Notes
Prologue
1 A Grief Sanctified, 122.
2 F. J. Powicke, The Reverend Richard Baxter Under the Cross (1662-1691) (London: Jonathan Cape, 1927), 275; citing a passage in Baxter’s autobiography (Reliquiae Baxterianae, ed. Matthew Sylvester (1696; hereafter RB) that the original editor suppressed.
3 A Grief Sanctified, 47.
4 Baxter’s narrative, published as A Breviate of the Life of Margaret, The Daughter of Francis Charlton, . . . Esq.; And Wife of Richard Baxter (1681), was reprinted with introduction, notes, and appendices by John T.Wilkinson as Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton: A Puritan Love-Story (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1928). Appreciations of it can be found in Powicke, 100-108 and passim; J. M. Lloyd-Thomas, ed., The Autobiography of Richard Baxter (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1925), 267-77; N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 127-31.
5 Practical Works of Richard Baxter (Ligonier, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1990-91), IV:1002-12 (“A Sermon Preached at the Funeral of That Faithful Minister of Christ, Mr. John Corbet. With his True and Exemplary Character”).
6 Keeble, Richard Baxter, 128.
7 Ibid., 127. Lloyd-Thomas, 268, calls it “incomparable”; Powicke, 101, refers to it as “this gem of biography.”
8 He knew that it was a phrase Baxter had used: See C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity (London: Collins, Fontana Books, 1955), 6.
9 Ibid., 12.
10 George Sayer, Jack, 2nd ed. (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1994), 393.
11 E.g., Sheldon Vanauken, A Severe Mercy (New York: Harper & Row, 1977); Nicholas Wolterstorff, Lament for a Son (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1987); Luci Shaw, God in the Dark (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan/Broadmoor, 1989); Rick Taylor, When Life Is Changed Forever (Eugene, Ore.: Harvest House, 1992); Mary A. White, Harsh Grief, Gentle Hope (Colorado Springs: NavPress, 1995).
Part 1:
Great Gladness
1 A Grief Sanctified, 86.
2 Ibid., 56-57.
3 Ibid., 52.
4 April 10, 1660.
5 It was a foregone conclusion that the restoration of the English monarchy in 1660 would entail the reestablishing of the Church of England with its episcopacy and Prayer Book in something like its post-Reformation Elizabethan form, which the Long Parliament had proscribed in 1645. Monarchist, protagonist for a territorial national church, and Puritan spokesman and publicist, Baxter went to London to campaign for a religious settlement comprehensive enough to include clergy like himself, a campaign that he continued for the rest of his life.
6 A Grief Sanctified, 48.
7 The 1660 Act for Confirming and Restoring of Ministers had replaced Baxter by the nonpreaching vicar George Dance, who was in Kidderminster before Baxter arrived in 1641. Bishop Morley of Worcester then refused Baxter a license to preach anywhere in his diocese. Already in 1660 Baxter could see that the comprehensive national church that he sought, including Puritan clergy, was very unlikely to materialize. The 1662 Act of Uniformity, which led to the ejection from parish ministry of nearly two thousand Puritan clergy, culminated a two-year process of sectarian Anglican revenge.
8 A Grief Sanctified, 89-90.
9 I have described historical Puritanism more fully in A Quest for Godliness (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1990; published in Britain as Among God’s Giants, Eastbourne: Kingsway, 1990). See also Leland Ryken, Worldly Saints: The Puritans as They Really Were (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 1986).
10 John T. Wilkinson, Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton: A Puritan Love-Story (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1928), 43.
11 See A Quest for Godliness, chapter 16, “Marriage and Family in Puritan Thought,” 259-73.
12 Wilkinson, Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton, 43-44.
13 The phrase quoted is from a sentence in George Whitefield’s letter to Mr. and Mrs. Delamotte, asking for their daughter’s hand in marriage. The full sentence reads, “I bless God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that foolish passion which the world calls Love.” Having been turned down (surprise, surprise), Whitefield finally married Elizabeth James, the woman whom Whitefield’s friend Howell Harris loved, but whom, just for that reason, he thought he ought to surrender to a better man. (See A. Dallimore, George Whitefield, 2 vols. [London: Banner of Truth, 1970, 1980], I.471, II.101-13.) John Wesley chose to marry a sour Huguenot widow whom he admired for “your indefatigable industry, your exact frugality, your uncommon neatness and cleanness both in your person, your clothes and all things round you”; it was a disaster. (See John Pollock, John Wesley [Wheaton, Ill.: Victor, 1989], 210-12.) The loveless utilitarianism of these approaches to marriage is surely its own condemnation, quite apart from the miseries to which it gave rise.
