CHAPTER V

PHILOXENUS'

METHOD OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION

AS SEEN IN THIS MANUSCRIPT

Philoxenus had a high view of scripture.

He believed that the Bible was the principal authority in all matters of

Christian doctrine and practice.

He wrote in the Discourses, "Behold the orthodox canon which has been inscribed

for us in the Holy Scriptures!"

"I do not speak these things of myself, but I follow the will of the Holy nt "While reading our discourse, it is right for Scriptures. the reader to examine the Holy Scriptures and see whether these words in their contexts are thus understood. "492

To the question, "Does the Holy Spirit leave a man when he sins and return to him when he repents?" Philoxenus prefaces his answer by saying:

"On questions like these, it is not right for us to answer those who ask from our own thinking, but from the teaching of the Holy Scriptures; for in them is the correct answer to every question which is asked in faith."423

In the fragments before us, he affirms a blind faith in the written text of scripture:

"We believe these things because they are written, and not because they are comprehensible to those who «494 "Its reading is its explanation and faith

hear them. accepts this.

These sentiments are not of course peculiar to Philoxenus.

They belong to a tradition which was well established in the Church before his time.

What is noteworthy is that, while he held the Councils of Nicea (A.D.

325) and Constantinople (A.D.

381) in the highest regard, (7° he did not appeal to them as ultimately authoritative in matters of the Christian faith.

The tenor of all his writings assumes the scriptures to be the final court of appeal.

The affirmation of scriptural authority is of course no guarantee that the scriptures so affirmed will be universally understood and interpreted in the same way.

Religious history provides many examples illustrative of that fact.

How, then,

did Philoxenus interpret the Bible?

His own answer to that question is to be found in one of his statements quoted above:

"Tts reading is its explanation and faith accepts this."

For him, the meaning of the text was self-evident.

All that was required was that it be accepted in its own terms.

For this reason, he sponsored a new translation of the New Testament into Syriac, the purpose of which was to express as clearly as possible the meaning of the original Greek: 178

Having done that, he is content to maintain the mystery and incomprehensibility of a given biblical text rather than seek an explanation which the text does not warrant:

"We only adhere to that which is written and we do not penetrate into the innermost part of the word by questioning, lest error confront us instead of knowledge, and deception instead of tut hela Again, he writes, "Christians who believe accept it, not by understanding it, but because it is written,"0?

The operative words in all these quotations are "faith" and its cognates.

It is faith which accepts the "reading" as the explanation.

Wisdom and the understanding of scriptures

can only come to the true believer.

The heretic, then, cannot possibly receive and understand the divine wisdom in scripture.

In one of his Discourses, Philoxenus develops the idea that it takes the eye of faith to see these things, for "the eye of the body is too small for the sight of our

mysteries.

In this, he simply restates St. Paul's dictum, "The unspiritual man does not receive the gifts of the Spirit of God, for they are folly to him, and he is not able to understand them because they are spiritually discernea.">93

As our author sees it, "Not every man can hear and receive that wisdom.""04

It takes faith because it necessarily involves accepting a divine mystery.

Philoxenus never loses sight of the mystery ܣ

ܐ)‎ ( which enshrouds the revelation of God.

Fundamentally, it is

the mystery of the Incarnation.

This divine mystery was first given when God created Adam in His image ,>°® was transmitted to Seth and through Seth and the people listed in the Lucan genealogy to Christ ,>°7 who perfected it by His divine action. °°8 Thus, Philoxenus can speak of "the mystery of His growth, ">0? of His baptism, -!° and of His earthly

ministry ܐܐ ܘܢܪܒܖܡ‎ ) dit Sometimes he applies the word "mystery" to biblical statements about these realities.

The Christian "remembers the proclaimed word of the mystery,"

"accepts it, not by understanding it but because it is

written," and yields himself to God's authority.

These statements are inscribed in the Old 01

o° and are not just a pious hope, for "disciples .

. have also died and are eras The Johannine description so2L5 dying in various ways for Him. of the Incarnation is itself called a "mystery.

The divine promise and its fulfilment both contain the mystery of the real presence of God as that presence is revealed in those who transmitted His image from Adam to Christ and in the words of holy scripture, but supremely in the incarnate Son of God

Himself.

In Philoxenus' view, monophysitism maintained the mystery by its refusal to define the Person of Christ in other than scriptural ways, while the Chalcedonian and Nestorian doctrines of two distinct natures denied it.

With such a view of scripture, one might expect Philoxenus to eschew any exposition of or commentary on the Bible.

But such is not the case.

In the manuscript before us are fragments of expository discourses on topics from the first three chapters of Luke, and in some of his other writings he reverts time and again to biblical themes not merely to quote them but to interpret them.

Obviously, "the reading" is not always "its explanation."

Biblical texts require interpretation and Philoxenus is not slow to provide it.

Nevertheless, his fundamental respect for scripture saves him from espousing the allegorizing methods of the Alexandrian school so prevalent in Western Christendom in his day and for a millenium after.

His first principle of interpretation is that the text must be understood literally or on its own terms.

"The reading is its explanation" may overstate this principle, but it does put it in bold relief.

Because of this conviction, he sees significance in the repetition of words, phrases and ideas in scriptures, "especially since it is unusual for the written word to have one clear meaning :3

The fact that he imports trinitarian concepts into his interpretation of Genesis

1:26-27 (the context of this last quotation) simply reveals what he presupposes the nature of God to be, and does not

detract from the basic intention of his approach to the text.

There is no evidence in his writings, however, for his dealing with such repetitions in a slavishly mechanical way, as though he were duty-bound to give a meaning to every repetition he found.

Moreover, in this particular context, he combats the interpretation of these two verses which says in effect that because there is repetition they represent two distinct acts of God (i.e., "God said, Let us make man, etc.," then [later], "God made man, etc.").

Philoxenus regards the repetition as simply reinforcing the main meaning, 7 To interpret literally is to understand the context of a biblical text.

In the thirteenth fragment, he sees the Lucan genealogy as "explaining the voice of the Father calling to His

Son" in the Baptism narrative which immediately precedes 1 For him, the genealogy is not an unrelated unit fortuitously inserted into the third Gospel.

On the contrary, he believes that its position in the narrative immediately after Jesus'

Baptism has significance for its interpretation.

Its context is important.

Another example of contextual exposition is found in Fragment 7.

There the focus is Luke 2:5lb ("His mother kept all these things in her heart."), which he relates both to preceding statements (Luke 2:19, 33, 40, 5la) and to the verse which follows. „܆܂‎ 9 The result is a running commentary on related statements leading up to an exposition of Luke 2:52.

A form of running commentary which Philoxenus found particularly suited to his style was that of the extended paraphrase.

In the first fragment, he explains the divine sentence pronounced on Cain (Genesis 4:15) by a long paraphrase in which God speaks in the first person, and this is even

Similar marked in the margin as a direct quotation. examples are found in his ascetic Discourses.

In the Fighth Discourse, he expands Jesus' retort to His mother in John 2:4

("Woman, what have you to do with me?") into some fourteen lines of printed text purporting to be the words of Jesus in

order to give it the meaning he believes it to have.

The Ninth Discourse extends Matthew 11:28 to forty-six lines of printed text. 27

Other instances could also be cited illustrating the same paraphrastic style of expository

discourse.

Fxtended paraphrases are also found in midrashic

sections of some of the targums, but this does not necessarily mean that the roots of Philoxenus' usage are to be sought there.

More probably it indicates that this was an effective method of interpreting the scriptures orally, for it lends itself well to teaching and preaching.

The homilies of Chrysostom contain examples of this style of interpretation.>*4 It is noteworthy that following this single example in our manuscript of his use of extended paraphrase, Philoxenus still considers further interpretation to be necessary.

In this case, he gives five alternative explanations for the sentence, "Whoever kills Cain shall release seven penalties"

(Genesis 4:15), without stating which in his view is the best

I have been unable to find in Philoxenus' works any other instance of this kind of exegesis which merely lists the alternatives without drawing any conclusion.

It certainly demonstrates that where no doctrinal issue is at stake, he is willing to leave the matter unresolved.

It also shows very clearly that he did not always hold to his own dictum, "Its reading is its explanation."

