First Campaign. Zwingli And Luther.
Footnote 8 The polemical treatise of Erasmus on this same subject appeared earlier; besides, Erasmus was not actually a teacher in the University.
Footnote 9 Adherents of Cataline, a Roman, whose criminal tampering with the dregs of the people, whose attempt at their head to revolutionize Rome, and whose defeat by Cicero the consul then in power, are pictured in a graphic manner by the historian Sallust.
Footnote 10 Œcolampadius had played the hero at the Conference of Baden, he had gebadet; Zwingli should now do the same at Bern, in whose coat of arms the bear occupied a prominent place.--Translator.
CHAPTER SIXTH
ORGANIZATION OF THE PARTIES. BREACH OF THE GENERAL PEACE.
Not only was the reciprocal relation of the states within the Confederacy changed by the conclusion of the Buergerrecht; but that of the entire nation toward foreign countries was just as much altered. Early in the beginning of February, 1528, a letter of the Emperor, written from Spire, reached Luzern, with complaints about this alliance; very similar ones were received from the authorities of the Austrian Government at Ensisheim and Inspruck, and still a fourth one from the captains of the Swabian League. "Constance," such was their general drift, "is not at all competent to conclude a treaty of this kind without the consent of the Emperor, nor have the Confederate Cities any right to enter into it. It is not impossible that it may yet be the occasion of war, and the damage resulting may be ascribed to their own folly by the Confederates." This warning was very acceptable to the deputies of the Eight Cantons. It was immediately communicated to the Zurichers. "You see," was the language of the accompanying letter, "whither the necessity of finding allies for the maintenance of your superstition must lead you. Do not hope that we will stand by you in case of war. It is not our doing; we, who wish to uphold the laws, regulations and customs of our fathers, will not be accused of disturbing the peace of the Empire. We exhort you, by virtue of our Confederation, to abstain from unlawful alliances." But neither Zurich and Bern, on the one hand, nor Constance on the other, were moved by all this. "We have," answered they, "strictly examined our Confederate Charter, our Imperial Privileges, the Hereditary Union with Austria--all necessary documents, and have nowhere been able to find, that we have transcended law or privilege. And Constance is just as little subject to Austria or the Swabian League, as we. Why do they then wish to interfere? Our Buergerrecht was devised not for disturbing the peace of the Empire, but to aid in preserving it." Agreement became more and more difficult. The Five Cantons, already standing in hostile attitude toward Zurich and Bern, sought to persuade Glarus, Freiburg and Solothurn to a closer, special union "for the maintenance of the old, true Christian faith, the holy seven sacraments and particularly the office and sacrifice of the mass, with all good Christian rules, benedictions and usages, as handed down from our forefathers, nothing excepted"--for the suppression of every innovation in the Common Territories, and armed succor, if either there or on their own soil an attack is made on that faith, whose support and defence should be the highest duty, higher even than the preservation of the Confederacy. From Freiburg they received an unconditional assent; from Glarus and Solothurn, where the friends of Reform were increasing in number, one with provisos attached. Wallis (Valois) also joined the alliance. More anon. The time had come, when the Five Cantons began likewise to look beyond the limits of the Confederacy. Austria was the nearest to them. Zurich and Bern had sought foreign aid in order to carry out their innovations more securely, why should they refuse the same for the preservation of the old faith, for upholding the unity of the church. Through the bishops of Chur, especially through their friends in Graubuenden, they hoped to obtain access to the authorities of the Archducal government in Inspruck. Meanwhile these projects were kept secret for a long time within a narrow circle of those who could be trusted. They first came to light, when, in the summer of 1528, a second alliance in addition to the Christian Buergerrecht was concluded between Zurich and Bern, who were moved thereto, as they said, by the violent suppression, on the part of the Eight Cantons, of all attempts at Reform in the Common Territories. "Since," so it is recorded in the original documents relating to this matter, "our dear Confederates of the Eight Cantons are not only offended and show themselves averse to us and our adherents in our Christian enterprise, but have even taken occasion specially to pledge and bind themselves to remain true to the old faith, as they call it, and have attempted to seduce several of ours from their Christian enterprise and respect and obedience to us, promising them help, counsel, encouragement and succor against us, all for the suppression of the Divine Word and of the duty, which our people owe to us, it is not only becoming in us, but our great necessity demands it, so that the Divine Word and evangelical truth may not in any measure be kept down by outrage and violence, but that we and ours may be allowed to remain in the free enjoyment thereof without any fear or terror of man."--And thus one measure of mistrust and dislike continually provoked another still more hostile. There was less and less concealment in the efforts of each to strengthen their party.