14 A Christian Directory, 6th ed. (Morgan, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1996), 401-2.
15 Ibid., 394-547. The “Appurtenances” are discussions of specific problems of right action (“cases of conscience”) arising out of the generalized statements of “duties.”
16 Arranged marriages for the securing of property, wealth, and social standing were common among seventeenth-century aristocrats and were totally approved by society.
17 “It is better to marry than to be aflame with passion” (NRSV).
18 A Christian Directory, 395.
19 Ibid., 398.
20 Ibid., 398-400.
21 Ibid., 403.
22 Ibid., 431.
23 Ibid., 433.
24 Ibid., 431-38.
25 Practical Works of Richard Baxter (Ligonier, Pa.: Soli Deo Gloria, 1990-91), IV. 234: From The Poor Man’s Family Book (1672). A Christian Directory was contained in vol. 1 of this set.
26 Daniel Rogers, Matrimonial Honour (1642), 148.
27 A Christian Directory, 401.
28 F. J. Powicke, A Puritan Idyll, or the Reverend Richard Baxter’s Love Story (Manchester, 1918: reprinted from Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 4); J. M. Lloyd-Thomas, ed., The Autobiography of Richard Baxter (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1925); Wilkinson, Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton.
29 Wilkinson, 19; Lloyd-Thomas, 268; F. J. Powicke, The Reverend Baxter Under the Cross (1662-1691) (London: Jonathan Cape, 1927), 101.
30 N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 127; see 121-31.
31 A Grief Sanctified, 125.
32 They are in Wilkinson, 62-65.
33 Ibid., 65.
34 A Grief Sanctified, 48.
35 Ibid., 89.
36 Ibid., 47.
37 Ibid., 68.
38 Ibid., 74.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid., 67.
41 Ibid., 84.
42 Lloyd-Thomas, Autobiography, 270-71. The quotation from Margaret is in A Grief Sanctified, 67-68. It is an almost verbatim echo of sentences in The Saints’ Everlasting Rest (1649; 802), “suggesting that Margaret seems to have known passages of Baxter’s writing so well as to quote from memory” (Wilkinson, 85). That does not, of course, make it any the less Margaret’s own sentiment.
43 Baxter regularly sent his parishioners letters when communicating matters of permanent spiritual significance to which he and they would need to refer in the future. Baxter’s solution to the problem of keeping copies of significant letters in that pre-carbon paper, pre-photocopier, pre-computer age was to ask for his letter back after its contents had been noted, and copied if the recipient so wished. This explains Margaret’s transcribings, which Baxter reproduces.
44 A Grief Sanctified, 79.
45 Ibid., 82-83.
46 Lloyd-Thomas, Autobiography, 271-72.
47 Poetical Fragments (1681) (facsimile reprint, Farnborough: Gregg, 1971), “The Epistle to the Reader.”
48 Ibid.
49 Ibid., 65-74, 75-80, 81-83, 102-19. The three-part poem, “The Complaint—the Answer—the Submission,” 89-96, and “The Return,” 96-102, might well also owe their origin to Margaret’s spiritual struggles. The familiar hymn that begins, “Lord, it belongs not to my care/ Whether I die or live,” is taken from “The Covenant and Confidence of Faith” in this book’s Appendix.
50 A Grief Sanctified, 135-39.
51 A Treatise of Conversion (1657), the printed version of the sermons Margaret heard, is in Practical Works of Richard Baxter, II.397-500. Two more publications on the same topic, A Call to the Unconverted (1658) and Directions and Persuasions to a Sound Conversion (1658), appear to have started life as courses of sermons; Margaret would have heard them too. They are in Practical Works II.501-44, 580-661.