Fragment 1 also illustrates another facet of Philoxenus' approach to the interpretation of scripture.

In the space of two folios he moves exegetically from Matthew 18:22 to Genesis 4:24 to Genesis 4:15-17 (with a digression on John 8:44) to the building programs of Hezekiah, David and Solomon

(in that order) where the fragment breaks ower 228 The contrast drawn by Philoxenus between the call to forgiveness in Matthew 18:22

("not seven times but seventy times seven") and the threatened vengeance multiplied seven times in Genesis 4:15 and "seventy times seven" times in Genesis 4:24

(LXX), has been noted by interpreters ancient and modern, and is exegetically sound.>2/ His digressions in the remainder of the fragment, however, have no apparent bearing on Matthew 18:22.

Instead, their interrelationship depends on the associations they have with one another in the mind of the interpreter.

The interpretation is always literal (with only a hint of typology at the end of the eragment).°2° Its development seems undisciplined and to that extent uncharacteristic of Philoxenus; but it is merely a wide-ranging contextual approach to a given text which in this instance, sees the whole Bible as the legitimate eonvexit®"?

In this light, it is not unlike the contextual exposition found in Fragment 7 (referred to above), the difference there being that the associated texts were all in the same chapter of Luke.

Philoxenus' second principle of interpretation is that a biblical text may be understood typologically.

This is never stated explicitly, but it is implicit in his use of the word ܐܗܦܘܛ‎ and in some of his expositions.

It is an approach to scripture which is theologically grounded.

God, the Father, is the "Archetype"

(rSoa9o-f 5%), enshrouded in the mystery of His being, whose self-revelations were in types and shadows until the full revelation was made when the Word became flesh in Jesus.

Our author tells us, for example, that the divine likeness in man is.a "type" of Him who is the Archetype; >> that is to say, the likeness has factual reality in itself, yet it points beyond itself.

To understand this is to understand Philoxenus' typological use of the Bible, and especially of the Old Testament.

In this important way, it is distinguished from allegorical interpretation for which the factual content of a passage is irrelevant to the hidden or spiritual meaning which it is said to contain.

In our manuscript, several examples of his typological use of the Old Testament occur.

He believes that "types and mysteries of (Christ) were .

. formed and inscribed in the Old Testament," and these are distinct from the predictions

Per The first fragment which prophets made concerning Him. remarks parenthetically that the Davidic kingdom was given to Solomon "as a type"; but no development of this thought survives, for the fragment ends in the next line.

In Fragment 11, Philoxenus sees in Jacob's dream of the ladder to heaven on which angels ascended and descended, a type of the two Gospel genealogies of Christ: the one "descending" from Abraham to Christ (Matthew 1:1-16), and the other "ascending" from Christ to Adam (Luke 3223-38).->"

In his comment, he acknowledges the legitimacy of a literal and contextual interpretation of the dream having application to Jacob's going down to Laban's house and returning ("ascending") from it.

The type in the Old Testament event foreshadows the divine archetype in an aspect (that of the genealogies) of the full revelation of God in the Incarnation.

In an entirely different

context, our author uses the same dream to illustrate the ascending experience of a man devoted to the ascetic life, but makes no suggestion that it has either a literal or a typological meaning. ܂‎ 95 In that instance, the context of his interpretation is parenetic and "Jacob's ladder" becomes a useful metaphor which, in the enthusiasm of the author, is extended to the point of allegory.

Dreams, by their very nature, invite all sorts of interpretations; so his allegorizing tendency at this point must not be overstressed.

In more general terms, but still adhering to his understanding of Old Testament typology, Philoxenus sees God's adoption of Israel as a type, with all the things associated with the Israelites as "shadows prefiguring the reality.">26

The reality is the revelation of God in Christ of whose body Christian believers are members; "for we are not known as children apart from the Person of the Son, but He is the head and we are members of His body.

ܡ‎ The reality of adoption in Christ is the reality of the Incarnation.

ܝ‎ On the other hand, the adoption of Israel was nominal.

They were called "first-born"

(Exodus 4:22) to "teach that others would come after them"; that is, "the Gentiles were to be accepted in p39 Israel's calling was historically factual their place. within the context of the old covenant with God, but it was also a type, a foreshadowing, of the divine reality of the Church as the body of Christ.

As far as this fragmentary work is concerned, the New Testament offers no "types," for its main witness is to the revelation of God, the Archetype.

The types and shadows of the Old Testament are replaced by the full light of the New.

However, his treatment of baptism suggests that a new typology is to be found in the sacramental activity of the Church, although this idea remains largely undeveloped.

In Fragment 10, he considers baptism to be "a type of death and resurrection"; while in Fragment 12, it is "a type of (the world's) consummation in that when He was baptized Jesus fulfilled His Father's will, and created all things new, both ap 3?

The Church's practice of baptism, visible and invisible. then, typifies in retrospect Christ's baptism, death and resurrection, and in prospect the final consummation of the

world, as well as initiating the baptized into the body of Christ.

In this double approach, literal and typological, to the interpretation of the Bible, Philoxenus followed the School of Antioch; yet he regarded as heretics those who were its greatest exponents -- Diodore of Tarsus and his famous students, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Nestorius -- accusing them all of Nestorianism. >4+

John Chrysostom, another of Diodore's students, a friend of Theodore and a great popularizer of Antiochian hermeneutics, escaped the monophysite charge of heresy, and instead was held in high a2 Philoxenus was well enough regard as a biblical exegete. acquainted with the works of Chrysostom to cite them some thirty times in his treatise on how "One Person of the Holy

In his Spirit Became Incarnate and Suffered for Us.

"Letter to the Monks of Palestine," Philoxenus appeals to "Athanasius, Theophilus, the Gregories, John, Cyril and the blessed Ephrem"; and of course "John" refers to Chrysostom. >44 He is not mentioned by name in the manuscript before us, but in our analysis we have noted several parallels suggesting that Philoxenus not only knew the homilies of Chrysostom, but some of his expositions were influenced by themy?45

His apparent choice of Chrysostom as a model is very much in keeping with his strong preference for the principles of Antiochian exegesis.

CONCLUDING POSTSCRIPT

Since Wright published his Catalogue in 1872, British Museum Manuscript Add.

17,126 has usually been referred to as the "Fragments of the Commentaries of Philoxenus on the Gospels of S. Matthew and S. Luke," and the meaning of the term has been generally assumed to mean "exegetical commentary."

Our study has shown that the Philoxenian "commentary" was in the nature of a homiletical discourse based on a chosen text of scripture.

The original codex contained five homilies on texts selected from the first three chapters of Luke's Gospel.

Fragments of four of these are preserved in this manuscript, along with a fragment (no.

1) from a discourse on Matthew 18:22

(probably) and three fragments (nos.

3, 4, 5) from a polemic against the Nestorians.

Philoxenus was the author of all the fragments.

On the basis of our examination not only of this manuscript but also the remains of the other Philoxenian

"commentaries," we conclude that it is more accurate to speak of the "homilies" of Philoxenus on the Gospels.

Our analysis of all the scriptural quotations in these fragments confirms the general conclusions of Zuntz

(followed by Vodbus) that the Philoxenian version of the New Testament in 508 was a revision of the Peshitta, and that it in turn was revised by Thomas of Harkel in 616.

We have demonstrated the necessity of holding to a strict chronological sequence of Philoxenus' works in order to determine which deviations from the Peshitta may reasonably be regarded as belonging to the version of 508, and which to some other version such as an Old Syriac.

We have thus been able to isolate a few of the features of the lost Philoxenian.

But we recognize that the biblical quotations in all the writings of our author still need to be analyzed.

In this regard, ours has been merely a sounding, albeit an important one.

In spite of its fragmentary condition, this manuscript has proved to be of value in determining Philoxenus' method of biblical interpretation.

He adopted the method of the School

of Antioch and made it an expression of his theology.

While one fragmentary codex has been the focus of this dissertation, always looming in the background has been the much larger Book on Selected Passages from the Gospels

(British Museum Add.

14,534), produced during Philoxenus' lifetime in the same scriptorium at Mabbug.