Any one acquainted with the history of Switzerland knows what ties of relationship, of agreement in their manners and mode of living, and neighborly intercourse existed from the most ancient times, between the inhabitants of Obwalden and those of the Haslithal and a part of the Bernese Oberland. Their friendship was kept alive by popular festivals celebrated in common, and also by the reverence which was paid, especially in the interior of Switzerland, to Saint Beatus, who, as the first promulgator of Christianity in that region, dwelt in a cave on the shore of lake Thun, called by his name, and received canonization. Numerous pilgrimages were made thither from the Five Cantons. The rumor, that the relics of the saint, exhibited there on such occasions, had been cast into the lake by order of the Bernese government, awakened universal indignation. But this was not true. Two deputies of the Council had taken possession of them in order to carry them to Interlachen and bury them afterward. In complaints against the abolition of their pilgrimages, the inhabitants of the Bernese Oberland joined with their neighbors of Unterwalden. Pastoral races are very tenacious of old customs. If these be taken away their respect for law is often shaken at the same time. The government of Bern had to experience this. Between the two lakes of Thun and Brienz lay, under the lordly supervision of Bern, the wealthy Augustinian cloister of Interlachen. Its domain extended over a great part of the surrounding country and through the mountain-valleys of Lauterbrunnen and Grindelwald. The monks of that period were in good repute neither for their learning nor their morals. The Provost himself Nicholas Trachsel, was destitute both of external and internal dignity. And when the doctrines in regard to the uselessness of monkery, the unscripturalness of spiritual lordship, and the rights of Christian liberty now began to spread among the people subject to the foundation, they immediately applied them to deliverance from all dependence; from the duty of paying rents and tithes. If the one, said they, is an invention of man, so is the other. If we are to receive the Gospel, which teaches liberty among brethren, then will we also become our own masters, an independent canton like Unterwalden and Uri. The Provost, who did not know how to resist them, fled with a few friends to Bern, where, for a decent maintenance, he surrendered the monastery along with its domains and privileges into the hands of the Council. Under sanction of the Great Council, an agreement was quickly made by the government with the assembled convent; its seal, documents, revenues and jewels were brought to Bern; an officer was sent thither, and the whole converted into a bailiwick. But the people belonging to the monastery, who asserted that they ought to have had a voice in the change, at once preferred a complaint. When the government tried to postpone investigation, a violent insurrection broke out, which found sympathy even in some parts of their own district. New hopes were excited among the friends of the Old Order by this uprising of the malcontents, with whom the inhabitants of the Haslithal and other Oberlanders also joined, at the instigation of their neighbors in Obwalden. The Council was in great perplexity. Some of its own members secretly rejoiced--but only the most violent. With others, who also were little favorable to the Reformation, the sense of duty, which demanded the sacrifice of personal inclination to the interests of the state, predominated. From this class chiefly, a commission was chosen to examine on the spot the grievances of the malcontents and negotiate with them. They succeeded in restoring political order by lessening their rents, tithes and other taxes; by remitting more than 50,000 pounds of outstanding dues, and a promise of increased support for the poor and sick; but to allay the religious excitement was a far more difficult task.