52 A Grief Sanctified, 90. Richard had stipulated this surrender “so that I be not entangled in lawsuits.” There was a wrangle in the late 1650s between Francis Charlton, Margaret’s brother and heir to the Apley estate, and Mrs. Hanmer, who had declined to free him from his debts by giving him money that his father had intended for Margaret and her sister Mary. Francis believed that Richard had unduly influenced Mrs. Hanmer in her decision, and no doubt Richard feared that now that Mrs. Hanmer was dead, Francis might sue Margaret for the money in question. See Wilkinson, Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton, 23-26, and N. H. Keeble and G. F. Nuttall, Calendar of the Correspondence of Richard Baxter (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), no. 464, I.318. Notwithstanding the surrender, she remained “well-to-do” (G. F. Nuttall, Richard Baxter [London: Thomas Nelson, 1965], 94).
53 A Grief Sanctified, 115.
54 Ibid., 131.
55 Ibid., 127. “Though she oft said that before she married me she expected more sourness and unsuitableness than she found; yet I am sure that she found less zeal and holiness and strictness in all words and looks and duties, and less help for her soul, than she expected,” 117.
56 Lloyd-Thomas, Autobiography, 249.
57 A Grief Sanctified, 108.
58 Though Richard here and on page 90 calls Margaret’s condition melancholy (roughly corresponding to clinical depression in our vocabulary), no doubt because she herself so regarded it, he diagnoses it on page 86 as being rather “a partly natural, partly adventitious diseased fearfulness in a tender, overpassionate nature, that had no power to quiet her own fears, without any other cloud on her understanding.” The criterion of true melancholy in Baxter’s thinking was that it impeded rational thought and hence receptivity to rational counseling. This was never Margaret’s case.
59 A Grief Sanctified, 108.
60 Poetical Fragments, “The Epistle to the Reader.”
61 A Grief Sanctified, 114.
62 Ibid., 121.
63 Ibid., 122.
64 Ibid., 121.
65 Ibid., 110.
66 Ibid.
67 Ibid., 93.
68 Ibid., 92-93.
69 Ibid., 128.
70 Ibid., 133.
71 Keeble, Richard Baxter, 131.
Part Two:
Great Goodness
1 N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 127-31. The quotation is from 129.
2 In 1659. See note 11 below.
3 Baxter apparently refers here to Margaret’s fostering care of his great-nephew William Baxter and her generosity to others of his own “poor kindred”; see F. J. Powicke, The Reverend Richard Baxter Under the Cross (1662-1691) (London: Jonathan Cape, 1927), chapter 6, 109-27. “She was much more liberal to many of my own poor kindred than I was” (A Grief Sanctified, 103).
4 A Grief Sanctified, chapter 7, “Of Her Exceeding Desires to Do Good.”
5 Thomas Wright, “a man of extraordinary learning, ability, moderation, and peaceableness,” was ejected in 1662 from the parish of Kynersly in Shropshire (Reliquiae Baxterianae [RB], ed. Matthew Sylvester (1696), III.94.
6 Henry Hickman was a fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, ejected in 1662.
7 Baxter’s Treatise of Conversion (1657) consisted of “some plain sermons on that subject, which Mr. Baldwin (an honest young minister that had lived in my house, and learned my proper [personal] characters of short-hand in which I wrote my sermon notes) had transcribed out of my notes” (RB I.114).
8 Jackson was the physician whom Baxter persuaded to settle in Kidderminster, previously physicianless. Bates was a physician whom Baxter consulted about his own health, and who later became personal physician to Charles II. Prujean is not known.
9 Baxter arranged for Margaret to stay for a time with Richard Foley at Stourbridge: See 117 of this work, and Part Two, note 43.
10 Baxter tried many new and, to us, strange remedies for his chronic bad health. In this case, “having read in Dr. Gerhard the admirable effects of the swallowing of a gold bullet upon his own father in a case like mine, I got a gold bullet and swallowed it . . . and having taken it, I knew not how to be delivered of it again. I took clysters [enemas] and purges for about three weeks, but nothing stirred it . . . . But at last my neighbors set a day apart to fast and pray for me, and I was freed from my danger at the beginning of that day” (RB I.81).