Consisting of one hundred and ninety-nine folios, it is more than five times larger than the manuscript edited here and in much better condition, but it remains unedited.

Its publication and analysis is a challenge for future study.

THEOL RY 403 24 069

CLAREMONT, CALIF.

NOTES Wright, Catalogue, p-.- 526.

Wright's Short History of Syriac Literature, published twenty-two years later (i.e., in 1894) Maintained somewhat vaguely the same conclusion:

"Portions of his (Philoxenus') commentaries are contained in two mss. (i.e., Add.

17,126 and 14,534) in the British Museum."

(p. 74).

Wright, Catalogue, p. 526.

See ch.

3 below.

Budge, Discourses, II, p. xlix.

Baumstark, Fvangelienexegese.

IDtd ey POMNE2 $ Baumstark, Geschichte, pe

"Von seinen bedeutendsten literarischen Arbeiten eroffnet ein nur sehr unvollstandig erhaltener grosser Evangelienkommentar die -exegetische

Literatur des aramaischen Monophysitismus.'

Lebon, Philoxéntenne.

Ibid., p. 436.

Note:

"La version polycarpienne"

= the Philoxenian version.

10.

Zuntz, Harklean, p.

41.

LY.

Ditto.

Voobus, New Data, p. 178.

This study is substantially repeated in V6dbus, Farly, pp. 103-121, where he gives additional examples from the manuscript.

Voobus, Wew Data, p. 179.

Cf. Early, p. 111; and Studies, Dp.

1:98 £ 13.

14.

De Halleux, Vie.

Ibtdeyp4pps "18959

15.

Throughout this dissertation, the name "Philoxenus" is used because the monophysite bishop of Mabbug

(485-519) is most commonly known by it both in Syriac and Greek eee Less often, he is known as Aksenaia (ts) ܓ ܘ ܬ ܐܘ€ ܗ‎ = eves=a stranger).

For a full discussion of the name, see de Halleux, Vite, pp.

9-12.

16.

Scholars have generally followed the Romanized spelling 17.

"Tahal" of Assemanus, 8. 0.

, II, p. 10, but the word appears as both in the Anonymous Notice on Phtloxenus in MS. Vat.

Syr.

155, fol.

5r, a - b (Vaschalde, Three Letters, p. 75) and in Eli of Qartamin's Memra on the Holy Mar Phtlozenus of Mabbug (ed. by A. de Halleux in C.S.C.0., C, pp.

2, 11, 33, 36, and 38).

De Halleux vacillates in his transcription of the word: in his French translation of the Memra (1963), he uses "Tahil"

(C.S.C.0.,

XCIX, p.

2); while in his biography of Philoxenus, he uses "Tahel"

(Vie [1963], p. 13).

A. Mingana, in his translation of a parallel Memra on Philoxenus, transcribes the word as "Tahl," but does not provide a copy of the text which he translated (New Documents, p. 151).

In order to retain some indication of the presence of the yudh in the spelling cited above (Nuyda), I have used the transcription "Tahil."

The modern identification of the village is unknown.

I would suggest that the village of Tarjil, ten kilometres south of Kirkuk in modern Iraq, may well be the same place.

18.

So Hoffman, Ausziuge, pp.

Hoffman's description is followed by Vaschalde, Three Letters, p.

3; by Duval, Littérature, map; by R. P.

G. Leveng in D.H.G.#z., VIII, cols.

1230-1; and by de Halleux, Vie, p. 13.

Mingana, New Documents, p. 151, fn.

1, is surely wrong in suggesting that the "Great Zab" was one of the boundaries of BethGarmai.

The Greater Zab was the northern boundary of the region of Adiabene (as Mingana, Farly Spread, p.

5, correctly notes), the neighbouring region to the north of Beth-Garmai.

19. Canon 21 of the Synod held at Seleucia-Ctesiphon in 410 under the presidency of the Catholicos, Isaac (Chabot, Synodtcon, p. 272).

20. Abbeloos, Acta, p.

35.

21. Zorell, Chronica, p. 28.

Mingana, Farly Spread, pp. 4-5, states:

"The date 225 is referred to in connection with the epoch-making year in which the first Sassanian king gained a decisive victory over Artaban, the last monarch of the Parthian dynasty."

22.

De Halleux, Vite, p.

13, fn.

13, summarizes the diversity of scholarly opinion as follows:

"Les modernes situent la naissance de Philoxéne au deuxieme quart du Ve siécle (Vaschalde, Three Letters, p.

3; Kruger, Philoxenos, p.

367), vers 440 (Rucker, Philoxenus, col.

248; Bergstrasser, Monophysttismus, p. 15, fn.

2), vers le lilieu du Ve siecle (Lebon, Christologie, p. 426, fn.

3) ou dans son troisieme quart (Budge, Discourses, II, p. xvii)."

23.

De Halleux, Memra, p.

2, 11.

39-44.

A similar passage is translated in Mingana, New Documents, p. 151, but it omits any reference to persecution as the reason for the migration of Philoxenus' family to Tur 'Abdin.

24. Mingana, New Documents, p. 151, claims that the cell was a

mile away from his home.

25.

Hoffman, Auszuge, pp.

53 ff., which is a German translation of the work published in Moesinger, Monumenta.

Sykes, History, I, p. 471, inaccurately gives the date of this persecution as "455 or 456."

Hoffman, Auszuge, p.

54.

26.

2h.

Sykes, Htstory, I, p. 471.

28.

De Urbina, Patrologia, p.

99, Assemanus B.0O., I, pp.

351 ff.

29), Assemanus, B.0., I, pp.

352-353.

30.

For text and French translation, see de Halleux, Senun. he De Halleux, Senun, versio, p. VI.

TDi dni, Pomlit.

33's The account of Philoxenus' early adoption of the ascetic life in Eli of Qartamin's Memra has the marks of pious legend connecting the name of a great monophysite with the establishing of the monastery of Qartamin.

Perhaps the kernel of truth in the legend is nothing more than Philoxenus' instinct as an adolescent to establish his personal independence.

34.

His brother, Addai, who also belonged to this minority, remains a shadowy figure.

The Memra (1.

35) states that Addai was a teacher in the village of Tahil, thus suggesting that he was older than Philoxenus.

Did Addai become a junior teacher or tutor in the Edessene school while Philoxenus was a student there?

The extant sources provide no answer.

According to Michael the Syrian, Philoxenus also had a sister whose son, named Philoxenus, became suffragan bishop of Doliche under his uncle in Mabbug (which was the metropolitan see).

See Michel, Chronique, IX, 29, p. 308

(cited by de Halleux, Vie,

See especially Voobus, Nisibis, pp. 13-30, on the "Character of the School of Edessa."

35.

Voobus, Nistbis, p.

14.

36.

It was because Hiba was identified with Theodore of Mopsuestia, and thus with Nestorius, that he was deposed as bishop of 449 (only to be reinstated by the Council of Chalcedon in 451).

37.

Voobus, Nisibis, pp.

20 f.

38.

De) Halleux, Vue, pb.

30,f+, in.

52, ".

» + LES notions d'aristotélisme et de sciences profanes que l'on rencontre dans ses oeuvres (par ex. dans le Commentatre de Jean I, 1317:

£. 477 —*59v., etc.) - "

Quoted by de Halleux, Vie, p.

29; cf. pp.

40.

Ibid., p.

30.

De Halleux goes so far as to call this reaction of Philoxenus a "conversion."

41.

So Theodorus Lector, Eeclestasticae Histortcae (Mtgna P.G., £+. 86, col.

216), Theophanes Abbas, Chronographta (Migne P.G., t.

108, cols.

325 f.), Evagrius Scholasticus, Histortae Eeclestasttcae, Bk.

III, ch. XVI (Mtgne P.G., £.

86, cols.

2657 £.

( , and Georgius Cendrinus, Histortarum Compendtum (Mtgne P.G., t.

121, col.

675).

42.

43.

De Halleux, Senun, 94:27

De Halleux, Vie, pp.

189-200, where de Halleux shows that five Philoxenian letters were written during this period.

44, Briere, Dissertattones, p. 452.

45.

Peter the Fuller had been deposed twice before.

He was a strong supporter of Zeno's Henottcon.

