows that it gave Festus little trouble. 1631. to deliver any man to die—See on the word "deliver up" V. 11. as I supposed {'suspected')—crimes punishable by civil law. questions of their own superstition rather 'religion' (see on ch. 17. 22). It cannot be supposed that Festus would use the word in any discourteous sense In addressing his Jewish guest, one Jesus—' Thus speaks this miserable Festus of Him to whom every knee shall bow.' [Bengel.] whom Paul affirmed (' kept afilrming') was alive—showing that the resurrection of the Crucified One had been the burden, as usual, of Paul's pleading. The insignificance of the whole affair in the eyes of Festus is manifest, because X doubted of such manner of questions—The " I" is emphatic—I, as a Roman judge, being at a loss how to deal with such matters, the hearing of Augustus—the imperial title first conferred by the Roman Senate on Octavius. I would also hear ('should like to hear') the man myself—No doubt Paul was right when he said, "The king knoweth of these things . . . for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a corner" (ch. 26. 26). Hence his curiosity to see and hear the man who had raised such commotion and was remodelling to such an extent the whole Jewish life, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp—in the same city in which their father, on account of his pride, had perished, eaten up by worms. [Wetst.] with the chief captains—See on ch. 21. 32. Josephus {Jewish War, lii. 4. 2) says that five cohorts, whose full complement was 1000 men, were stationed at Csesarea. principal men of the city—both Jews and Romans. 'This was the most dignified and influential audience Paul had j-et addressed, and the prediction, ch. 9. 15, was fulfilled, though afterwards still more remarkably at Rome, ch. 27. 24 ; 2 Timothy 4. 16, 17.' [Webster and Wilkinson.] .1 have uo certain (' definite') thing to write to my lord—Nero. 'The writer's accuracy should be remarked here. It would have been a mistake to apply this term (" lord") to the emperor a few years earlier. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would let himself be so called, as implj'ing the relation of master and slave. But it had now come (rather, was coming) into use as one of the imperial
' for believing that the promise of Messiah, the Hope of the Church (ch. 13. 32 ; 28. 20) has been fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth risen from the dead.' unto which promise (the fulfilment of it) our twelve tribes—James 1.1; and see on Luke 2. 36. In'Stantly — 'intently;' see ou ch. 12. 5. serving God—in the sense of religious worship ; see on "ministered," ch. 13.2. day and night hope to come The apostle rises into language as catholic as the thought —representing his despised nation, all scattered though it now was, as twelve great branches of one ancient stem, in all places of their dispersion of Tering to the God of their fathers one unbroken worship, reposing on one great " promise" made of old unto their fathers, and sustained by one " hope" of "coming" to its fulfilment ; the single point of diflerence between him and his countrymen, and the one cause of all their virulence against hini, being, that his hope had found rest in One already come, while theirs still pointed to the future, for which hope's sake, King Agrippa, I am accuseft of the .Tewa —
' I am accused of Jews, O king' (so the triie reading appears to be); of all quarters the most surprising for such a eharixe to come from. The charge of sedition is not samuch as alluded to throughout this speech. It was indeed a mere pretext. 8. Why should it be thought a thing incredible . . . that God should r.iise the dead? —rather, 'Why is it judged a thing incredible if God raises the dead? the case being viewed as an accomplished fact. No one dared to call in question the overwhelming evidence of the resurrection of Jesus, which proclaimed Him to be the Christ, the Son of God ; the only way of getting rid of it, therefore, was to pronounce it incredible. But wTij/, asks the apostle, is il so judged f Leaving this pregnant question to find its answer in the breasts of his audience, he now passes to his personal history. 9-15. See on ch. 9. 1, *c., and cf. ch. 22. 4, &c. 16-18. But rise, &c. Here the ap</stle appears to condense into one statement various sayings of his Lord to him in visions at different times, in order to present at one view tlie giandeur of the commission with which his Master had clothed him. [Alford.] a minister . . . botli of these things which thou hast seen (putting him on a footing with those "eye-witnesses and ministers of the word" mentioned Luke 1. 2), and of those in which I will appear to thee—referring to visions he was thereafter to be favoured with ; such as ch. 18.9, 10; 22. 17-21; 23. 11 ; 2 Corinthians 12, &c. (Galatians 1. 12). delivering thee from the people—(the Jews) and from the Gentiles. He was all along the object of Jewish malignity, and was at that moment in the hands of the Gentiles; yet he calmly reposes on his Master's assurances of deliverance from both, at the same time taking all precautious for safety and vindicating all his legal rights, unto whom now I send thee—The emphatic "I" here denotes the authority of the Sender. [Bengel.] To open their eyes, [and] to turn them from darkness to light—rather, 'that they may turn' (as in v. 20), i.e., as the effect of their eyes being opened. The whole passage leans upon Isaiah 61.
titles.' [Hacket.]
