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DUQUESNE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
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THE FATHERS
OF THE CHURCH
A NEW TRANSLATION
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EDITORIAL BOARD
LUDWIG SCHOPP
Editorial Director RupotpH ARBESMANN, O.S.A.
Roy JosepH DEFERRARI Fordham University The Catholic University of America
STzPHAN KUTTNER
Martin R. P. McGuire The Catholic University of America The Catholic University of America Wirrip Parsons, S.J.
BerRNarD M. PEEBLES The Catholic University of America St. John's College, Annapolis, Md.
Rosert P. Russewz, O.S.A.
ANSELM StRITTMATTER, O.S.B.
Villanova College St. Anselm's Priory, Washington, D. C.
GERALD G. Watsy, S.J.
Fordham University
WRITINGS OF
SAINT JUSTIN MARTYR
FERNDALE Chg, OY
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2024 https://archive.org/details/writingofsaintjuO000unse
SAINT JUSTIN MARTYR
THE FIRST APOLOGY
THE SECOND APOLOGY
DIALOGUE WITH TRYPHO
EXHORTATION TO THE GREEKS
DISCOURSE TO THE GREEKS
THE MONARCHY
THE RULE OF GOD
THOMAS B. FALLS, D.D., Ph.D.
St. Charles Seminary Overbrook, Pennsylvania NEW YORK
CHRISTIAN HERITAGE, INC.
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ARCHIEPISCOPUS PHILADELPHIENSIS
October 5, 1948 Copyright 1948 by
LUDWIG SCHOPP
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CONTENTS FOREWORD
THE FIRST APOLOGY
Introduction Text .
THE SECOND APOLOGY
Introduction el BE) Text .
DIALOGUE WITH TRYPHO
. 139
Introduction . 147
Text . a ee
EXHORTATION TO THE GREEKS
. 369
Introduction . 373
Text .
PA tie.
DISCOURSE TO THE GREEKS
. 427
Introduction . 431
Text .
THE MONARCHY or THE RULE OF GOD
. 439
Introduction . 443
Text .
. 457
INDEX A Ue nm
FOREWORD T JusTIN Martyr is known as the outstanding apologist' of the second century. While the Apostolic
Fathers" like St. Clement of Rome, St. Ignatius of Antioch, and St. Polycarp had addressed their letters and admonitions to communities and members within the Christian fold, St. Justin is considered to be the first prominent defender of the Christian faith against non-Christians* and the enemies* of the Church.
The chief sources for the uncertain and meager chronological data of Justin's life are his own writings, the two
Apologies and the Dialogue with Trypho. The circumstances leading up to his conversion are recorded in the first eight chapters of the Dialogue, and the events surrounding his death are reported in the Acta SS. Justini et Sociorum, an authentic source of the latter part of the second century.
Historians place his birth in the beginning of the second century (ca. 100-110 a.p.) at Flavia Neapolis® (today Nablis) in Samaria. Although St. Epiphanius® calls him a 1 For Christian Apologists, cf. R. Arbesmann in Foreword to Vol. I of The Writings of Tertullian in this series.
2 The Apostolic Fathers is a collective name, in use since the seventeenth century, for a group of Christian writers who either were or were believed to be disciples of the Apostles. Cf. K. Bihlmeyer, Die apostolischen Vater (Tubingen 1924) VIIf. A translation of The Apostolic Fathers by F. X. Glimm, J.-F. Marique and G.G. Walsh is found in the first volume of this series.
3 Cf. his Dialogue with Trypho pp. 147-366 below.
4 Cf. his two Apologies pp. 33-135 below.
5 Cf. 1 Apol.
1. It was called Flavia in honor of Flavius Vespasian who had built this city on the ruins of Sichem, formerly the capital of Samaria.
6 Cf. Haereses 46.
FOREWORD Samaritan, and he himself refers to his people as Samarians,'
Justin was not a Jew either by race or religion.* His family was rather of pagan and Greco-Roman' ancestry. They had come as colonists to Flavia Neapolis during the reign of Titus (79-81 a.p.), the son of Flavius Vespasian (69-79), who had built this city and had granted its inhabitants the privileges of Roman citizens.