46.

De Halleux, Memra, 11.

In 1. 154, Eli of Qartamin states that he received the name Philoxenus on his elevation to the episcopacy (so also Assemanus, 8.0O., II, p. 10).

V6dbus, Legislation, p.

51, claims that Philoxenus was made chorepiscopus of Mabbug before becoming the bishop, citing "ms. sin. syr.

10, fol.

48a" as his authority, but he provides no further information.

In his discussion of Philoxenus' consecration, de Halleux, Vite, pp.

40 f., ignores the above-quoted source in V6dbus, Legtslatton.

Instead, he makes reference to a similar tradition in Chrontcon Anonymum 846, p. 200, but he feels that "rien ne permet de controler cette affirmation."

Mabbug (also transliterated Mabbogh, Mabug, Mabbog -- 47.

( was the Syriac name for Hierapolis, for a full account of which see Goosens, Hterapolis.

Honigmann, Eveques, pp.

66-75.

49.

Chrontcle 846, p. 220.

For more on Flavian II, patriarch of Antioch, see below.

Weight, Chrontere,) pe 21.

50.

51.

Why Philoxenus was in Edessa at that time, is not stated.

He was out of his own territory, which may partly explain his reticence to speak out against Edessan paganism.

It was the year when Cyr, bishop of Edessa, died.

Perhaps Philoxenus exercised some episcopal oversight during the interim period prior to the election of Cyr's successor,

Peter.

ܖ52 Budge, Discourses, II, p. l. xxiii.

53:

So Theophanes Abbas, Chronographia (Migne P.G., t. 108, @¢0331 3417.

54.

So Liberatusm(Mtgne,.P.sh.,-t.

68, col.

1030).

ܗ55 De Halleux, Vite, pp.

49 ff., gives a full account of the struggle.

Sykes, History, I, pp.

478 £. ; Vaschalde, Three Letters, p.

57.

De Hal 111 > ; ܝ£ £ ܇ ܝܝܐ+

=< ܥܐ ܨ2¿ 2 ܬ‎ 58.

De Halleux, Vte, p. 76.

59.1

Zacharius, Life os Severus, p. 115.

60.

Cama :MCd At. AE ng Liye Day DIS 61.

De Halleux, Vie, pp. 217-223, dates the following letters in this period:

The Second Letter to the Monks of Teleda, A Letter in Defence of Ditoscurus (addressed to some monks), A Letter to All the Orthodox Monks of the East, A Letter to Simeon of Teleda, and A Letter to the Monks of Senun.

CE.

Vaschalde, Three Letters, p. 20.

62.

De Halleux, Vie, pp.

96-97, points out that Gangra is on the way to Philippopolis.

He considers the Chronicle of Se'ert, p. 139, to be correct in stating that Philippopolis was the place of Philoxenus' death.

This, de Halleux claims, is supported by the witness of two Philoxenian letters (To the Monks of Senun, and To Simeon of Teleda).

The traditional view that Philoxenus was asphyxiated in Gangra is supported by the Memra of Elt of Qartamin

(and the parallel document published by Mingana, New Documents), The Anonymous Notice (published by Vaschalde, Three Letters), and Zacharius Rhetor, Feel.

Hist., VIII:5.

This traditional view is followed by Assemanus (B8.0., II, pp.

19-20), Budge (Dise ourses, II, pp. xxv-xxvi), Vaschalde (Three Letters, pp.

19-20), and Honigmann (Fveques. p. 67).

63.

See above, p.

64.

Sykes, Htetory, I, p» 471.

Camb.

Med.

Hitst., I, p. 466.

65.

Sykes, History, I, pp.

437, 448, 468.

66.

Labourte, Chrtstiantsme, pp.

The exact date of the founding of the School of Nisibis is not known.

After discussing the problem fully, Vddbus, Nistbis, p. 41. concludes that the date was sometime after 571.

67.

Assuming the migration from Persia was in fact during the persecution of Yezdigird II in 446 as suggested in pp.

31.6: above.

68.

Sellars, Chalcedon, pp.

3-29.

69.

70.

222 tie =O.

E.g., Brit.

Mus.

Ms.

Add.

17,126, fol. 4r 20,21.

See also the list of Philoxenus' works in Budge, Discourses, II, 7 ܀‎ 7.137 43 Take Sellars, Chalcedon, p. 110.

72.

Ibid., pp.

97, 103.

Cam.

Med.

Hist., I, pp.

506 ff.

TESS Budge, Discourses, II, pp. xxxiii ff., has a translation of Philoxenus' statement anathematizing the Council of Chalcedon (the Syriac text is found in pp. xcviii ff.).

74.

Gambs Med.

Htst., Lp pp.

DES £:

75.

The Greek text of the Henoticon is given by Evagrius Scholasticus, Atset.

Heeles., III:14.

76.

Sellars, Chalcedon, p. 277.

2:73

Quoted in Budge, Discourses, II, p. xxxviii (translation) and p. cxxi (Syriac text).

78.

79.

2? 06601} Evagrius Scholasticus, Hist.

Eecles., III:32.

This document was deposited in the archives of the Church of St.

Sophia.

Later, Anastasius tried to secure it from Euphemius, but he refused to hand it over to the emperor.

This led to his being deposed from his see in 495 (So Theodorus Lector, Heeles.

Hist.

(Migne, P.G., t.

86, cols.

80.

17188 Ls):

Lebon, Monophysttisme, p.

41.

81.

Labourt, Chrtsttanisme, p. 158.

82.

Lebon, Monophysitisme, p. 44.

83.

Vasiliev, Justin, pp.

ff.

84.

Ibid., p. 135 et passim.

85.

86.

De Halleux, Memra, 1. 468, uses "Justinian"

(ܐܢܝܢܛܘܘܝ‎ for "Justin."

As Vasiliev, Justin, p.

26, notes, this is "usual in Syriac Chronicles."

87.

Brit.

Mus. Add.

14,534 = Book on Selected Passages from the Gospels (unpublished), fol.

38 a-b.

See Appendix "A" for a copy of the text from which I have made this translation.

A French translation of part of this passage appears in de Halleux, Vte, p.

121, fn.

20.

He calls the manuscript "Commentaire de Jean 1:1-17."

Rom.

1:3 where the Peshitta reads:

shen den ܕܠܝܬܐ ܣܒܒ ܪ ܢܡ ܐܥ ̈ܪܙ‎ It would appear that Philoxenus was explicitly taking issue with the Peshitta, both here and in what follows.

88.

89...

Matt.

1:1, where the Peshitta reads:

Matt.

1:18, where the Peshitta reads:

"50M Kiam ܗܕܠܝ ܢܝܕ ܥܘܫܝܖ ܐܝܢܝܫܡ‎ Philoxenus' apparent invertion of the word order follows exactly the word order of the Greek.

Early in this Manuscript (Brit.

Mus. Add.

14,534), the author insists that the proper Syriac rendering of Yé€veoris

, ܘ ܝܝ ܘ‎ and chides the translators for their careless use of ܘ ܝܠܝ ܐܐܝܳܗܐ‎ and .ܐܕ ܠܝ‎ These last two words render Yé€vvyee¢ ~.

In folio 3lb, he says he does not know why the translator should have used these words instead of yS aM.

In folio 32a, he suggests that the confusion comes because the two Greek words yéveets and yevy jets are similar; then, as de Halleux has observed (Vie, p., 22), he proceeds to confuse them himself!

In folio 34b, he writes:

"No one should think that it is irrelevant for us to consider here a matter which is on this subject, although we take issue with the translator; for (in saying), more than the truth which was written, he used words which he supposed suited the Syriac language, or which he thought proper to God, as if he knew more than He what things suited Him."

(See also de Halleux, Vie, p.

D227 eae CO hie 91, Brit.

Mus. Add.

14,534, fol.

39b.

92:

Assemanus, B.0O., II, p.

82.

Voobus, Wew Data, p. 173, fn. 28, does not believe that the Psalms were included in the new translation, but he does not say why.

He simply states:

"These words (i.e., "and of David") are between brackets because they seem to be, if not an interpolation, then a corruption."

94:

The colophon to the Harklean Gospels gives this date(= A.