Here, for the first time, the two religious parties appeared in arms against each other. The occasion was given by a split among the Oberlanders themselves--division in a matter, where no majority could decide. In the Haslithal the Reformation had found resolute adherents. They and the preachers sent hither from Bern were a source of daily vexation to their fellow-citizens of the old faith, who surpassed them in numbers. The latter sought advice from their neighbors of Obwalden, who, on their part, very willingly came forward and tried to gain over their allies to the support of the Oberlanders. In this they were not unsuccessful. Even the ruling authorities of the Five Cantons exhorted them to hold fast to the old religion in public or in private, and hinted at coming events and help just at hand. Under the pretext of looking once more upon the bones of Saint Beatus, the Abbot of Uri, the landamman and several prominent Zugers came to Interlachen. Ought not the wicked attempt of the innovators to commit them to the earth be prevented? Captain Schœnbrunner of Zug, asserted that he had concealed at least part of the relics in his cap and thus saved them. "Come to us in future," they now said, "as we heretofore made pilgrimages to you. St. Beatus lies with us." The public mind became more and more disturbed in the Haslithal. One Sunday in June, some of the leaders, instigated by persons from Obwalden, called together a general assembly of the people. The question was started whether the mass should be restored; and it was decided in the affirmative by a vote of one hundred and fifty one, against one hundred and eleven. Dispatches immediately went forth to Obwalden and Uri for priests, and several were conducted by the country people of the Five Cantons, yea, by the very magistrates, with drums and fifes to Hasle and Brienz; and mass was again celebrated amid great rejoicing. What should the government do? It was a perilous undertaking for them to carry out changes in worship against the decided will of a majority of the people. Some members of the Council declared their opposition to it. The mass, they thought, might be permitted, without bringing back episcopal power and foreign church-rule. But the Great Council firmly rejected every such compromise. Copies of the treaties, by which they had come under the dominion of Bern, were sent to the inhabitants of the Haslithal, and appeals made to their duty of submission to the highest authorities of the Canton, even in ecclesiastical affairs. It was all in vain. The adherents of the old faith, stirred up by their new priests, determined to yield under no circumstances. They asked help from Obwalden; they ventured to appear before the deputies of the Five Cantons, assembled at Beckenried, with a similar request. But no resolution was passed in their favor; even Uri and Zug came out strongly against any interference incompatible with the federal laws. The affair was regarded in a different light by Obwalden, and, under the name, it is true, of an embassy to mediate between the parties in the valley, a delegation was sent thither, accompanied, however, by twenty-eight young men adorned with fir-twigs, the defiant badge of the old party. Instead of reconciliation they brought fiercer quarrels. The friends of the Reformation were roused, when they ventured to call them heretics. Deputies from both sides now hastened to Bern, with prayers for succor from one and a declaration from the other, that they were willing to obey in all things, except matters of faith, which neither the Confederation nor the government, but the Church alone, had a right to touch. In this emergency, where they ought to issue commands, but where those commands could not be executed, was a source of uneasiness to the most skillful statesmen. Meanwhile this much was clear, that a protest must be uttered against every interference from abroad. The schultheiss of Erlach, along with two members of the Small and three of the Great Council, went to Sarnen. All save Councillor Wagner belonged to the lukewarm friends of the Reformation. It was hoped that their language would, for this reason, be less offensive in Obwalden. The schultheiss, in his address, kept wholly within the limits of a political consideration of the question. But when, among various cutting remarks, it was cast up to him, that the very Articles of Confederation, to which he appealed, and which were formerly, by reason of the common, venerable faith of their pious forefathers, sworn to in the names of the Saints, had been first brought into contempt by Bern and violated by her antichristian innovations: "The Articles of Confederation," said Erlach, "do not touch upon religion, and grant full liberty in regard to it."--"Well!" replied the old landamman, Halter, "if you yourselves say, that the Articles of Confederation do not touch upon religion, then they cannot be violated even by our intervention in matters of faith; and if your people or others appeal to us for sympathy or succor, where true Christianity, as we have received it from our old fathers, is concerned, we will pledge our persons and property for its maintenance, and still keep our honor towards you." The more clearly the Bernese tried, after this, to exhibit the distinct peculiarities and rights of church and state before the assembly at Hasle, the more did they fall, perhaps to the injury of their cause, into that confusion of ideas, which is altogether unavoidable, when we do not know how to discriminate between Christ's kingdom of faith and love, resting only on his Gospel, intended both for this world and the other, whose very element is freedom, and a government under tyrannic forms established by men in his name. As a true knowledge of the first lies at the foundation of the visible church, it alone can exert a beneficial influence upon the life of the state; yea, without this influence nothing worthy of being so called can possibly exist. The opposite, found in the latter, leads only to discord.