Obviously, the parents of Justin had considerable means and could afford to give their son an excellent education in the pagan culture of the day. Young Justin had a keen mind, was inquisitive by nature and endowed with a burning thirst for learning. He tried to broaden his knowledge further by extensive travels. Driven by an inner urge and a profound inclination for philosophy,'® he subsequently frequented the schools of the Stoics, the Peripatetics, the Pythagoreans,** and the Platonists. He set out to reach the truth; to gain a perfect knowledge of God was his greatest and only ambition. Dissatisfied with the Stoics and Peripatetics, he tells us of finding temporary peace in the philosophy of the Platonists:
'the perception of incorporeal things quite overwhelmed me and 7 Cf. Dial. with Tr. 120.
8 According to Dial. with Tr. 29, he was not circumcised.
9 F. Cayré, Patrologie et Histoire de Théologie (3rd ed. Paris 1938) 110, states that Justin 'probably' was of Roman origin only; B.
Altaner, Patrologia (Roma 1940) 69, that he was a Greek. The Latin name of his father and the Greek name of his grandfather suggest a mixed ancestry. Cf. Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christ. Biog.
10 Cf. Dial. with Tr. 2f.: 'Philosophy is indeed one's greatest possession.
It is most precious in the sight of God, to whom it, alone, leads us and to whom it unites us. They are really holy men who have devoted themselves to philosophy.' For Justin, philosophy comprises both the search for the truth and Truth itself which is God; since 'God is the Being having the same nature in the same manner and is the cause of existence of all else, .
. therefore it is philosophy that alone produces happiness.'
11 The extensive acquaintance with music, astronomy, and geometry, required as a preliminary step, as well as personal reasons, made him quit this school after a very short time.
FOREWORD
the Platonic theory of ideas added wings to my mind, so that in a short time I imagined myself a wise man. So great was my folly that I fully expected immediately to gaze upon God.'!?
One day, being in such frame of mind and desiring absolute solitude for contemplation, he took a walk to an isolated spot near the seashore. Here, he was accosted by a 'respectable old man of meek and venerable mien' who had noticed his occupied and pensive look.'* When Justin told him that he was trying to form a perfect idea of God and praised the excellency of the philosophy of the Platonists, the stranger answered:
'a long time ago, long before the time of those reputed philosophers, there lived blessed men, just and loved by God, men who spoke through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and predicted events that would come to pass in the future, which events are now taking place. We call those men Prophets. Their writings are still extant, and whoever reads them with proper faith will profit greatly and his knowledge of the origin and the end of things, and of any other matter that a philosopher should know. Thus, above all, you should beseech God to open to you the gates of light, for no one can perceive or understand these truths unless he has been enlightened by God and His Christ.'
After the venerable man had left, 'my spirit was immediately set on fire, and an affection for the Prophets and for those who are friends of Christ took hold of me; while pondering on his words, I discovered that his was the only sure and useful philosophy.'** Justin relates another, practical reason for becoming a Christian. For quite some time he had observed and admired the steadfastness and heroism of the Christians in the face of 12 Dial. with Tr. 2.
13 Dial with Tr. 3.
14 Dial. with Tr. 7f.
$2 FOREWORD grave punishment and death; 'when I heard,' he writes, 'the Christians misrepresented and watched them stand fearless in the face of death, I realized that they could not possibly live in sinful pleasure.'*°
Justin became a Christian about 130 a.p.,'° probably at Ephesus,'' as Rauschen** and others hold.
From this time on he dedicated his life and all his energy to the defense and dissemination of the Christian faith.
After his baptism, little is known about the chronological events of his life, except that during the Jewish uprising against the Roman invaders in 132-135, he encountered
Trypho,'® a Jew in the city of Ephesus, with whom he had a debate on the relative merits of Christianity and Judaism.
Eusebius and Jerome inform us that, after he had become a Christian, Justin continued to wear the pallium or philosopher's cloak."® St. Epiphanius refers to him as 'a great ascetic who lived an austere and holy life.' It is almost certain that Justin never became a priest, as Tillemont and Dom
15 2 Apol. 12.
16 According to Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 4.8, it was after 182 a.D.; others, like Maran, think his conversion occurred as late as 137. Cf. also A. Butler, The Lives of the Primitive Fathers, Martyrs, under St.
Justin, June Ist.
17 While Cave holds that he was converted at Nabliis and Maran at Alexandria, according to Cayré (loc. cit. 110) it was 'more probably' at Caesarea.