Gr.

927).

See Hatch, Subscriptions, p. 149 ff., for full text of the subscription.

The date given by Gwynn, Remnants, p. xxii, is "A.

Gr.

(= A.D.

614)."

The translation of the colophon here given is based on Hatch's text.

Cf. Payne-Smith, Thesaurus.

See also Voobus, Early Verstons, p. 108, and New Data, p.

174.

96.

Voobus, New Data, pp.

170 ff., gives a useful summary of the variety of ways in which the colophon has been interpreted, ranging from White, Versto Philoxenta, who understood the colophon to mean that Thomas of Harkel merely copied the Philoxenian version to which he added marginal notes (thus claiming that the Harklean version

= the Philoxenian), to Gwynn, Remnants, who insisted that the surviving Harklean version was a thorough revision of the Philoxenian and quite different from it, and that the older version was lost except for the four Minor Catholic

Epistles and the Book of Revelation which he published.

It is noteworthy that the recent edition of the Greek New

Testament edited by Kurt Aland et al.

(1966), p. 3 assumes that Gwynn's conclusions are correct.

Bar Hebraeus, 0.

7. Seholta, p.

97.

De Halleux, Memra, 11. 130-134, claims that Philoxenus did the work of translation himself; but no other witness writes in this way, and Philoxenus' competence in Greek remains in some doubt (see de Halleux, Vie, p.

22070

99).

See above, p.

20.

Above, p.

20.

100.

101.

Above, p.

20.

102.

Above, p.

21.

Quoted in Gwynn, Remnants, p. xxxi, from Cod. Ambros. c. eye}.

103.

Ibid.

Ceriani identified fragments of a Syriac version of Isaiah as Philoxenian, but such an identification needs to be re-examined.

104.

Gwynn, Remnants, pxxxii, et passim; Apocalypse, pp.

105:

ܐ ܥܘܨ‎ £6 The consensus of modern scholarly opinion is reflected in the recent edition of the Greek New Testament edited by Kurt Aland et al.

(1966), p. xxix, where the siglum "syrPh = Philoxenian (Gwynn)."

106.

Lebon, Phtloxénienne, pp.

415 ff.

De Halleux, Vie, p.

118, makes the same point.

107s I have also examined the Biblical quotations in Brit.

Mus.

Add.

15,534 (Book on Selected Passages from the Gospels) and have not found any quotations from the Minor Catholic

Epistles or Revelation.

108.

109.

It should be added, however, that Severus, who was the monophysite patriarch of Antioch during the last decade of Philoxenus' life, clearly regarded 2 Peter and 2 and 3 John as canonical, ascribing apostolic authority to them in his extant letters.

While these letters exist almost entirely in the Syriac version of Athanasius of Nisibis,

Severus wrote in Greek and his biblical quotations originally in Greek throw no light on the Syriac versions of his day.

He apparently adopted the western canon, though quotations from Jude and Revelation are lacking in his published letters.

For quotations from 2 Peter and 2 and 3 John, see Brooks, Letters, I (text), pp.

182, 257, 29682986302 3 0G pels 26,8394 eae Zuntz, Harklean N.T., p. 40.

Voobus, New Data, pp. 176 f.; Early Verstons, pp.

109 £.; and de Halleux, Vie, pp.

12:0 ste 110.

This abbreviates the title which Budge gives the work:

Three Discourses on the Trinity and the Inearnatton (Budge, Dtscourses, II, p.

(ii).

Vaschalde (Tractatus) called it Traectatus Tres de Trinttate et Incarnattone.

Both are translations of a Syriac title attached to the work, though apparently not original with Philoxenus. a a

Zuntz, for reasons not given, calls it De Uno et Trinitate (Harklean N.T., pp.

39-58).

De Halleux confuses matters further by naming it Le ltbre des sentences (Vte, pp.

240-6), for good reasons, however, which he states fully.

132.

Zuntz, Harklean N. fs, %ps 57% BU.

Op. ett., p.

41.

See also p. 206 above.

539:

11 0-18).

520.

521.

Budge, Discourses, I, pp.

251-252.

Op. €tt., PDs ei l—2i si 522.

523.

8.9: ; OD

Che. ,/ PDs 228:

/;2858ܒ284‎ 68

See, e.g., Chrysostom on Matt.

16:13 ff. and on John 2:4

(translation in Wteene and Post-Ntcene Fathers of the Christtan Church, ser.

1, vol.

10, p. 333, and vol.

14, pp.

76 £. , respectively).

lr 20-28.

± = ¥.

52:75:

For ante-Nicene exegesis, see Smith,Fxegests, vol.

3, pp.

246-249, The same contrast is noted by W.

C. Allen, Commentary on Matthew

(I.C.C.),

p. 199.

2v 25-26 says that the Davidic kingdom "was given to (Solomon) as a type."

529).

The undisciplined nature of this rambling' fragment of exegesis is not characteristic of Philoxenus, and it led me to re-examine the fragment to see whether there were any definite signs of a non-Philoxenian origin.

The results of such re-examination only confirm Philoxenus as the author.

530.

33r 22, 34v 6.

In 7v 3, Philoxenus speaks of "the types and mysteries of (Christ) found and inscribed in the Old Testament."

Cf.

20v 3.

In 6r 20 ££. ; he combats the idea that the Word in Jesus was a mere "Shadow."

Gregory of Nazianzus referred to God as the "Archetype"

("First Homily on Easter Night,"

4); but he did not develop the concept in relation to biblical typology.

531.

34v 6.

532.

,/ ¥ 14 533.

2v 26.

30r 14-23.

534.

Budge, Discourses, I, pp. 192-193.

In this passage, Philoxenus presses the analogy so much that the type becomes an allegory.

Significantly, in this context he does not call the dream a "type."

Skye

536.

20¥ £ eA rs A:

537.

20v 5 (EE.

538.

209 9 SEE.

20 2400. col Let.

539).

540.

225. 0: (¥ 25 3

Ute 21 Asv 5 20 2, 231 24.

Cl. Budge, Discourses, 11, 093 69733 ܨ‎ 542.

Baumstark, Evangeltenexegese, p.- 155:

"Johannes Chrysostomos ist wie fur die Auslegung der Paulusbriefe so auch fur die Matthaus-und die Johanneserklarung recht eigentlich die erste exegetische Autoritat in der jakoblitischen Kirche geworden."

543.

So de Halleux, Vte, p.

233, who calls this work "Le volume contre Habib."

Only the first two Memre have been published -see Briére, Dissertationes.

544, De Halleux, Yexrtes, I, p.

"cl.

Vte, p.

323. '- ܐ‎ know of no other Philoxenian works in which Chrysostom is mentioned.

See pp.

183, 198, and 200 above.

545.

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GS ‏ rexd -.Q 68 ܩ ܪ¢ & »^ ܣܐ ܝܢcheep ‏ @ :¥ @9 ܘܘܗ ܘars «± aiw Set ‏64 %7» ܡܩ ܒܐܘ ܬܝ ܬous SUPE ‏ © ܐܡܘ ܦ © ܠܐJoe! ‏ (ܪܝܪܐ Lanoyte ‏ 39539 ܗܕwow ©)" sai Raeyio ‏ ܗ , >bee ‏ > :

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

(WITH ABBREVIATIONS)

The works are listed alphabetically according to the abbreviations used throughout this dissertation.

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Abbeloos, Acta -J.

B. Abbeloos.

Acta Sancti Marts.

Brussels, 1885.

Albert, Disciple -- M. Albert.

"Lettre inédite de Philoxéne de Mabboug a l'un de ses disciples."

L'Ortent syrten, t.

6 (1961), pp.

243-254.

Albert, Jutf =e Ms Albert.

"Une lettre inédite de Philoxene de Mabboug a un Juif converti engage dans la vie parfaite."

L'Ortent syrten, t.

6 (1961), pp.

41-50.

Altaner, Patrology -B. Altaner.

Patrology.

Trans. by Hilda C. Graef.

New York:

Herder and Herder, 1960.

Assemanus, B.0.

-J.

S. Assemanus.

Bibliotheca Ortentalts Clementtno-Vattcanae.

2 vols.

