Notes
The Social Setting of the Ministry ment of heads of households for their families' sin is generalized as a lesson for the whole community (v.7). The paterfamilias who keeps himself and his household from sin gains salvation for both him and his family (Vis. 1:3.2; 2:3.1; Man.
2:7; 4:4.3; 5:1.7; 12:3.6; Sim. 5:3.9). It is not only on an individual level, but also on that of the household that the church is to preserve its identity as the locus of the Creator's redeeming activity. The well-ordered household, regulated by the faithful householder, contributes to the maintenance of the sect's boundaries.
Summary Following Geertz' analysis of the role of religious symbols as "models of" and "models for" reality, we have shown that there is a connection between Hermas' ethical paraenesis and the belief in God as sovereign Creator. Belief in God brings with it the duty of obedience to his commands, and since humanity is created by God there is a belief that one can, and therefore must, keep his commands. Baptism signifies entry into a new life of faith in and obedience to God.
This life is marked by virtues which are meant to express the distinctive character of the Church as the particular object of God's action. We argued, borrowing insights contained in Wilson's sect-type, that Hermas hopes to lessen the influence of the outside world on his church by a series of ethical exhortations.
Among these is an ethic of love patriarchalism, which is designed to turn the efforts of the rich, who have strong ties with the world, to the care of the poor, as an expression of their membership in the community. Hermas is also concerned that households be well-ordered. The paterfamilias is responsible for the actions of the members of his household, and the well-ordered household is one which is subject to his authority. Such traditional authority contributes to the maintenance of the sect's boundaries and helps to preserve the identity of a community which regards itself as separate from the world.
Notes 1 The latin text is provided by Dibelius, 1923, p. 421 together with the latin text of the Liber Pontificalis which follows the Muratorian Canon.
2 E.g. Lightfoot, 1890, Vol. l,Pt. 1, pp. 359-60; Snyder, 1968, p. 22. For the dating of 1 Clement see Chapter Four.
3 Lightfoot, 1890, p. 360.
4 See Osiek, 1983, pp. 6f; Hilhorst, 1976, pp. 20f., for a discussion of the most recent scholarship.
5 See Dibelius, 1923, p. 420; Hilhorst, 1976, pp. 19-20, for the earlier literature.
6 Harnack, 1897, pp. 257-67.
7 Joly, 1968, p.15.
8 See Snyder, 1968, p. 6 for further discussion of the manuscript evidence.
9 Thus, e.g., Dibelius, 1923, pp. 420-21; Wilson, 1927, pp. 20-21, 50-54; Snyder,
1968, pp. 3-7; Barnard, 1966.
10 Coleborne, 1969, pp. 133-42; 1970, pp. 65-70 (arguing on the basis of statistical evidence); for criticism of his statistical attempts see Hilhorst, 1976, pp. 21-23.
11 Giet, 1963; for discussion and criticism see Barnard, 1968, pp. 30-33; Hilhorst,
1976, pp. 21-22.
The Shepherd of Herrn as
12 Hilhorst, 1976, p. 186; he argues (pp. 25-31) on statistical grounds for single authorship; similarly, Morton, 1964, pp. 31, 84-85.
13 Barnard, 1968, p.32.
14 Osiek, 1983, p. 7. Osiek goes on to comment, however, that "taking an absolute stand on this complicated question would serve no purpose" (loc. cit.), but in this she has already begun to undermine her thesis that Hermas' primary concern in this document is with socio-economic realities (p. 14). Her thesis is weakened by her failure to provide an explanation of how socio-economic concerns may be harmonized with a theory of multiple authorship.
15 Sundberg, 1973, p. 1 discusses the manuscript evidence.
16 See Sundberg, 1973, pp. 3 f. for the arguments of Harnack and Zahn and for further references.
17 See Koch, 1926, pp. 154-60; Koch's argument is summarized in Sundberg, pp.
65-66.