18 Foreword to Friihchristliche Apologeten (Bibl. d. Kirchenvater, 1913).
19 Cf. Dial. with Tr. 3. According to Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 4.18.6) and Jerome (De viris illust. 23), Trypho was one of the best known
Hebrews of his time. However, other historians, such as O. Bardenhewer (Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur [1913] 12 229), doubt the historical existence of Trypho. For his probable identification with the famous Rabbi Tarphon, see Th. Zahn, 'Dichtung und Wahrheit in Justins Dialog mit dem Juden Tryphon'
Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte 8 (1885-1886) 37-66.
20 So did Aristides of Athens, after becoming a Christian, and Heracles even when he had become Bishop of Alexandria.
FOREWORD
Maran" think; that he had been a deacon"? is only a matter of conjecture. Most of the historians agree with Ceillier that Justin was always a layman who, in a philosopher's mantle, wandered about and tried to converse with people of every walk of life, putting into practice the words he addressed to Trypho:
'I am now [after his conversion] a philosopher, and it is my wish that everyone would be of the same sentiment as I and never spurn the Savior's words; for they have in themselves such tremendous majesty that they can instill fear into those who have wandered from the path of righteousness, whereas they ever remain a great solace to those who heed them. Thus, if you have any regard for your own welfare and for the salvation of your soul, and if you believe in God, you may have the chance, since I know you are no stranger to this matter, of attaining a knowledge of the Christ of God and, after becoming a Christian, of enjoying a happy life.'
Some time after his conversion Justin went to Rome," where he stayed for a while. He opened a philosophical school, and Tatian became the most outstanding of his pupils.
Wherever he had an opportunity, he freely and fearlessly engaged in intellectual discourses and apologetic controversies."> One is recorded, that with Crescens the Cynic, 'the lover not of wisdom but of false opinions,'"® 'who disregarded that praiseworthy remark of Socrates:*' ""No man must be
21 Migne, P.G. 6.113f.
22 Cf. A. Butler, loc. cit.
23 Cf. Dial. with Tr. 8.
24 Cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.11.
25 The most famous is the Dial. with Tr. at Ephesus. Cf. Joach. Perionius, O.S.B.:
. praestantissimum se et acerrimum Christiani nominis ac religionis propugnatorem ... omnibus in locis ..
. Cf. below, note 45.
26 2 Apol. 3.
27 Cf. Plato, Republic 10.595C.
FOREWORD honored before the truth."' Although Justin had exposed the Cynic's utter ignorance of the Christian teachings in a public debate and declares:
'I expect to be the victim of a plot and to be affixed to the stake .
. perhaps even by Crescens, that lover of fanfare and ostentation,'* and in spite of Tatian's words:
'Crescens who made himself a nest in Rome, while professing to despise death, proved his fear of it by scheming to bring Justin and myself to death as to an evil thing,"® it is not at all certain that the Cynic was the direct instigator*® of Justin's execution. At least, neither
Crescens nor any particular person is mentioned in the Acta Sancti Justini, although in them we find a very detailed report of Justin's examination and sentence by Rusticus the prefect of Rome. Probably, the fact that Justin, with a determination that knows no compromise, challenged the state authorities for calumniating the blameless life and character of the Christians and protested openly and fearlessly against their prosecution is responsible for his decapitation (ca. 165).
According to the Acta,** Rusticus sentenced six other holy martyrs*" to die with Justin: "Let those who have refused to sacrifice to the gods and to obey the command of the Emperor be scourged, and led away to suffer the punishment of decapitation according to the laws.'** However, for Justin** and his companions, death did not mean punishment; the hour of death was their hour of glory, and an hour of triumph for the Christian faith.
28 2 Apol. 3.
29 Oratio 32; cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.16.
30 Cf. F. Cayré, loc. cit. 112.
81 Acta 5.
32 Chariton, Charito, Euelpistus, Hierax, Paeon, Liberianus.
33 Justin was then in Rome for the second time; Cf. Acta 2.
34 Cf. Justin's proud words in 1 Apol. 2: 'You may be able to kill us [Christians], but you cannot harm us.'
FOREWORD
Of the works Justin composed in his very active life, several, as so many of other early Christian writers, have unfortunately not been preserved for us. Among those that have perished, perhaps the most important is the Syntagma against all the Heresies, to which Justin*> himself referred; it probably was made up in part by his treatise Against Marcion, cited by St. Irenaeus.*® As the only authentic®' works of the apologist that are still extant can be considered his two Apologies and the Dialogue with Trypho.