. CHAPTER XXVI.
Ver. 1-32. Paul's defence of himself before Kino Agrippa, who pronounces him innocent, but concludes THAT THE APPEAL TO CSAR MUST BE CARRIED OUT. This speeeh, though in substance the same as that from the fortress-stairs of Jerusalem (ch. 22.), differs from
It In being less directed to meet the charge of apostasy from the Jewish faith, and giving more enlarged views of his remarkable change and apostolic commission, and the Divine support under whicli he was enabled to brave the hostility of his countrymen. 1-3. Agrippa said Being a king he appears to have presided. Paul stretch-
1 (Luke 4. 18). and from the power of .Sataii—Note the connection here between being " turned from darkness" and "from the power of Satan," whose whole power over men lies in keeping them in the dark: hence he is called "the ruler of the darkness of this world." See on 2 0<>- rlnthlans 4. 4. that they may receive forgiveness . . . and inheritance among the sanctifled by faltit that ing forth the Iiand—chained to a soldier (f. 29, and see on ch. 12. 6). I know thee to be expert, &c.—His father was zealous for the law, and himself had the ofllce of president of the temple and Its treasures, and theappointment of the high priest. [Josephus, Antiquilies, 20. 1. 3.] bear me patiently—The idea of 'indulgently' Is also conveyed. 4. 5. from my youth, which was at the Arat ... at Jerusalem, know all the Jews; which knew inc from the l>«ginnlng—plainly showing that is in me— Note: Faith is here made the instrument of salvation at once in its first stage, forgiveness, and its last, admission to the home of the sanctified ; and the faith which Introduces the soUl to all this is emphatically declared by the glorified Redeemer to rest upon Hin-
Festus Cliargeth Paul uUh being Mad. ACTS XXVII. Paul sets forward toward Home.
FAITH, even that -which is ix Mk." An<l who that believes this can refrain frrtiu casting his crown before him or resist offering Him supreme worship ? 19-31. Whereupon, O Kiiig Agri]>]>a, I was not <lU«l>edient unto the ineaveiUy vision—This musical and elevated strain, which carries the reader along wilh it, and doubt-
The"w)e'' here reintroduces the historian as oiie of the company. Not that he had left the apostle from tlie time when he last included himself—ch. 21. 18—but the apo.^tle was parted from him by his arrest and imprisonment, until now, wlien they met in the ship, delivered Paul and certain otiier prisoners—Slate prisoners going to lie tried at Home; of which several instances are on record. Julius—who treats the apostle throughout with such marked courtesy (u, 3, 43; ch. 28. IG), that it has been thought [Bengel] he was present when Paul made his defence before Agrippa (see ch. 25. 23), and was impressed with his lofty bearing, a centurion of Augustus' band —the Augustan cohort, an honoi-ary title given to more than one legion of the Roman army, implying, perhaps, that they acted as a body-guard to the emperor or proculess did the hearers, bespeaks the lofty region of thought and feeling to which the apostle had risen while rehearsing his Master's communications to him from heaven, showed to them of Damascus and at Jei-usalem—omitting Arabia; because, beginning with the Jews, his object was to mention first the places where his former hatred of the name of Christ was best known : the mention of the Gentiles, so unpalatable to his audience, is reserved to the last, repent and return to God, and do works meet for repentance—a brief description of conversion and its proper fruits, suggested, probably, by the Baptist's leaching, Luke 3. 7, 8. tiH, !i3. having obtniued Itelp rator, as occasion required, a. a ship of (belonging to) Adramyttlum—a port on the north-east coast of the JE'^enn .Sea. Doubtless the centurion expected to find another ship, bound for Italy, at some of the ports of Asia Minor, without having to go with this ship all the way to Adramyttlum; and in this he was not disappointed. See on v. 6. meaning to sail hy the coasts ('places') of Asia—a coasting vessel, which was to touch at the ports of proconsular Asia, [one] Aristarchus, a Macedonian of Tliessalonica, being with ns—ratlier, 'Aristarchus the Macedonian,' &c. The word "one" should not liave been introduced here by our translators, as if this name had not occurred before; for we find liim seized by tlie Ephesian mob as a "man of Macedonia and Paul's companion in travel," ch. 19. 29, and as a "Thessalonian" accompanying the apostle from Ephesus on his voyage back to Palestine, ch. '20. 4. Here both these places are mentioned in connection with his name. After this we find him at Rome With the apostle, Colossians 4.10; Philemon 24. 3. nexf day touched at Sldon—To reach this ancient and celebrated Mediterranean port, about seventy miles north from Coesarea, in one day, they must have had a fair wind. Julius courteously (see on ti. 1) gave him liberty to go to his friends—no doubt disci-
(' succour') from God (' that [which comethj from God'), I continue ('stand,' 'hold my ground") unto this day, witnessing, &c.—q.d., This life of mine, so marvellously preserved, in spite of all the plots against it, is upheld lor tlie Gospel's sake ; therefore I " witnessed," &c. that Christ should sutfer, &c. The construction of this sentence implies that in regard to the question ' wlietlier the Messiah is a suffering one, and whether, rising first from the dead, he should show light to the (Jewish) people and to the Gentiles,' he had only said what the propliets and Moses said should come. ai. Pestus said witli a loud voice—surprised and bewildered. Paul, thou art beside thyself, much learning doth make thee mad q. d., is turning thy head. The union of flowing Greek, deep acquaintance with the sacred writings of his nation, reference to a resurrection and other doctrines to a Roman utterly unintelligible, and, above all, lofty religious earnestness, so strange to the cultivated, cold-hearted skeptics of liiat day—may account for this sudden exclamation.