18 Ibid., p. 9.
19 In the early literature there is a conscious differentiation between the apostolic period and that which followed, cf. Ignatius Ephesians 12:2; Polycarp Philippians 3:2;
Hegesippus in Eus. Η.Ε. 4:22.4; 3:32.6; Eusebius divides his work into the period of the apostles and that following it, see H.E. 3:32.8. For discussion of these references see Sundberg, p. 9.
20 Streeter, 1929, p. 207; he still, however, argued for a second century date (ibid., p.
211). See also Sundberg, p. 9 for further discussion of the Irenaean passage.
21 Sundberg, pp.l6f.; recent doctoral research at Oxford University undertaken by J.
Heinemann supports this view.
22 Λ.Η. 4:20.2; cf. HE. 5:8.7; Stromata 1:17,29; 2:1,9,12; Tertullian first accepted it (De
Orat. 16) but in his Montanist period rejected it as laxist (De Pud. 10,20), a shift explicable on theological grounds; Origen in his earlier writings regarded it as scripture (De Prin. 1:3.3; 2:1.5; 3:2.4) although he was aware that some were opposed to the work (De Prin. 4:1.11 — composed A.D. 230-240), increasingly in a later writing
(Comm. in Rom. 10:31 — composed before c. A.D. 244).
23 For further discussion of the later evidence see Sundberg, pp. 12f.
24 See Workman, 1980, p. 83 for a traditional account of the persecution. While Eusebius assumed that a persecution of Christians had been carried out by Domitian
(H.E. 3:17; 3:18.4-5; 4:26.9), the secular evidence which apparently led to his belief is ambiguous. Apart from a no longer extant reference which Eusebius claims in the Chronicon (Helm, p. 192; cf. Barnes' [1981, p. 31 n. 31] comment) to have found in a senator's account of the fates of the Flavians, Eusebius relied on Suetonius, Domitian 15 and Dio Cassius 67:14 for his information about T. Flavians Clemens and Flavia Domitilla. But it is not clear that Flavia Domitilla was charged with Christianity. Clemens' άθεότης (Dio Cassius 67.14; eontemtissimae inertiaeDom. 15) may rather have been Judaism (Dom. 17; Suetonius notes that Nerva restored the privileges of exiled Jews after Domitians death, a point which Barnard, 1966, p. 14, who accepts Eusebius' report, overlooks). Eusebius makes Domitilla the niece rather than the wife of Clemens. This has led Keresztes, 1973, pp. 15f. to argue for the existence of two Domitillas. The only other external evidence, however, that Domitilla was a Christian is the Domitilla catacomb. But the name of this burial spot only proves that Christians came to buried on land which once belonged to the Flavians
(thus, e.g., Stevenson, 1978, pp. 27-28; Osiek, p. 94). Moreover, because Eusebius is concerned to show that respectable and prosperous persons were members of the early Christian church (Barnes, 1981, pp. 131-32) his comments about Domitilla arc suspect in the face of ambiguous evidence. The postulation of two Domitillas
The Social Setting of the Ministry begs the question of the reliability of Eusebius' account (see Osiek, pp. 93-94 for further discussion). It was, however, a tradition from an early date that Domitian persecuted the Christian church at the end of his reign (see Melito's comment in Eus. H.E. 4:26.9; Hegesippus in Eus. H.E. 3:20.1; Tertullian Apol. 5; New Testament Rev. 13:1; 17:9, cf. Irenaeus A.H. 5:30.3 and Kümmel's, 1973, pp. 466fF discussion). The references in Revelation are problematic and the other references may be derived from Hermas taken together with Clement 1:1 which to a writer looking at the text 50 to 100 years later may have suggested an imperial persecution.
Suetonius (Dom. 3:2), too, implies that Domitian indiscriminately persecuted individuals and it is possible that some Christians became his victims, but not necessarily because they belonged to a specially targeted group. To the Christian community, of course, his actions would have been interpreted in a more sinister way (cf.
Barnard, 1966, pp. 8f.) 25 Hoh, 1932, p. 10.