Rome, 1719 and 1721.

Assemanus, Catalogus -S.

E. and J.

S. Assemanus.

Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae Codteum Manusertptorum Catalogus.

3 vols.

Rome, 1756-59.

Atiya, History -- A.

$. Atiya.

A History of Eastern Christtanity.

London, 1968.

Baars, Texts -- W. Baars.

New Syro-Hexaplarie Texts.

Leiden, 1968.

Badger, Westorians -- ¢.

P. Badger.

The Nestortans and Their Rituals.

London, 1852; reprinted 1969.

Baethgen, Glauben -F. Baethgen.

"Philoxenus von Mabug uber den Glauben."

Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschtchte, t.

(1882), pp. 122-138.

Bar-Bahlul, Lexicon -- Hassan Bar-Bahlul.

Lexicon Syrtacum, CaeeRe Duvale Ss Vols.

Paris, 2901.

Bardenhewer, Geschichte -- 0. Bardenhewer.

Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, t.

Fribough-en-Br., 1924.

Bardy, Anastase -G. Bardy, "Sous le régime de 1'Henotique: la politique religieuse d'Anastase" in A. Fliche and ¥. Martin, Histoire de l'Hglise, £.

4 (Paris, 1931), pp.

299-320.

Bardy, Sévere -- ¢. Bardy.

"Sévére d'Antioche."

Dictionnaire de théologte catholique, t. 14

(1941), cols. 1988-2000.

Bar-Hebraeus, Gospel Commentary -- Gregory Abu'l Faraj.

Commentary on the Gospels from the Horreum Mystertorum, ed. W.-E..W..

Carr. , London,.

1925.

Bar-Hebraeus, 0.7.

Seholta -- M. Sprengling and W.

C. Graham.

Bar-Hebraeus' Seholta on the Old Testament.

Part I:

Genesis-II Samuel.

Chicago, 1931.

Bar-Hebraeus, Sanetuary Lamp, Base VIII -- Gregory Abu'l Faraj.

Candélabre des sanctuatres, éd. J. Bakos.

Psychologte de Grégoire Aboulfaradj, dit Barhebraeus, d'apres la huitieme base de l'ouvrage.

Leiden, 1948.

Bar-Salibi, N.T.

Commentartes -- Dionysius Bar-Salibi.

Commentarit tn evangelta, Matt.

1:1-20:34, ed.

I, Sedlacek and Ji. B.pCabotelnnCaS.Cs0n Syrs Dl, 981 (1906) and 982 (1922); tbid., Matt. 21:1-Luke 24:53, ed._A.

Vaschalde in C.S.C.0., Syr. II, 991 (1933) anda 992 (1940); in Apoecalypstm, Actus et Eptstulas Catholtcas, ed; 1..Sedlacek in, C.S.Cs0..Syre Il,.101

(1910).

Baumstark, Evangeltenexegese -A. Baumstark.

"Die Evangelienexegese der syrischen Monophysiten."

Ortens Chrtsttanus, t.

2 (1902), pp. 151-169 and 358-389.

Baumstark, Geschichte -A. Baumstark.

Geschichte der syrischen Literatur.

Bonn, 1922.

Beck, Philoxenos -E. Beck, "Philoxenos und Ephram."

Oriens Christtanus, t.

(1962), pp.

61-76.

Bedjan, Acta --; P. Bedjan.

Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum.

7 vols.

Paris, 1890-7.

Bensley, Four Gospels -R.

L. Bensley et al.

The Four Gospels in Syrtae Transertbed from a Sinattic Palimpsest.

Cambridge, 1894.

Bensley, Harklean -R.

L. Bensley, The Harklean Version of the Eptstle to the Hebrews.

Cambridge, 1889.

Bergstrasser, Monophystttsmus -E. Bergstrasser.

Monophystttsmus und Paulustradition bet Philoxenos von Mabbug.

Erlangen, 1953.

Bergstrasser, Phitloxenos -E. Bergstrasser, "Philoxenos von Mabbug:

Zur Frage einer monophysitischen Soteriologie."

Gedenkschrift fur D. Werner Elert. Berlin, 1955.

Pp. 43-61.

Bewer, Gospel Texts -J. A. Bewer.

"A Collation of the Gospel Text of Aphraates with that of the Sinaitic, Curetonian and Peshitta Text."

American Journal of Semitic Languages, XVI (Jan.

1900), pp. 110-123.

Briére, Dissertattones -M. Briére, ed.

Sanctt Philoxent eptscopt Mabbugensts dtissertattones decem de une € sancta Trinitate tnecorporato et passo.

Diss.

I et II in Patrologta Ortentalis, t.

(1920), pp. 439-542.

Brockelmann, Lexicon -K. Brockelmann.

Lextcon Syrtacum.

2nd ed.

Halle, 1928.

Brooks, Hymns -E. W. Brooks.

The Hymns of Severus and Others in the Syrtae Verston of Paul of Edessa, as Revised by James of Edessa, in Patrologta Orientalis, t.

6 (1911), pps l=179, andyt.5

7) (29), eppre5 93-802.

Brooks, Letters -E. W. Brooks.

The Stxth Book of the Selected Letters of Severus, vol.

1 (Syriac text), vol.

2 (English translation).

London and Oxford, 1902-4.

Budge, Discourses -E. A. W. Budge.

The Discourses of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabbogh, vol.

1 (Syriac text), vol.

2 (English translation, etc.).

London, 1894.

Budge, Wile -E. A. W. Budge.

By Wile and Tigris.

2 vols.

London, 1920.

Burkitt, Ephraim -- F. C. Burkitt.

"St.

Ephraim's Quotations from the Gospel."

Texts and Studies, VII, no.

(Cambridge, 1901).

Burkitt, Evangelion -F. C. Burkitt.

FEvangelton DaMepharresha, the Curetonian Version of the Four Gospels.

2 vols.

Cambridge, 1904.

Bury, Later Empire -J. B. Bury.

The History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodostus I to the Death of Justinian.

2 vols.

London, 1931.

Camb.

Hist.

Bible -- The Cambridge History of the Btble.

3 vols.

London, 1963-70.

Camb.

Med.

Hist.

-- Cambridge Medieval History, vol.

The Chrtsttan Roman Empire and the Foundation of the Teutonte Kingdoms.

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Ceriani, 0.7.

Peshitta -- A. M. Ceriani, ed.

Tranlatto Syra Pescitto Veterts Testamentit ex Codice Ambrostano.

Milan, 1879-83.

Chabot, Documenta -- J.-B.

Chabot, Documenta ad Origtnes Monophysitarum Illustrandas, in C.S.C.0., Syr.

II, 37 (Louvain, 19077, 1933))% Chabot, Littérature -- J.-B. Chabot.

Littérature Syriaque.

Paris, 1934.

Chabot, Synodicon -- J.-B. Chabot.

Synodicon ortentale, ou recuetl de synodes nestortens.

Paris, 1902.

Charanis, Anastastus -P. Charanis.

Church and State in the

Later Roman Empire:

The Reltgtous Poltecy of Anastastus I.

Madison, 1939.

Christensen, Iran -A. Christensen.

L'Iran sous les Sassanitdes.

2nd ed.

Copenhagen, 1944.

Chrontea Minora -- Sertptores Syri, Textus et Versto:

Chrontca Mtnora, @ed.

T.uGuidi, @£« 371 (158 03:$:?

003 03 ; (997 (3:1:

«703

(Paris, 1903).

Chrontcle 846 -- Chrontcon Anonymum ad A.D.

846 pertinens, ed.

E.eWs Brooksgand: d.=B.

Chabot;s in. ¢..5.C. Oop SVG.

Lit, :ܟܘܐ‎ 4e(Paras, 1903).

Chronicle

Anonymt Auctorts Chrontecon ad A.D.

perttnens, edie.

J.-B.

~Chabot;.. ins 5.6 s Onn) S¥Ges LAL, vol.

15% (Louvain, 1937).

Clark, Aets -- A. C. Clark.

The Acts of the Apostles -A Critteal Edttton.

Oxford, 1933.

Clarke, Isho bar Wun -E.

G. Clarke.

The Selected Questions of Isho bar Nun on the Pentateuch.