Eusebius (265-340 a.p.) in his Ecclesiastical History**® attributes also\to Justin: The Discourse to the Greeks, The Admonition to the Greeks, On the Divine Monarchy, The Psalmist and On the Soul. While the two latter seemingly have been lost,** critics assign the origin of the three former to the end of the second or the beginning of the third century.
In addition to these five works, the editions of Prud.
Maran *° and J. C. Th. von Otto*? list the following spurious titles amongst the writings of Justin: The Exposition of True
Faith, Letter to Zena and Serenius,** Refutation of Some Aristotelian Dogmas, Answers to the Orthodox, Christian
Questions to the Gentiles, and Questions to the Gentiles. How35 1 Apol. 26.
36 Adversus haereses 4.6.2.
87 According to G. Rauschen, loc. cit. 4, F. Cayré, loc. cit. 112, and others also, the fragments On the Resurrection are really from the hand of Justin. That the Letter to Diognetus, attributed to Justin up to the seventeenth century, for many reasons, is not Justin's, is today considered a matter of fact.
38 4.18.
39 Cf. Bardy, D.T.C. 8. 2238ff.
40 S.P.N.
Justini philosophi et martyris opera quae extant omnia (Paris 1742) , reprinted in J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca 6.
41 Corpus Apologetarum Christianorum saeculi secundi (Jena 1877) 125; 42 Batiffol conjectures this Letter to be written by Sisinnius, the Novation Bishop of Constantinople (ca. 400 a.v.); cf. Revue Biblique
5 (1896) 114ff.
FOREWORD ever, in the opinion of the historians, they did not issue from the pen of Justin and are attributed by different scholars to different later authors.** The first edition of Justin's writings in the original Greek printed by R. Stephanus,** as well as the first Latin edition with the commentary by Joach. Perionius carrying the imprint of Jac. Dupuys,*® do not kst: The Discourse to the Greeks, The Psalmist, and On the Soul. In addition to the collections already mentioned, later, more critical editions are extant for individual works.
Justin's authentic writings will remain forever*® a treasure in the history of Christian literature. They may invite criticism from the strict literary viewpoint,*' for Justin did not always adhere to a strictly logical sequence of ideas; he indulged in digressions** and placed sometimes unnecessary emphasis on less important thoughts, losing sight of the original topic.
However, his style and structure are redeemed by a simplicity of expression, a warmth of feeling and a love for truth and righteousness that are so characteristic of him. For Justin,
'sound reason demands that the lover of truth must choose, in every possible way, to do and say what is right, even when threatened by death, rather than save his own life . . .'**
Thus, historians will always regard him as a most trustworthy witness of the events of his day. With a passionate objectivity
43 A.Harnack ascribes these five works to Diodorus of Tarsus (d. 391-392); F.X.Funk thinks that the Exposition of True Faith was written in the fifth century and ascribes the Answers to the Orthodox to the pen of Theodoret of Cyrus (d. ca. 455). Cf. J.
Tixeront, Patrology (1920) 40.
44 Paris 1551 45 Paris 1554.
46 Cf. G. Rauschen, loc. cit. 9.
47 Cf. Otto, loc. cit. 1. Ixiv.
48 Cf. Dial. with Tr. 30-40; 63-66, 79-83; 1 Apol. 27-29, 43.44; 2 Apol. 3-9.
49 1 Apol. 2.
FOREWORD
his writings shed light on the relationship of Christians and non-Christians, on the worship of the early followers of Christ, their community life, their persecution by irrational and biased State authorities, their sufferings and their heroism.
From the theological point of view, also, the works of Justin are of exceptional value.®® If his use of rare words®! and imperfect terminology sometimes gave rise to not entirely correct statements, it should be borne in mind that Justin wrote at a time when theological terms were not universally and precisely fixed. Of course, like the other apologists of the second century, Justin was, in his theology, to a great extent influenced by, and dependent upon, Greek philosophy.*" In fact, he was not only the first Christian writer to apply the categories and to utilize a philosophical terminology in Christian thought, but he was also one of the first to attempt to reconcile faith with reason. He fortunately subordinated reason to faith, and therefore avoided the pitfalls of Gnosticism. In combining Plato's** world of ideas with the Word-concept of the Holy Scripture, he became the origin50 F. Cayré, loc. cit.