26 Vielhauser in Hennecke, II, p. 639.
27 Riddle, 1927,561-77; Osiek, 1983, pp. 4,14. Osiek has attempted to establish some foundations for further work by scholars approaching the Shepherd with sociological models and theories (p. 3).
28 Riddle, 1927, p. 572.
29 References to wealth throughout the Shepherd imply that there were relatively well-to-do Christians at Rome. In fact, scholars at one time or another have argued for the presence of Roman aristocrats in the Roman church at this time. Pomponia
Graecina (c. A.D. 57; cf. Tacitus Ann. 13.32), Titus Flavius Clemens (d. A.D. 96),
Flavia Domitilla (exiled ca. A.D. 96; cf. Dio Cassius 67.14; Suetonius Dom. 10, 15,
17) and M. Acilius Glabrio (c. A.D. 96; cf. Dio Cassius 67:14) are all Romans supposed to have been members of the church. But in all these instances the evidence is insufficient to support the assertion that they were Christians. See Osiek, 1983, pp. 92f. for full discussion. On the other hand, Justin (Apol. 1:67), writing in Rome, states the wealthier Christians help the poor. So it seems that the presence of wealth in the Roman church was not a fantasy on the part of Hermas (cf. also
Minucius Felix Oct. 31:6; similarly Dibelius, 1923, p. 528; Joly, 1958, p. 36). The well-to-do at Hermas' church were probably comprised of prosperous freedpersons
(such as Hermas probably had once been — cf. Vis. 1:1.1; 3:6.7) who, as was possible for enterprising former slaves in this period, earned their riches through business and trade (similarly, Osiek, 1983, pp. 134-5; for examples of wealthy freedmen from whom the emperor Claudius was advised by the Senate to borrow money when he complained of his poverty see the references to Narcissus and Pallas in Suetonius Claud. 28; also Trimalchio in Petronius' Satyricon 48). For further discussion of the wealth of freedmen see Dill, 1904, pp. 100-37; Duff, 1958, pp. 114-28.
30 See Chapter Two for a discussion of house churches in Rome at the time of Paul; the existence of a number of cells loosely connected with each other (as seems to be implied in New Testament Rom. 16), probably continued for some time and may have been similar in this respect to synagogues, which, according to Leon, 1960, pp.
135-70 (similarly, La Piana, 1927, pp. 351 ff.), formed a loosely knit community divided according to geographical origin, social condition, and practice. Brown
(Brown and Meier, 1983, p. 108), argues that some Roman Jews met in private house synagogues; this may be true since there is no archaeological evidence of synagogue buildings in Rome, but this rests on an argument from silence. La Piana,
1925, pp. 201ff. also speculates that there was in this period a variety of Christian groups differing from one another in various degrees (cf. Eus. H.E. 5:24.14). Could not the house church have contributed significantly to this diversity? The other
The Shepherd of Hermas
New Testament literature often associated with Rome (1 Peter and Hebrews) provides little information for our concerns here; the writer of 1 Peter was probably a Christian intimately acquainted with the churches in Asia Minor, and his epistle is best interpreted as reflecting common practice there (cf. 1 Peter 1:1). Brown, op cit., attempts to place these documents, together with the Shepherd and t Clement, in a "trajectory" of moderate Jewish-Christianity allied closely with Jerusalem, but his theory that the Roman church retained close connections with Jerusalem and that such ties affected its development of the ministry is unconvincing.
31 Thus, e.g., Lake in the Loeb translation; Lightfoot in The Apostolic Fathers; Dibelius in Der Hirt des Hermas (Geschäft); Joly in the Sources Chrétiennes edition sometimes translates πράξις and πραγματεία respectively with the more general activité and occupations (e.g. Man. 10:1.5; Sim. 4:5). But he also chooses the translation affaire, a rendering which has economic connotations (e.g., Man. 10:1.4). The passages where he chooses affaire over occupations are those with references to wealth in them, except in Sim, 8:8.1-2, where there is no direct reference to riches and he translates πραγματεία with affaire.