11 One of the four times can be identified with fair certainty—an attack of smallpox. The sacking by Parliamentary troops of her stepfather’s home, Apley Castle, when “men lay killed before her face,” and she was among the family members “threatened and stripped of their clothing” (A Grief Sanctified, 86), was not apparently one of the four: See also 112.
12 Baxter’s interpolation.
13 “Friend” is a correction of “friends” in the printed text, which is almost certainly a misprint occasioned by “friends” three lines above. Puritans taught that each Christian needs a “bosom friend” (a “soul friend,” as some modern Christians would say) to whom one opens one’s heart in an accountability relationship. Margaret calls Baxter “my dear friend” because he was fulfilling this role in her life.
14 This echo of Hebrews 4:9 probably shows that Margaret had fed her soul on Baxter’s best-selling Saints’ Everlasting Rest, a treatise based on this text. Some of the preceding sentences are almost verbatim quotations from Baxter’s book.
15 1660.
16 1660.
17 The reference is to Baxter.
18 Baxter.
19 Apley Castle, near Wellington, Shropshire.
20 “The procedure in England for getting married consisted of (1) espousals, a contract to marry corresponding to the modern engagement, but more binding, inasmuch as sexual relations with a third party during the espousal period were classed as adultery; (2) publication of the banns (an announcement that the contract exists) on three successive Sundays in church; (3) execution of the espousal contract by vows of entry into actual marriage, taken before witnesses as part of a special service” (J. I. Packer, A Quest for Godliness: The Puritan Vision of the Christian Life [Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1990], 268-69). Samuel Clark, a friend of Baxter and compiler of several volumes of Christian biography, in the last of which a summary of the Breviate was included, was ejected in 1662 and died in 1682. Simeon Ash, who died in 1662 just before he would have been ejected, “was one of our oldest nonconformists . . . . a Christian of the primitive simplicity . . . of a holy life, of a cheerful mind, and of a fluent elegancy in prayer” (RB II.430). Henry Ashurst was a well-to-do Christian layman, an alderman of the city of London, and another of Baxter’s personal friends.
21 Morley was the newly consecrated bishop of the restored Worcester diocese, in which Kidderminster was situated.
22 Baxter refers to the Five-Mile Act of 1665, which required Nonconforming clergy to reside at least five miles from any population center “that sent Burgesses to the Parliament,” or any place where they themselves had once had a ministry, and to take an oath of loyalty to the crown and to the status quo in church and state. Under this Act Baxter suffered a brief imprisonment in 1669, after which he left Acton for Totteridge.
23 The Declaration of Indulgence, 1672.
24 Unsanitary inner London was never good for Baxter’s fragile health. Southampton Square (the modern Bloomsbury Square) was, however, outside of the city wall, northeast of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, with open country all around.
25 The modern St. Martin’s-in-the-Fields.
26 When Baxter was preaching at St. Dunstan’s-in-the-West in 1661, “a little lime and dust (and perhaps a piece of brick or two) fell down in the steeple or belfry” and caused panic in the congregation for fear the church was collapsing (RB II.301-2).
27 One evening in James I’s reign, a Jesuit, Father Drury, was preaching at Blackfriars, London, in an upstairs room when the floor fell, and ninety-four persons plus the preacher died. The accident was named the Fatal Vespers.
28 Coventry was secretary to the king, i.e., Secretary of State. The modern Coventry Street in which he lived is named after him.
29 Rector of St. Martin’s.
30 Probably the catechism in the Anglican Prayer Book; possibly the Westminster Shorter Catechism, which Baxter had used in his Kidderminster ministry.
31 Thomas Gouge, who died in 1681, was a “wonder of sincere industry in works of charity.” Baxter notes, after Gouge’s ejection from his London parish (St. Sepulchre’s) in 1662, “his conjunction with Alderman Ashurst and some others, in a weekly meeting, to take account of the honest poor families in the city that were in great want . . . his voluntary catechizing the Christ Church boys when he might not preach; the many thousand Bibles printed in Welsh that he dispersed in Wales,” along with the thousands of other books given out free, “his setting up about 300 or 400 schools in Wales to teach children only to read, and the catechism; his industry to beg money for all this, besides most of his own estate laid out on it; his travels over Wales once or twice a year to visit his schools: . . . this was true episcopacy of a silenced minister” (RB III.190).