115, concurs with M.-J. Lagrange, [Saint Justin (Paris 1914)] that St. Justin merits well the title of a Doctor ot the Church.
51 Cf. Otto, loc. cit.
52 Cf. Photius, Bibliotheca cod.
125: 'He is a man who has climbed the heights of philosophy, Greek as well as foreign; he is overflowing with much learning and the riches of knowledge.' Early Christian writers already referred to him as 'St. Justin Martyr and Philosopher'
(cf. Anastasius) or 'St. Justin Philosopher and Martyr'
(cf. John of Damascus) .
53 Cf. J. M. Pfattisch, Der Einfluss Platos auf die Theologie Justins des Martyrers. Eine dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung nebst einem
Anhang iiber die Komposition der Apologien Justins (Paderborn 1910); J. Thiimer, Uber den Platonismus in den Schriften des Justin
Martyr (Glochau-Programm 1880); C. Weizsdcker, 'De l'influence du Timée de Platon sur la Théologie de Justin Martyr,' Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes. Sciences religieuses VI1 (Paris 1896) ..
FOREWORD ator of the philosophical** exposition of the Logos.** While others like Origen®® did not appreciate the merits of this great achievement, 'it remained for St. Augustine to trace the basic patterns that were to serve St. Thomas Aquinas in the composition of the Summa Theologica; however, the modest precursor [Justin Martyr] should not be forgotten,'®' 'who in virtues [and heroism] was not far removed from the Apostles.'** 54 For the development of the Logos-concept in philosophy, cf F. Cayré, loc. cit. 115ff.
55 Cf. 1 Apol. 46: 'We have been taught that Christ was First-begotten of God [the Father] and we have indicated above that He is the Word of whom all mankind partakes. Those who lived by reason are
Christians ... ,' and 2 Apol. 13 where Justin expounds on the Verbum Divinum (Verbum Perfectum) and verbum seminale (human reason) ; cf. Lagrange, loc. cit. 134-144; also, Letter to Diognetus 7.
56 Cf. F. Cayré, loc. cit. 119.
57 M.-J. Lagrange, loc. cit. 156.
58 Photius, Bibliotheca cod. 234.
FOREWORD
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
B. Altaner, Patrologia (Roma 1940).
B. Aubé, Saint Justin philosophe et martyr (Paris 1861).
O. io Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur (Freiburg i.B.
2, G. Bardy, '[Saint] Justin,' Dict. theol. cath. 8.2238ff.
P. Batiffol, Ancienne littérature chrétienne grecque (Paris 1901).
A. Bery, Saint Justin, sa vie, sa doctrine (Paris 1911).
F. Cayré, Patrologie et Histoire de la Théologie (3rd ed. Paris 1938) .
A. Ehrhard. Die altchristliche Literatur und ihre Erforschung (Freiburg 1884/1900) Ch. E. Freppel, Saint Justin (Paris 1885) .
A. Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur bis Eusebius (Leipzig 1893).
H. Jordan, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1911).
M.-J. Lagrange, Saint Justin (Paris 1914).
J. Leblanc, 'Le Logos de Saint Justin,' Annales de philosophie chrétienne 3 série, II (1904) 191ff.
J. Lebreton, Théories du Logos au début de l'ére chrétienne (Paris 1906) .
C. C. Martindale, St. Justin the Martyr (N. Y. 1921).
R. Otto, 'Zur Charakteristik des heiligen Justinus des Philosophen Martyrers, Kaiserl. Akad. der Wissensch. Philos. Hist. Cl. Sitzungsber.
Bd. 8, (1852) 164ff.
J. M. Pfattisch, 'Der Einfluss Platos auf die Theologie Justins des Martyrers. Eine dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung nebst einem Anhang iiber die Komposition der Apologien Justins,' Forschungen zur christl.
Literatur und Dogmengeschichte. Bd. 10, Heft 1 (Paderborn 1910).
C. Semish, Justin der Mdrtyrer (Breslau 1840-1842).
W. Smith and H. Wace, A Dictionary of Christian Biography (London 1882) 3. 561ff.
J. Springl, 'Die Theologie des hl. Justinus des Martyrers,' Linzer Theol. prakt. Quartalschrift 37 (1884) 283ff.
J. Tixeront, Handbook of Patrology (St. Louis and London 1920).
. Thiimer, Uber den Platonismus in den Schriften des Justin Martyr (Glauchau—Programm, 1880) .