32 See especially the second century A.D. astrologer Vettius Valens (ed. Kroll, see index under πράξις = negotium), also rabbinic literature which uses the terms as loan-words for business activity (see Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature, Π 1U D JL Ί D ;
Υ 1 U F Ί 9
[ = '"business"]; r o D i D [ = "public life"]; for references to πραγματεία and the article on πραγματεία, πράξις by Maurer in TWNT, Vol 6, p. 641.) In the LXX see Sir. 11:1 OfF. where the context suggests that the πράξεις referred to are economic (esp. w. 12, 14, 21 f.), Jerome renders the term with actus, but the context of the word in his translation suggests the activities he is thinking of are economic (he translates: "Fili ne in multis sint actus tui: et si dives fueris, non eris immunis a delicto...").
Πραγματεία also occurs in 2 Tim. 2:4, where it may have an economic sense (see Maurer, p. 641) who translates it as Erwerbsgeschäfte. Most of the translations render it as "affairs" or something equivalent, but the J.B. Philips translation "business" seems to get closer to the cultural metaphor used in the passage. For earlier usage of the terms with an economic connotation see Liddel and Scott, Vol. 2, loc. cit. Lampe does not include references to Hermas' use of these terms. Bauer's lexicon of the New Testament and other early Christian literature provides a variety of translations of the terms as they appear in the Shepherd. Osiek, 1983, p, 40, comes to a similar conclusion concerning Sim. 8:8.2; she provides a similar translation of Sim. 4:5-7, but without comment.
33 Unless otherwise stated all translations in this and in following chapters are from Kirsopp Lake, The Apostolic Fathers (2 vols.) Loeb Classical Library (London: William Heinemann Ltd., 1977).
34 Such a description reveals the presence of status-specific behaviour often displayed at pagan banquets of the time: Martial complains (3:49) that his host eats oysters while he is given only a mussel to suck on (cf. also Martial 1:20; 3:49,60; 4:68, 85;
6:11; Juvenal Sat. 5:24ff.; Lucian Saturnalia 17f.; On Salaried Posts 26; Luke 14:7-11).
The ideal feast was one in which all were equals (Athenaeus Deipnosophistae 1:3-4,12; cf. Pliny Ep. 2:6). For further discussion see Theissen, 1982, pp. 155ff,;
Pervo, 1985, pp. 307-29.
35 Sim. 8:9.3 does not state directly that the persons described have been involved in business activity, but the description of these members of the community as those who "became rich and in honour among the heathen" (8:9.1) implies that like others who in the course of the writing are described as being misled by their business concerns, so these members abandon the Christian community in favour of worldly
The Social Setting of the Ministry connections and as a result of misuse of wealth. Similarly, the reference to apostasy in 8:9.3 is consistent with references in the writing which connect business activity with lack of allegiance to the church and denial of God.
36 I.e., in contrast to those who did not (cf. 8.9.1).
37 The exhortation to be "poorer than all people" is to be taken in a moral rather than economic sense. Hermas describes in several passages the haughtiness or highmindedness of the wealthy (e.g. Siw. 8:9.1), who separate themselves from the community. In Man. 8:10 the reference to poverty occurs in a list of virtues which contribute to the common good of the community. This suggests that the reference to poverty is best understood metaphorically.
38 A century later. Hippolytus (Apos. Trad. 26:6ff.) describes a house meeting where a common meal, presumably an agape celebration but not necessarily so (cf. v. 12), occurs in the house of a host. The need for hospitality provided by patrons for such meetings to occur is evident, and Hippolytus emphasizes the respect due to those who offer their homes for the community's use. Again, while such action may not necessarily have been limited to wealthy members of the community, larger meetings would have only been possible if wealthier members used their resources to organize them, especially since the implication is that the "offering" is provided by the host (26:1,6,8-9).