'iO. I am not mad, most noble Festus, but, &c. Can any tiling surpass this reply, for readiness, self-possession, calm dignity 7 Every word of it refuted the rude charge, though Festus, probably, did not intend to hurt the prisoner's feelings, the king knoweth, &c.—See on v. 1-3.
ples, gained, it would seem, by degrees, all along the Phoeuiciau coast since the first preaching there (see on ch.
11. 19; and 21.4). to refresh himself—which after his long confinement would not be unnecessary. Such small personal details are in this case extremely interesting. 4. when we had launched ('set sail') from thence, we sailed under Cyprus, because the winds were contrary—The wind blowing from, the westward, probably with a toufh of the north, which was adverse, they sailed under the lee of Cj'prus, keeping it on their left and steering between it and the mainland of Phoenicia. 5. whcjt we had sailed over the Sea of Cillcia and Pampliylia coasts with which Paul had been long familiar, tlie one, perhaps, from boyhood, the other from the time of his ii7-Z'J. believest tliou tlie prophets ! 1 know thnt thou belie vest—The courage and confidence here shown proceeded from a vivid persuasion of Agrippa's knowledge of the facts and faith in the predictions which they verified; and the king's reply is the highest testimony to the correctness of these presumptions and the immense power of sucli bold yet courteous appeals to conscience. Almost (or 'in a little time') thou persuadest me to be a Christian—Most modern interpreters tliink tlie ordinary translation inadmissible, and take the meaning to be, 'Thou thinkest to make me with little persuasion (or small trouble) a Christian—but I am not to l)e so easily turned.' But the apostle's reply can scarcely suit any but the sense given in our authorized version, which is tliat adopted by Chkysostom and some of the best scholars first missionary tour—we came to Myra, a city of Lycia —a port a little east of Patara (see on ch. 21. 1). 6. there, . . found a ship of Alexandria, sailing Into Italy, and he put us therein—(See on v. 2.) As Egypt was the granary of Italy, and this vessel was laden with wheal (v, since. The olijection on which so much stress is laid, tliat the word "Christian" was at that time only a term of contempt, has no force except on the other side; for taking it in that view, the sense is, 'Thou wilt soon have me one of that despised sect.' I would to God, &c.—What unequalled magnanimity does this speecli breathe ! Only his Master ever towered above tliis. not only . . . almost . . . but altogether—or, 'whether soon or late,' or 'with little or much difficulty.' except these bonds—
3)), we need not wonder it was large enougli to carry 276 souls, passengers and crew together (v. 37). Besides, the Egyptian merchantmen, among the largesl In llie ilcdlterranean, were equal to the largest merchantmen in our day. It may seem strange that on their passage from Alexandria to Italy they should be found at a Lycian port. But even still it is not unusual tostand to the ni>rtli towards Asia Minor, for the siake of the current. 7. sailed slowly many days (owing to contrary winds), and scarce ('with dil Uculty') were come over a-^alnst Cnidus— a town on the promontory of the peninsula of that name, having the island of Coos (see on ch. 21. 1) to the west of it. But for the contrary wind they might have made the distance from Myra (l.iO miles) in one (iay. They would naturally have iiut In at Cnidus, who.se larger harbour was admirable, but the strong westerly current ln<luceil them to run south, under (the leo of) Crete—(See on Titus 1. 5.) over against Salmone— the cape at the eastern extremity of the Island. «. and hardly passing It— ' with dllllculty cousting along U;' doulitless holding up his two chained hands (see on cli. 12.
S) : wliich in closing such anoble utterance must liave liad an electrical etrect. 30-33. when he had tlius spoken, the king rose—notover-easy, we may b(! sure. This man might have been set at liberty If he had not nppenlefl to C«'snr— It would seem from tliis thatsnch appeals, once made, bthooved to be carried out.
CHAPTER XXVII.
' Ver. 1-14. The voyage to Italy—The shipwreck AND .SAKE I.ANDIJG AT MALTA. 1. We should MUll, <SlC.—