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THE FIRST APOLOGY
INTRODUCTION
BUSTIN's First Apology is one of the earliest extant in the annals of Christianity. Right from the start the reader cannot but admire its author's courage, his firmness of purpose, his love for truth, righteousness, and wisdom.
The petition is addressed to the Emperor, the Emperor's sons, the sacred Senate and the whole Roman people. The petitioner is 'Justin, the son of Priscus and grandson of Bacchius of the city of Flavia Neapolis in Syria-Palestine."*
He is just 'one of those men of every race' who are unjustly hated and mistreated.'
He fearlessly states that his discourse contains neither words of flattery nor a request for favors. The purpose of his petition is to prove that truth and right are equal for all men and to demand that all should be treated equally; that the guardians of justice and lovers of wisdom must dispassionately base their judgment on truth, and truth alone, rather than on irrational impulse or evil rumors. Not without a flair of satire he states:
'Common sense dictates that they who are truly pious men and philosophers [such as state authorities should be] must honor and cherish what is true, .
. rulers should pass judgment not through force and tyranny, but in accordance with piety and philosophy.' He demands that, in every individual case, 'the accusations against the Christians receive unbiased examination, and if proved true, they should be punished as any guilty person', .
. 'sane reason, on the other hand,'
1 Justin was apparently a Roman citizen, cf. Foreword p. 10
2 Refers to the Catholicity of Christianity.
SAINT JUSTIN MARTYR
he declares, 'does not allow that injustice is done to innocent men just because of mischievous rumors'; no one should be condemned unheard for merely carrying a name [Christian]; for, a name without supporting deeds is. but an empty shell.
'As far as we [Christians] are concerned,' he states, 'we believe that no evil can befall us unless we be proved to be criminals and sinful persons,' adding the proud words, 'you, indeed, may be able to kill us, but you cannot harm us.'
Some scholars like O. Bardenhewer* and G. Rauschen* do not find a strict sequence and clear exposition of thoughts in this Apology. Others like T. H. Wehofer® and A. Erhard' hold that Justin had composed his petition according to a preconceived plan.' Even if we concede that the material brought forth by Justin is not arranged in an exact order, one may see three sets* of ideas developed in its sixty-eight chapters.
In Chapters 1-20, he describes clearly the principals in his discourse: the state authorities on one side, and the Christians on the other. He expounds then on the principles upon which their relationship should be based, in order that 'both rulers and subjects fare well.' He shows that the precepts of Christ are bare of impiety and all unjust ambition. Christians do not strive for earthly power, but for a heavenly kingdom. They obey the state authorities in all civil matters and lead holy and virtuous lives. He brands the charges of atheism, anthro3 Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur (Freiburg i B. 1918)
PF.
4 'Die formale Seite der Apologien Justin,'
Theol.
Quartalschrift (Tiibingen 1899) 188ff.
5 'Die Apologie Justins des Philosophen und Mértyrers in literarhistorischer Beziechung zum erstenmal undersucht, Rdm.
QuartalSchrift 6, Suppi. Heft. (Rom. 1897) 2.
Die altchristliche Literatur und ihre Erforschung (Freiburg 1884-1900) .
Cf. J. M. Pfattisch, Joc cit., who refers to the different opinions.
Cf. F. Cayré, loc. cit. 114f. mar~Im
INTRODUCTION
pophagy, and incest, held against the Christians, as untrue and baseless. Their belief in the immortality of the soul is, even according to the pagans, neither incredible nor against reason.
In Chapters 21-60, the superiority of Christianity over paganism is demonstrated. He shows that many prophecies of the Old Testament were fulfilled by Christ and explains the difference between the wonders of Jesus Christ and the tricks of the heathen magicians. The Gentiles, especially the pagan philosophers, including Plato himself, borrowed from the Bible.
In Chapters 61-68, Christian practices are explained: particularly the ceremony of initiation into the Christian fold
(baptism ),° the sacrament of the Holy Eucharist, the Sunday assembly of the Christians, their fastings, prayers, and care for less fortunate brethren.
At the end, Justin attached a copy of Hadrian's Rescript [69] written in favor of the Christians. Other scribes, at a later date, added'® the Letter of Antoninus Pius to the Assembly of Asia [70] and the Letter of Marcus Aurelius to the Senate [71].