39 Perhaps deacons (thus, e.g. Dibelius, 1923, pp. 632-33) although it is difficult to be certain.
40 Harvey, 1974, pp. 324f discusses άρχισυνάγωγοι and the evidence of πρεσβύτεροι and άρχοντες, noting that άρχισυνάγωγοι were highly respected and responsible positions; see the discussion in the Introduction above.
41 Hands, 1968, p.52. Wealth as a necessary criterion for election to office was especially common in the higher offices of the club. The number of offices in these clubs was not always the same. The office of treasurer, the position in the club which most closely resembles the Christian overseer, was usually named quaestor.
In those clubs which did not have quaestores, the officials named curatores took over this function. In the latter case these members where usually rich and influential members. Quaestores stood half way between the upper and subordinate ranks of the collegia officials (thus, Kornemann, 1901, p. 422).
42 This is the reading of L2, a Latin MS originating around the fifth century. It omits the καί and reads "episcopi hospitales." E, an Ethiopie and sometimes free translation
(thus, Whittaker, 1967, pp. xvii-xviii) of the sixth century, also contains this reading.
The strongest support for including the καί comes from the only Greek reading preserved for us — Codex Athous (Λ), a fourteenth or fifteenth century Greek MS
(viz έπίσκοποι και πηιλόξενοι). L1, the translation which according to Turner, 1920, pp. 205f, is closer to the Greek original, is adduced by Dibelius, 1923, pp.
407-9, in support of A*s reading. L2, however, is corrupt and itself departs from A ("quidam episcopi id estpraesides ecclesiarum, alii vero hos [Dibelius suggests "/if'] lapides
[Dibelius suggests "hospites"]). Turner, op. cit., p. 204, notes that "in the relative absence of good Greek authority" [such as in Sim. 9:27.2], L·2 has "some importance of its own wherever differences from the Vulgate [i.e. L1] indicate a different underlying text." And he argues (pp. 204-5) that L2, though later than L1, represents a textual tradition independent of the Vulgate MS and was presumably executed when Greek MSS were still available in the West. The weight of the MS S evidence, therefore, falls evenly on both sides. Whatever reading one chooses, the movement of thought in v.2 is clumsy, but the intention of the passage, even if one adopts the reading of A, is probably best expressed by L·2. Moreover, if we adopt L2's
The Shepherd of Hermas
reading, the contrast between the corrupt ministers presented in Sim. 9:26.2 and the virtuous ones in 9:27.2 is stronger.
43 The duty of inviting widows into the bishop's home is more fully developed in the Didascalia, passim; cf. also the third-century Acts of Peter (Actus Vercellenses 8; cf. 25) where Marcellus, a rich member of the Roman church whose "house was called the house of strangers and of the poor," is described as casting the church in disarray for ceasing to invite the poor into his home. In 29f. the whole community meets in his home.
44 There is intriguing archaeological evidence which dates from this early period for the remains of house churches in Rome. Peterson, 1969, p. 266 concludes from the evidence of tituli churches in Rome (i.e. churches alleged to originate in the homes of wealthy or famous benefactors) that the Roman church worshipped in households until the late second or early third century. But of the twenty-five tituli listed in the Liber Pontificalis (for further discussion see Snyder, 1985, pp. 75-82), thirteen can be shown to have been created after the peace of Constantine and of the remaining number, generalization from archaeological remains to house churches is tenuous. The oldest and, in the case of Hermas, only germane evidence is San
Clemente, which was dedicated to Clement at the end of the fourth century and is alleged to be the house of the first-century bishop, or of T. Flavius Clemens (thus
Liber Pontificalis 1.1233 - ed. Duchesne, 1886). Kraeling, 1967, p. 29 is highly sceptical of this tradition on the grounds that pre-Constantinian structural remains found under Rome's oldest churches do not necessarily imply the presence of house churches; it would not be unusual in a crowded city for Christians to build on the foundations of pre-existing buildings. Peterson and Lightfoot (1890, Vol. 1, Pt. 1, pp. 91 ff.) are less sceptical, but it is now generally agreed that the earliest residential remains are Mithraic, not Christian (Snyder, 1985, p. 76).