32 Thomas Manton (1620-77) was a prolific Puritan preacher of Baxter’s type, who with Baxter shared in the leadership group of “mere nonconformists,” incorrectly dubbed Presbyterians, at and after the Restoration (1660).
33 “Sergeant” in Baxter’s day designated the highest rank of lawyers. John Fountaine was a godly well-wisher who gave Baxter legal advice and an annual gift of ten pounds sterling from 1662 on until his death in 1671 (RB III.86).
34 Sir Thomas Davis was “an Alderman Justice . . . who understood not the law, but was ready to serve the prelates [bishops] in their own way” (RB III.165). In 1675 he fined Baxter sixty pounds for preaching two sermons, specifying that the fine should be paid by confiscation and sale of the preacher’s possessions.
35 “In good faith,” that is, as a genuine gift, not a secret arrangement whereby Baxter could get his books back at a later date. He gave Harvard library “some of my Commentaries and some Historians” (Powicke, The Reverend Richard Baxter Under the Cross, 88ff.).
36 Writers on medical and dietetic matters. Cornarius (Cornario) was Professor of Medicine at Marburg and Jena in the mid-sixteenth century.
37 That is, such actions and words, when not appropriately used for expressing the true desires of a godly heart, are not actually righteousness and prayer. “Form” and “formally” in this paragraph refer to the inward motivational substance that the outward act should be expressing, and thus signify the precise opposite of what “formality” and “formalism” suggest today.
38 The reader was the leader in the exercises of worship before the preaching. The chapters were the Scripture portions set for the day in the Prayer Book lectionary. Since none of the items listed involved wording peculiar to the Prayer Book, Baxter could fairly claim that he was not using the book liturgically, even though the Psalms, Creed, Decalogue, and Lord’s Prayer were included in the set services.
39 Richard Foley was a wealthy landowner, Worcestershire dignitary, and Christian philanthropist who in 1638 had arranged for Baxter to be ordained despite his lack of a university degree, so that he might head up the school Foley was founding in Dudley. Foley and his son Thomas were lifelong friends to Baxter, who was thus able to arrange for his sick parishioner to stay at Foley’s home.
40 “The [Civil] wars being ended, and she as guardian possessing her son’s estate, took him (an only son) as herself [i.e., identified herself with his interests], and used his estate as carefully as for herself, but out of it conscientiously paid debts of her husband’s, repaired some of the ruined houses, and managed things faithfully, according to her best discretion, until her son, marrying, took his estate into his own hands” (John T. Wilkinson, Richard Baxter and Margaret Charlton: A Puritan Love-Story [London: George Allen & Unwin, 1928], 68). Mother and son (Francis) were already estranged over Mrs. Hanmer’s management of the estate: See A Grief Sanctified, Part One, note 52.
41 This letter dates from 1665, the Plague year, when Baxter spent some time as a guest of his friend Richard Hampden at the latter’s country seat in Hampden (today Great Hampden), Buckinghamshire. See N. H. Keeble and G. F. Nuttall, Calendar of the Correspondence of Richard Baxter (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 726, II.47-48.
42 “The romance invented by Titus Oates and Israel Tonge in August 1678, of a Jesuit conspiracy to kill Charles and enthrone his brother [James, afterward James II, a declared Roman Catholic] by armed rebellion, focused on one centre all the random germs of anti-popery that had been circulating in the English political system for generations” (J. P. Kenyon, The Stuarts [London: Fontana, 1996], 127). Rumors of “popish plots” and planned uprisings, framed by the knowledge that the proper heir to the throne was a robust Romanist, kept England on tenterhooks for the next few years.
43 Baxter was something of an expert on “melancholy,” which to him meant a depressed condition in which coherent and logical thought about one’s own condition becomes impossible. “Clinical depression” would be our label for it. The “doleful evils” he refers to are the compulsive urgings toward despairing, self-destructive behavior and suicide that afflict persons thus depressed.