Apparently this Apology was written at Rome. Basing their opinions on internal evidence, historical events and tradition,'! historians have set for its composition various dates," from 138 to 156 a.p. Justin himself professes'* to be writing one-hundred-and-fifty years after the birth of Christ. Eusebius
9 Cf. p. 100 n.5.
10 These two Letters are also contained in the first original edition (1551) and the first Latin translation (1554). Cf. above, notes 44 and 45.
11 Cf. the detailed analysis in W. Smith and H. Wace loc. cit. 3, 563.
12 Cf. W. Moeller, History of the Christian Church (London 1892) 174.
K. Hubik, Die Apologien des St. Justinus, des Philosophers und Martyrers (Wien 1912) 121ff. and 298f.
13 1 Apol. 46.
SAINT JUSTIN MARTYR
in his Chronicon assigns it to the year 141, the fourth year of the reign of Antoninus (137-161 a.p.). Tillemont, and later the Benedictine editors in the preface of their edition of Justin's works, place the date at about 150 a.p., and it seems that 'without very positive evidence against it, the year
148—i.e., Justin's 150 a.p.—should be taken as the approximate date.'** This Apology has been preserved in two manuscripts,' in which, however, it is preceded by the Second Apology. The same sequence is found in the original Greek edition'® and in the first Latin translation.'' Eusebius'® also refers, sometimes, to what we call the first as the second. Some critics reckon that the Second Apology is a preface to the first, others that it is just an appendix to the first.1* However, since, in the Second Apology, Justin alludes*® to the First Apology, there is great merit in the opinion that Eusebius erroneously confused the two apologies and that those we have now are two distinct works." G. Kriiger writes: 'There are no sufficient grounds for the assumption that the two apologies were originally one, and consequently that the one which Eusebius calls the second has been lost (Harnack). Similarly, the second is not to be regarded as a mere supplement to the first (Zahn).'"?
14 Cf. W. Smith and H. Wace, loc. cit.
15 The Codex Regius, of the year 1364, at the National Library of Paris, and the Codex Claromontanus of the year 1541, at Cheltenham, England.
16 Printed by R. Stephanus (Paris 1551) pp. 135-163; the Second Apology is on pp. 129-134.
17 With a commentary by Joach. Perionius O.S.B., printed by Jac.
Dupuys (Paris 1554). pp. 13-44. The Second Apology is on pp. 5-12.
18 Hist. va 4.16. ids ee BE 19 Cf. Smith and Wace, loc. cit., and M. Dods, The Writings of Justin
Martyr and Athenagoras, 5 (Edinburgh 1867) .
20 2 Apol. 4,6,8.
21 J.M. Pfattisch, loc cit., and also G. Rauschen, loc. cit.
22 History of Early Christian Literature (New York 1897), p. 108.
INTRODUCTION
In addition to those listed in the Select Bibliography, the following editions—without great variations in the text— are, among others, extant: by G. Kriiger with an introduction
(4th ed. Jena 1914), A.W.F. Blunt with a new text-analysis (Cambridge 1911) and J.M. Pfattisch with a commentary in German (Miinster 1912f.). This translation is based on that of Prud. Maran; those of J.C.Th.v. Otto and G. Rauschen were consulted.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Texts and Translations:
Prud. Maran, S. P. N. Justini philosophi et martyris opera quae extant omnia (Paris 1742), reprinted in J. P. Migne, Patrologia
Graeca 6.
J. C. Th.v. Otto, Corpus Apologetarum Christianorum saeculi secundi (Jena 1877) I 2%.
G. Rauschen, S. Justini apologiae duae (Florilegium Patristicum, fasc. 2, Bonnae 1904).
W. B., The Apologies of Justin Martyr, Tertullian, and Minucius Felix (London 1709).
T. Chevallier, A Translation of the Epistles of Clement of Rome, Polycarp, and Ignatius; and of the Apologies of Justin Martyr and Tertullian (Cambridge 1833) .
M. Dods and G. Reith, The Writings of Justin Martyr and Athenagoras (Edinburgh 1867) .
L. Pautigny, Les Apologies (Textes et Documents, Paris 1904).
G. Rauschen, 'Des heiligen Justins des Philosophen und Ma§rtyrers zwei Apologien'
(Friihchristliche Apologeten—Bibl. d. Kirchenvater, Bd. 1, 1913).