45 Riddle, 1938, pp. 141-54 and Chadwick, 1961, pp. 281-85 have rightly pointed out the importance of hospitality given by bishops or other members of the church to travellers in the spread of early Christianity and communication between churches.
The notion of "standing hospitality," where an individual can rely upon the good graces of an associate, even a relatively unknown one, was an ancient Greek practice
(cf. Homer Od. 9.18; cf.3.69; 4.60 - see Stählin, TDNTt vol. 5, p.17 for further references) which arose as a result of trade requirements. Standing hospitality is also found in the New Testament (e.g., Acts 21:4; 3 John 5, 10). But together with this form of hospitality is a more general form which involves the invitation of the worshiping community into a member's home. Paul states in Rom. 16:23 that Gaius is the "host (ξένος) to me and to the whole church" and Prisca and Aquila are presented as de facto hosts of the church (1 Cor. 16:10). It appears from these references that hospitality can mean the welcoming of individuals in one's home as well as a larger group such as a worshipping community.
46 Cf. I Clem. 44:4-5 (plural); 47:6; 54:2; 57:1 (πρεσβύτεροι).
47 See note 42 for this reading.
48 It is generally agreed that 5:17 refers to έπίσκοποι.
49 Cf. Man. 11:12 where a prophet is described as coveting the first seat (πρωτοκαθεδρία).
This raises the question of the role and place of prophets in this community.
Both Harnack's (1884) picture of an itinerant order of prophets and Greeven's (1952/53, pp. 3-15) conception of a local order which governs the church tend to over-simplify, distort, or make too broad generalizations from often complex evidence. As the early church developed there were probably many expressions and forms of authority even within the same community, which were riot necessarily
The Social Setting of the Ministry consistent with each other. The authority of a house holder over activities in his own home in some cases would have co-existed with the authority of a prophet to instruct or declaim. On the basis of Vis. 3:1.8, scholars have debated concerning
Hermas' relationship to the presbyters, some arguing that this is evidence that he regarded himself as subject to them, others contending that it shows that he placed himself on the same level as they were (see Reiling, 1973, pp. 151 ff. for various positions). The choice is probably an anachronistic one; the relationship between the church leadership excercised by a house-church patron and that wielded by a prophet (assuming that Hermas was a prophet) may not always have been clear-cut.
It is just as possible that the ambiguity of Vis. 3:1.8 reflects a real one in the community. Hermas may not have possessed explicit criteria to define the limits of his authority with respect to presbyters. And even though Hermas describes both the false prophet (Man. 11:12) and elders (Vis. 3:9.7; cf. Sim. 8:7) with reference to the first seat, it is not necessarily the case that he is referring to identical phenomena.
The discussion here and in subsequent chapters focuses on one manifestation of leadership, while at the same time recognizing that there were probably several currents of authority in these communities. In the case of the Shepherd, there is no evidence that these were in conflict or competition with each other.
50 Lampe, loc. cit., states that πρώτε Ιος refers to ecclesiastical offices.
51 Sim. 9:22.2-4 describes teachers who exalt themselves, which may describe de facto schism.
52 The association of these terms appears in contemporary New Testament literature
(see 1 Pet. 5:2 with the MSS. evidence; Acts 20:28).
53 If there were cases where dependants, such as slaves and freedmen, had converted, the contemporary norms of showing dutifulness by supporting the master's religious practices would have placed an obligation on them to separate as well.
54 Similarly, Countryman, 1980, pp. 157ff., although he does not recognize fully enough the role of wealth in the choice of leadership. For the wealthy calculating honours given for patronage to groups, see Hands, pp. 37f This was especially prominent in the imperial period and in clubs.