Leiden, 1962.

C.S.C.0.

-- Corpus Seriptorum Christtanorum Ortentaltum, editum consilio Universitatis Catholicae Americae et

Universitatis Catholicae Lovaniensis (Louvain).

Cureton, Athanastus -W. Cureton, ed.

The Festal Letters of Athanasius (discovered in an ancient Syriac version).

London, 1848. ܐ‎ Cureton, Gospels -- W. Cureton.

Remains of a Very Anctent Recenston of the Four Gospels in Syriac Hitherto Unknown in Europe.

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-- G. Zuntz.

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APPENDIX A

The following page contains a trascribed extract from British Museum MS. Add.

14,534, folio 38r line 25 to 38v line 28.

The beginning of each fifth line of the manuscript is marked by an asterisk and noted in the margin.

A translation of this extract is given on page 20.

ܢܝܕ ܢܸܐKAM ܘܪܒܗܐ ‏um : ܘܩܫܦܕ ‏ 38r 25 ܐܢܫܠܒ ܡܝܗ ܬܬܢܕ ܪܝܦܫ ܐܠܕKIND ܝܐ ܢܝܘܗ ‏ ܐܗܠܐܕ ܘܐ ̇ ܐܝܢܝܫܡܕan pn tiaras: ‏ *38v i ܢܸܡXk ܐܠܘ ‏oo waged ‏ ܝܕ ܦܝKite ‏ eds ‏ ܐܡܢܠܦ ܦܩܦܗܝܬܝܐ ܢܝܠܝܐܕ ܐܥܒܡܠ ܐܠܐ ܡܘܐ ܐܗܠܐ ܢܡܕ ܢܘܢܗ .ܿܐܗ ̈ܡܫܘtos mt ‏

ae ‏ ܐܒܿܫܘܝܢܕ ܐܕܠܝ ܘܠܕ ܠܛܡ .ܘܠܠܡܬܐ ܐܝܝܝܠ ̈ܫܘ Loti' ‏ ܢܝܠܗ ܢܝܗܝܬܝܐLOT .ܐܫܝܪܒ ܐܒܬܟܒ ‏ ܢܠܒܩܢ ܐܘܐ ܝܫܢܐ ܐܬܥܕܝ ܖܝܒܕ <amiad as Kinch ‏ ܠܟ ً ܼܐܝܢ ̈ܘܝ ܢܝܕ ܬܘܠaw ܐܗ ̈ܡܫܘ ܐܠܳܡ*ܢܝܠܗ ܢܡ ‏

ܢܡ ܪܡܐܐܬܐܕ ܢܢܕܗܥܬܐܕrio Ware ‏ .ܐܝܢܠܫ ܢܡܘ iam ‏ ܢܡ ܐܘܗܕ . ܢܝܡ ܪܡ ܐܬܐܕ ܐܡ ܟܝܐ ܢܝܡܼܝܗ ܪܒ ܖܕܠܝܬܐܕ ܘܠܘ ܆ܪܗܣܒܒ ܕܝܘܕܕ = ܝܒܘܬܟ

x ‏ > ܬeas" ama ‏ . ܐܝܢܝܫܡܒܕ ܐܝܢܝܫܦܡ ܥܘܫܝܕܘ iam sam ‏ .ܝܗܘܬܝܐAl sae ‏ < ܢܘܗܠܝܕ Mod ‏ ܐܒܠܟ ܐܢܒܬܝܕܕidan ‏ ܢܝܠܗܠ ܢܟܗܬܘܠܕ *20 ܘܠܘ. ܘܝܢܕܬܡܠ ܿܬܝܐܪܝܘܝ ܐܠܘ ܢܵܡܝܘidk ܢܡܕ ‏

So ‏ ܝ ܐܕ ܢܝܠܗ :܆ܿܒܫܦܬܐ ܘܗܕ ܐܗ ܠܘܢܪܒܗܡܕ ܢܝܗܝ ܢܡܕ ܐܝܢܦܠܘܝܕ ܘܠܘ . ܗܠܝܕ3 > 38504 ܒܫܦܡ ܘܐ ܇ܦܠܝܚܫܡܕ ܢܡ ܠܟ2 .> ws ‏ ܢܡ ܘܠܠܡ ܬܐܕ * ܐܗܡܡܫܘ ܐܳܠ ̈ܡATS ܖܘܝܢܠܒ ‏ SISA <i ‏ ܐܠܐ ܦܐ ܐܥܝܫܪ .ܐܢܦܖܓܢܘ .ܐܝܢܝܢܶܡܕܘ ܐܢܘܝܒܩ ̈ܪܡܕ ܐܦܬܘܫܘ :3

` 73 Pe ‏ (from Brit.

Mus.

Add.

14,534, 38r 25 - 38v 28)

APPENDIX 8

The following three pages are unrestored photo copies of British Museum MS. Add.

17,126, folios 2r, 22r and 38v respectively, and illustrate the present condition of the text.

.| 989 ̈ ܡAe

j ‏5 :

ܒ25 1 - ܐܚܕaes ܕܒ ‏ar: ‏ 2 ܣ ܗ ܪܬܟ | .ܠܟܐܬܓܢ ܐܠܘ ܐܳܬܘܝܚܢ ܡܰ ܒܥ ܠ ahs Sean Sec pial aes Spee ae ܓ ܐ ܕܰ݁ ܕ݂ܽ ܐܳܦܪܟܘ‎ ܰ ܡ ܠܒܝܬ ܐܶܪܢܝܺܠܝܙܐ ܐܓܕ 0 ܢܝܪܡܠont ‏ ܐܥ ̈ܪܕie ܥ ‏ :

Kees ms. ‏ ܐܥܪܐ, ܥܙܢܕܙ ܦܟ ܪܝܗ ܡ ܡ1 ܗܩܳܦܐܕܪܡܐ ܡܚܐ ܠܒܩܰܘܠ‎ Steen َܵܡܡܥܐܘ ܐܗܠܐ ܗܿܪ7 ܐܟܪܐܒ ̈ܪܖܡܥܕܢܝܐܒ ܠܥܘ. ܐܡ ̈ܘܩܘܒܕ : wahoo, ܢܠ ܫܥ ܟܘܢ |ork ܗ ܒܘܗ ‏ ܝ. .ܐܗܝܕܪܦ ܢܡ ܿܖܒܠ‎ ' ‏ Sawin < acs mn. ‏ ܪܡܥܼܫܪ 0 ܕܠܝܬ݀ܐDist adie ‏ ܢܡ ܢܢ hag 3 ܛ‎ | ܬܝ | ܢܒܗ ܕܐܢܗ _ ÷ ‫, ‏ ܗܘܩܘܗ wise ܪ¢ ܸ ܛܦ ܟܗ .ܗܪܡܕ ܗ ܡܫܚpasa, ‏ ܗܝܡܕܢܝܪܕܗܘܟ ܘܘܗ ܆ | 2 ܢ ܶ]ܡܥܚ ܀ܐܢܦܐܡܗܫܐ ܐܝܡ qa nae ‏ ܬܡ ܕ eon ‏ ܒ we Sree ‏ ܢܝܹܐܒ =Quorn Wh 5 ܐ ܘܗ‎

ܟ ܢ7 od ‏ :8 ܘܘܗ‎ aan : etter hee wan ܡ‎

ܚ Sar eub +

: ܨ‎ mee eh 5 ܠ‎ :

as . ܘ & ܘ ܗ‎ vie

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= ܢ‎ Ten ܣ ܡ‎ oo ܢ‎ ܝ ܗܗ OT ame eat hee +s ܗܗ‎ "

ܚ by "25

Pia ‏ ܢܐܦܠܡܕ | . ܙܗܘܒ ̈ܡܼܘܗܼܕܘ ܙܐܫܝܺܪܕ ݂ܘܐܝܢܒ ܘܼܘܗܕܐܫܢ ̱ܝܢܒܕܘ .ܙܐܫܢܪܒ ܪܐܘܗܕ Arta ‏ ܢܢ ̣ܝܕܠܝܬܡܬܝܐܰܕܝܪܫܒ was ‏ 93: ise eS ‏055+ .ܕܐܢܝܟܪ ܐܐܳܪܳܘܫܒ ܐܢ ̈ܪܟܘܗܒܘ pes ela ‏2 ܨܡܬܕ 3 ܐܬܠܒܕwoes — ‏ .ܐܡܝܶܟܡܕ "

ܐܕ ܝܘܕ ܡܫ ܿܢܘܬܢܙܐ ܐܡܠܐ ܐܡܒܝܬܟ ݁ܬ݁ܕܡܐܐܶܒ ܬ ܀‎ ® $o AN ܟܒ‎ eens rear ÷ ܒ ܣ‎ eee ee ‏ ܪ ܢ ܐ

INDEX Chalcedon, Council of, 11, PATS, el, 782 19, 23 35, 397:430.