44 Sir Matthew Hale, Oliver Cromwell’s Lord Chief Justice, was Baxter’s neighbor at Acton, and they became good friends. “Hale tolerated Baxter’s preaching in his own [Baxter’s] home, and his testimony on Baxter’s behalf was instrumental in securing his release when these conventicles led to his imprisonment in June 1669. For his part, Baxter was won by Hale’s remarkable sagacity, erudition, strictness of life, unostentatious manner, humility, and, above all, his soundness of judgment and integrity” (N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982], 127). In 1676 Baxter wrote, having noted that Hale seemed to be terminally ill: “It is not the least of my pleasure that I have lived some years in his more than ordinary love and friendship, and that we are now waiting which shall be first in heaven; whither, he saith, he is going with full content and acquiescence in the will of a gracious God, and doubts not but we shall shortly live together” (RB III.176).
Part Three:
Great Sadness
1 Annual Report of Ontario Bible College and Ontario Theological Seminary, 1995-96, 5.
2 Donald Howard, Christians Grieve Too (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth, 1980).
3 C. S. Lewis, A Grief Observed (New York: Bantam, 1976), 1, 3-4. “And grief still feels like fear. Perhaps, more strictly, like suspense. Or like waiting, just hanging about waiting for something to happen. It gives life a permanently provisional feeling. It doesn’t seem worth starting anything. I can’t settle down. I yawn, I fidget, I smoke too much” (38-39).
4 See A Grief Sanctified, 2 and 89. The “wise friends” advised him not to publish Poetical Fragments.
5 A Grief Sanctified, 47-48.
6 A Grief Observed, 65.
7 Ibid., 68-69.
8 Ibid., 71-72.
9 For details see biographies of Lewis. George Sayer, Jack, 2nd ed., with “Afterword” (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 1994) is certainly the best.
10A Grief Sanctified, 47, 24.
11 N. H. Keeble, Richard Baxter: Puritan Man of Letters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), 128, quoting John Howe, A Godly Pattern for All Women, (1681), 40. “I hope her example more fully and publicly represented will more generally teach,” ibid., 41.
12 A Grief Sanctified, 124.
13 Ibid., 133.
14 J. M. Lloyd-Thomas, ed., The Autobiography of Richard Baxter (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1925), 249.
15 A Grief Sanctified, 48.
16 Ibid., 133.
17 Lloyd-Thomas, Autobiography, 8-9, 237-38. Richard’s chronic bad health is reflected in these lines from the autobiographical poem, “Love Breathing Thanks and Praise,” relating to his early ministry: Still thinking I had little time to live, My fervent heart to win men’s souls did strive. I preached, as never sure to preach again, And as a dying man to dying men. (Poetical Fragments, 40.)
18 See on this J. I. Packer, “Richard Baxter on Heaven, Hope and Holiness,” in J. I. Packer and Loren Wilkinson, eds., Alive to God: Studies in Spirituality (Downers Grove, Ill., and Leicester, UK.: InterVarsity Press, 1992), 161-75.
19 A Grief Sanctified, 123.
20 Keeble, Richard Baxter, 129.
21 Lloyd-Thomas, Autobiography, 249.
22 A Grief Sanctified, 125-26.
23 Ibid., 126-27.
24 Ibid., 127, 128, 129, 132.
25 Prayers in the home, twice daily.
26 A Grief Sanctified, 108.
27 A Grief Observed, 55-56.
28 A Grief Sanctified, 112-13.
29 Ibid., 113.
30 Ibid., 112.
31 Ibid., 112.
32 Ibid., 122.
33 Ibid., 113.
34 Ibid., 115.
35 Ibid., 113.
36 Ibid., 122.
37 Ibid., 127.
38 Ibid., 107-8.
39 Ibid., 129.
40 Ibid., 106.
41 Ibid., 90.
42 Ibid., 130.
43 Ibid., 108-9.
44 Ibid., 110.
45 Ibid., 106-7.
46 Ibid., 130.
47 Ibid., 90.
48 A Grief Observed, 89.
49 A Grief Sanctified, 122-23.
50 Ibid., 133.
51 A Grief Observed, 83-84.
52 A Grief Sanctified, 119.
53 Ibid., 117.