55 On almost every page of the document there is some reference to purity. Hermas is accused of impure desires (Vis. 1:1.7) or his family or fellow members are accused of being corrupt(ed) (Vis. 1:3.1; Man. 10:1.4; Sim. 6:2.2-3,4; 8:9.3; 9:14.3 - [ κατα ] φθείρειν ]) or of having an impure heart (Sim. 6:5.2). Language of defilement or pollution (Man. 3:2; 4:1.9; 5:1.3; Sim. 6:7.2,3; 9:17.5 —μια(νειν) or uncleanness
(Vis. 3:9.7) or even disease (Sim. 6:5.5) often occurs. The woman or shepherd also speak of Hermas, his family, and the church being cleansed or purified (Vis. 3:2.2;
3:8.11; 4:2.5; 4:3.4; Sim. 9:18.2,3-4 καθαρίζειν; Vis. 4:3.5). Christians are exhorted to act with a pure heart or to be pure (Vis. 5:7; Man. 2:7; 4:1.1; 4:3.2; 4:4.3; 5:1.2;
6:2.2; 9:4,7; 10:3.4; 12:3.2; 12:6.5; Sim. 4:7 [cf. διαφθείρειν ]; 5:1.5; 5:3.6; 5:7.1;
6:3.6; 7:2,6; 8:3.8; 8:6.2; 8:7.5; 8:11.3; 10:3.2,4). Images with specific colours such as white and black or qualities such as brightness or spottiness are also used in the visions and parables to convey both notions of purity and impurity (purity: Vis.
3:1.4; 3:5.1; 3:6.5; 4:2.1-2; 4:3.4-5; 5:1; Sim. 6:2.5; 9:1.10; 9:2.1,2; 9:2.4; 9:4.5; 9:9.1;
9:10.2-4; 9:15.2; 9:17.4; 9:29.1; 9:30.3; 9:33.3; impurity: Vis. 3:2.8; 4:3.2; 3:6.2; Sim.
9:1.5; 9:4.6-7,8; 9:5.2; 9:6.4; 9:8.1,7; 9:15.3; 9:19.1; 9:26.2). Or a divine agent is described as an agent of purification (Sim. 5:2.4 [cf. 5:5.3]; 5:6.2,3,5-7; 8:1.2; 9:6.5;
9:7.2; 9:8.1,2,5,7). Divine phenomena are described in terms of purity (Vis. 3:7.3;
3:8.7).
56 The references to double-mindedness (δίψυχος) appear numerous times throughout the work. It is used consistently to denote instability in the Christian life or a
The Shepherd of Hermas
cause of difficulty to the community (e.g., Vis. 2:2.7; 3:7.1; 4:1.4,7; 4:2.4,6; Man.
5:2.1; 9:7; 10:2.2; Sim. 1:3; 6:1.2; 8:8.3; 8:9.4; 8:10.2). Seitz, 1947, outlines the use of the term in rabbinic literature as well as James and 1 and 2 Clement.
57 The role of friendships in business in the ancient world is discussed by Theissen,
1982, pp. 129-32.
58 It is not necessary to postulate a general persecution under Domitian to account for the problems of apostasy which are described in the Shepherd. Trajan informs Pliny in c. A.D. 111-113 that if Christians are denounced they are to be judged guilty
(Pliny Ep. 10:96) unless they renounce their faith. If a hostile outside observer brought Hermas' Christian assembly to the attention of a local authority, this could have provided the setting for the problems of apostasy which Hermas describes in his writing.
59 See, for example, her discussion of Levitical purity laws in the Old Testament,
1966, pp.49ff.
60 Ibid., p. 2; cf. also Malina, 1981, pp. 122ff., who has applied her notion of dirt and purity to New Testament texts.
61 Douglas, 1966, p. 35.
62 Malina, 1981, p. 125.
63 Douglas and Malina note that every group suffers from certain ambiguities or anomalies, i.e., realities that do not fit the cues of a culture. Douglas, 1966, pp.
39-40, argues that there are five different ways of a group to remove anomalies. One way is by elites or opinion leaders settling on one interpretation of life, thus reducing ambiguities. This corresponds roughly to Hermas' argument that riches exist solely for the sake of the care of the poor and the building up of the church.