197:

Loe, 9 Chrysostom, John, 4, 13, 187, 98: 200 pe 20705 ܛ‎ 2571, :4

Constantinople, 12, 13, 15-19,

Cureton, W., 43, 45 Curetonian version, 178, 179, 211-246 Cyril of Alexandria, 16,

Acacius, 17, 18 Addai, disciple,

Addai, Philoxenus' brother,

Alaric,

Alexander the Great, 21, AM Sy >

Alexandria, Alexandrian, 10 : 12 1S, LOg Lh 2 oe!

Amida, 14,

Bnastasius, .12,. 23, 189 Antioch, Antiochian, 10, ll, Tt One tol, Cora Oy 1:5

0; 185, 254,

Aphrahat, 178, 179, 211-246 Arban,

Arbela,

Aristotle,

Athanasius, 195-198,

Attila,

Dad-Isho,

de Halleux, A., 3, 4, 8, 10, 33, 23? 23836; 97337 57 18300198, 793; 078; 254.

Diala River,

Diodore of Tarsus, 10, 29, 33, 34,35, 29, 70347 62 188,

Dioscurus, 16,

Baghdad,

Bardaisan, 39,

Bar-Hadbesabba,

Bar Hebraeus, 21, 22, 24, 25 Bar Ssalwpi, 24; 207.27

Bar-Sauma,

Baumstark, A., ܐ‎ Benjamin the Syrian,

Beth-Arsam,

Beth-Garmai, 7, 8, 9, 15 Beth-Gogal, 10, 182,

Beth-Lapat,

Beth-Sabirina,

Beth-Selok,

Biblical quotations, see 212-219 British Museum MSS.

Edessa, 0, 70. 171

127. 0s 15, 24, 244 Egypt, Egyptian, 11, 13, 17, 18:7

Bld. of Qartamin, 7, 8, 11, 195) 22). 407 3 Ephesus, Council of, 11, 15, 2.217ܪ165 "Robber"

Synod of, ‏

Ephrem Syrus, 35, 178, 179, 211-246,

Ephthalites,

Ethiopian, 25, 31, 32 Euphemius,

Euphrates River,

Euphratesia, 11, 14 Eutyches, Eutychianism, 16, 17.` 39 ;7032,

Add. 27245, 26.52

Add.

14 534,625. 3 19 00 23,24, 1265 270 37:87

Add.

17,126, passim Budge,

E. A. W.,

1, 2a a, 3S; 40, 41, 221 Flavian of Constantinople,

Flavian II of Antioch, 11, alia Re ag 85 Calandion,,.

10,,

Canon of scripture, 14, 22, 237. 7

Gerlani, A. ܠ‎ 2 Gangra,

George of Be'eltan,

Graham, W. C.,

Gwynn, J., 22, 23, 245 Nestorius, Nestorianism, 8, 10. 13? 15:27:56: 37:24

PASM 33, 34: 390 3351

E39, 140, 142, 57:

158) L835) LESpeLey pa OS LOT, 198, 203, 249,

Nicea, Council of, 17, 247 Nisibis, 14,° 15). 43

Nitrian Desert, 1, 43 Nonnus,

Habib, 321 7 Harklean version, see Thomas of Harkel Haytim,

Hida g(t bas) ie 3.19: 10:5

Hierapolis, see Mabbug Huns, 14,

Huzaites,

Old Syriac version, 3, 23, 190, 202, 211-246 Ortiz de Urbana, 39,

Osroene,

Ibas, see Hiba Jerusalem, 12, 130 John Bar-Aphthon,

John of Dara,

John the Egyptian,

John of Karka,

Josephus,

Joshua the Stylite,

Justin I, 13,

Justinian,

Pacho, A.,

Palladius,

Papa (Mar) of Beth-Lapat,

Paphlagonia,

Patricius, 39-41 Paul of Samosata, 162,

Paul of Tella, 21, 243,

Pentapolis,

Persecution, 7, 8, 14, 15,

Persia, 7-9, 12-15, 18, 19 Peshitta, 2, 21-23, 78, 179:

187? ooo) oO eos 202, 211-246,

Peter the Fuller, 11, 12 Peter Mongus, 17, 18 Petra,

Philippopolis,

Philoxenian version, 2, 3, 19-24, 25, 211-246,

Philoxenus, passim Polycarp, chorepiscopus, 2, 20, 22, 211-246 Karka, Kirkuk,

Kobad,

Kundzins, C.,

Lebon, J., 2, 23, 243 Leloir, Let, 178 Leo I, emperor,

Leo I, pope, 16, 17,

Libya,

Mabbug (Hierapolis), 1, 4, 9, ea 21:

3.7; 33; 477 204:

Macedonius,

Marcian, emperor,

Marcion, Marcionism, 20, 39, 30: 132; 162:

Mesopotamia, 7, 14,

Milan,

Monastery of St. Mary Qardwaite,

Rabbula,

Rome, 12-15, 18, 19 Sabellius,

St. Mary Deipara, monastery, Deipara, 1, 43 Monophysite, Monophysitism, ess School of the Persians, ±: 3, 8, 10-13, 16-19,.

32, 37, 40-42, 182, 184, 198, 208,

Moses of Aggel, 20, 22 Moses Bar-Kepka,

Moses of Nisibis,

8-10, 15, 24, 244 Sellars, R. V.,

Senun, 8, 10, 12, 28, 40, 41 Septuagint; 222), 178, 179, 211-246 Severus, 13, 19,

Simon of Beth-Arsam,

Simon Magus, 132, 181, 182 Simplicius,

Narsai,

Nazareth,

Sinaitic version, 178, 183, 211-246 Sprengling, M., 21 Sykes, P. M.,

Syro-Hexaplar, 22, 179, 211-246 ¶? 8037

(Tahal), 7, 8; 9 Tanghe, A., 38, 189 Tertullian,

Theodore of Mopsuestia, 4, 10, Le 290, Son 33: Oo, al; 353: 357:

(73851 877 65 199,

Theodosius

II, 15-17

Thomas of Harkel, Harklean Version, 2, 3, 20-23, 38, 181, 211-246,

Thrace,

Tigris River,

Tohm Yezdigird,

Tur-Abdin, 7, 9, 15 Valentinus, 40, 132 Vandals,

Vaschalde, A., 2, 197,

VOOBUBy 3: < 3:97231 47 71

233), 254, 256-238, 244, 245,

Wright, W., 1, 3, 45, 47 Yezdigird II, 8, 14 Zab (Lesser) River,

Zagros Mountains,

Zeno, Ll, 3:2? 47 2 98 Zoroastrianism,

Zriga,

81082 Gey 27 Sp 23; 38; Silly 235 245, 255

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eam, 9) hi.

BS2555.3 .P5313 1979

Philoxenus, Bp. of Hierapolis.

The Matthew-Luke commentary of Philox BS 255503 eP5313 Philoxenus, Bpe of Hierapolise The "Matthew-Luke commentary" of Philoxenus (British Museum MSe Adde 17, 126) : text, translation, and critical analysis / Douglas Je Foxe :

- - Missoula, nee : Distributed by Scholars Press ܕ‎ ܝ‎ vii,

pe 3; 23 cme -- (Society of ae tr el Literature dissertation series ' Syriac text: pe 50-125 , 213-229.

Originally presented as the editor's thesis, University of Toronto, 1975-6 Bibliography: pe 297-3096 Includes indexe ` - 4027/669 __ peepee | ee See eee

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