G. J. Goodspeed, Die diltesten Apologeten (Gottingen 1915).
Secondary Works:
P. Allard, Le christanisme et l'empire romain (Paris 1897) .
G. Bardy, '[Saint] Justin,' Dict. theol. cath. 8.2238ff.
O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur (Freiburg i. B. 1913) 12.
SAINT JUSTIN MARTYR
A. Casamassa, Gli Apologisti e i Polemisti Del 11 Secolo (Roma 1935) .
F. Cayré; Patrologie et Histoire de la Théologie (3rd. ed. Paris 1938) .
J. Geffcken, Zwei griechische Apologeten (Leipzig 1917).
A. Harnack, Die Uberlieferung der griechischen Apologeten des zweiten Jahrhunderts (Leipzig 1882) .
K. Hubik, Die Apologien des hl. Justins des Philosophen und Martyrers (Wien 1912).
G. Kriiger, History of Early Christian Literature (New York 1897).
M.-J. Lagrange, Saint Justin (Paris 1914).
J. M. Pfattisch, 'Der Einfluss Platos auf die Theologie Justin des Martyrers. Eine dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung nebst einem
Anhang tuber die Komposition der Apologien Justins, Forschungen zur christl. Literatur und Dogmengeschichte, Bd. 10,
Heft 1, (Paderborn 1910).
G. Rauschen, 'Die formale Seite der Apologien Justins,' Theol. Quartalschrift, (Tiibingen 1899)
180ff.
J. Riviére, St. Justin et les Apologistes du 2me Siécle (Paris 1907).
W. Smith and H. Wace, A Dictionary of Christian Biography (London 1882).
Th. Wehofer, 'Die Apologie Justins des Philosophen und Martyrers in literarhistorischer Beziehung zum erstenmal untersucht, Rdm.
Quartalschrift 6, Suppl. Heft (Rome 1897) 2.
CONTENTS Chapter Page 1 Address 2 Justin asks for justice 3 Justin demands a fair trial .
4 Christians condemned because of their name .
5 Persecution of Christians instigated by demons 6 Christians are not atheists .
7 The crime must be proved .
8 Christians would rather die than lie 9 Pagan gods made by lustful men 10 Christians observe proper worship of God
11 The kingdom of heaven .
12 God sees all .
13 Jesus Christ our Teacher 14 Beware of the demons .
15 The teaching of Christ .
16 Of Christian patience 17 Christians respect civil authority 18 Immortality 19 Resurrection .
20 Where paganism saltets Chirtetiaatty 21 Pagan analogies to the life of Christ
22 Pagan analogies to the Sonship of Christ .
23 What we intend to prove
Chapter Pagans worship inanimate objects and animals .
Christians have abandoned paganism .
Simon Magus Christians consider it wicked to expose children .
Divine Providence
Christian continence .
Christ was not a magician
The Jewish Prophets
Moses foretold Christ
Isaias foretold the manner of Christ's birth Micheas foretold the place of Christ's birth
The Crucifixion foretold
Various modes of prophecy .
God the Father speaks .
God the Son speaks .
God the Holy Ghost speaks .
David foretold the coming of Christ .
David foretold the Crucifixion .
Prophets speak of future as past .
Man responsible for his actions
Prophets taught free will of man .
Christ's ascension and glory foretold .
Christ is the Logos Fall of the Jews foretold Christ's miracles and death foretold
Jews' repudiation of Christ foretold
Chapter Page
Christ's suffering predicted by Isaias .
Sl Isaias foretold the majesty of Christ
Future prophecies will certainly be fulfilled
Calling of Gentiles foretold
Fables, imitations of prophecies oF The Cross
Demoniacal influence
Christians persecuted by demons
Marcion ee
Plato's debt to Moses
Plato's doctrine of the Son and Cross .
Baptism of the Christians
Christian baptism imitated . e101 God the Son spoke to Moses from a fiery bah Demons invented fables of Proserpine and Minerva
. 101
. 104
. 104
The Holy Eucharist .
. 105
Further explanation of the Eucharist .
. 106
The Sunday Assembly Concluding appeal
[69]Letter of Adrian to Minucius handahias in 'behalf of . 108 the Christians .
[70]Letter of Antoninus Pius to the General Assembly 7 109 of Asia [71 ]Letter of Marcus its to "e eat . 110
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