64 Douglas, 1966, p. 138.
65 A similar theme is found in Sim. 8 where, after the willow branches are cut from the tree, they are planted for a time to see if they shall live (8:2.6), As a result of this many live and the shepherd explains that these are representative of those who have repented and have been saved (8:6.1 f.).
66 Wilson, 1967, p. 41.
67 Ibid., p. 39.
68 Wilson writes (Ibid., p. 43) that the conversionist sect typically "accepts individuals more lightly, socialises them less intensely, and loses them more easily — all of which disturbs the strong sense of community;" see Chapter Two for further discussion.
69 Idem., 1959, p. 11.
70 Niebuhr, 1972, argues that this is a phenomenon common to all sects, but Wilson has successfully challenged this view.
71 Ibid., p. 36.
72 Ibid., p. 43.
73 Geertz, op. cit., defines a symbol as "any object, event, quality, or relation which serves as a vehicle for a conception - the conception is the symbol's 'meaning'."
74 Ibid., pp. 7-8.
75 Ibid., p. 4.
76 Ibid., p. 3. Geertz, 1958, pp. 421 f., presents a fuller discussion of "ethos" and "world-view."
77 Geertz, 1966, p. 3.
78 Ibid., p. 12.
79 Geertz, 1958, p. 421.
80 Geertz, 1964, p. 62.
81 Geertz, 1958, p. 427.
The Social Setting of the Ministry 82 In Sim. 8.6,3 "seal" (σφραγίς) is used to describe repentance. The implication is that repentance functions, as baptism does, as entry into transcendent reality, but this time the penitent enters with a renewed spirit.
83 Cf. Hippolytus Apos. Trad. 22-23 (ed. Easton).
84 This is a favourite formula used by Hermas to describe the redeemed life (Man, 1:2;
2:6; 3:5; 4:2.4; 4:4.3; 6:2.10; 7:4,5; 8:4,6,11,12; 9:12; 10:3.4; 12:2.2; 12:3.1; 12:6.3,5;
Sim. 5:1.5; 5:7.4; 6:1.4; 8:11.1,4; 9:20.4; 9:22.4; 9:28.8; 9:29.3; 9:30.5; 9:33.1). While the formula has been taken for most part eschatalogically, Snyder, 1968, p. 64, is correct in suggesting that the definition of life with God, that is a life lived in obedience to God's commands, is a present reality (Man. 7:5). Thus in the parable of the sticks every believer is in some state of life or death (Sim. 8:2.9), except the doubleminded who are neither — and as we will see below this has important implications for the identity of the church. Snyder is correct when he argues that "the primary nature of 'living to God* is adherence to the community of life. Life is life in the church, and death to God . . ( S i m . 8:6.4; 9:28.5,6; perhaps also Man. 12:2.3; Sim.
8:7.3; 8:8.1; 8:10.2; 9:18.2; 9:26.2,8) ".. . is alienation from the community" (Sim.
8:6.4; 8:8.1; 8:9.1-4; 9:20 2; 9:26.3) "and existence outside the tower" (Sim. 8:7.3;
9:13.9 — loc. cit.).
85 In Sim. 9:12.3f. the description of reception into the tower as entry into the kingdom of God only if one "takes his [i.e. the Son's] holy name" probably refers to baptism (cf. Sim. 9:16.7). Other passages describe entry into the kingdom in a way not directly associated with baptism (Sim. 9:13.2; 9:29.2; 9:31.2), but even here the blessed faithful are those who have been baptized. The future tense in these verses implies an eschataiogical reality, but the state it describes has implications for the identity of the individual living in the present. Thus, Sim. 9:16.3-4 describes a present as well as a future reality; the kingdom of God is "now but not yet." It is not only the future church but also the present one which is built on the foundation of the first generations (Sim. 9:15.4).
86 See also Man. 5:2.1-8 for a similar notion.
87 Double-mindedness is often used as an expression to describe lack of allegiance to the community (Vis. 2:2.7-8; 3:7.1; Sim. 1:3).
88 Dibelius, 1923, pp. 445-46.