But for such a discrimination of ideas that age was not at all prepared. Prejudiced opinion and passion triumphed.--A multitude of excited people, from all the vallies of the Oberland, streamed into Hasle. "We ourselves," said they, "desire to uphold the faith, the faith of the church, and be separate from the government. On this faith only have we sworn allegiance; if it be taken away, our obligations are dissolved. We will fall in with the Confederates, who hold fast to the old pledges." Before the eyes of the schultheiss and his companions, in direct violation of the law, leaders were chosen, the ministers of Grindelwald, Æsche and Gsteig driven out of their houses with their families, mass-priests placed in their stead, the adherents of the government threatened and compelled to fly, reports of the help promised by their neighbors circulated on all sides--indeed, after several weeks of agitation and violence, the greater part of the Oberlanders, assembled at Interlachen, swore under no circumstances to separate themselves from the real Catholic church, to seek justice from none but the Seven Cantons of the Old Confederacy; to suffer no persons to be punished except under their sentence; to keep possession of the cloister and its domains, and to render mutual aid with their persons and property.
Bern was thrown into great embarrassment. Berchthold Haller wrote to Zwingli: "The Small Council has lost its head; it is given up by us Evangelicals. We have to hunt up the members at their country-seats; the vintage serves as an excuse for their absence and neglect of duty. Those of the Great Council murmur, lament and rave; but even they can find no remedy. They try by adjournments and tricks to avoid the necessity of sending out troops. Meanwhile the power of Antichrist increases everyday." But the impotence was not so universal as represented by the timid preacher. Courage revived; the Confederates were written to for a faithful examination of affairs and help in the hour of need, and a vanguard was sent to Thun; but the march of the entire army was delayed, because the soldiers were not to be trusted in all cases. This was to be expected. Conflicting religious views and the boldly proclaimed resolution of the Oberlanders to risk everything for their party, might seem to those, who had favored the Reformation more from necessity than inward conviction, no sufficient reason to take up arms against them. Something else had to be added to justify the expedition. But it did not last. Even the lukewarm were compelled to acknowledge that determined action had become just as much a duty as a necessity. The insurgent Oberlanders themselves, though united for the maintenance of the old faith, were no wise so in reference to their position toward the government. Among a portion of them the feeling of loyalty was not wholly extinct. They did not wish to separate themselves from the state of Bern, nor refuse obedience in political matters. It was otherwise with the more violent, who, for the time being, had the upper hand. These latter desired a formal breach with the government. They continued to believe in the possibility of forming an independent canton of the Confederacy, under a constitution and laws of their own making. Moreover, they hoped, should their Catholic neighbors lend them aid, to secure and increase at the same time their real power; and in the youthful heads of Obwalden especially such hopes had found sympathy. In fact, eight hundred men set out for the Oberland, and that under the banner of the canton, which was carried by a grandson of the friar Nicholas von Flue, and six hundred men of Uri were ready to follow them In spite of the disapprobation of their own Council. This rash proceeding was a breach of the General Peace, according to the spirit and letter of the Articles of Confederation, and the Bernese government had henceforth a perfect right to resist it by arms in the most energetic manner. And so it happened. Under the command of the Schultheiss Von Erlach, five thousand men provided with artillery and all, necessary supplies marched out. From the very moment, when the power of the government was displayed, the confidence of its friends increased and the courage of its enemies sank. Many of the Oberlanders, who were in Interlachen, saw the arrival of the men of Obwalden with concern, knowing their cause would be rather endangered than promoted by them. They began to rue the step they had taken, and quietly to desert the ranks of the insurgents. A hurried embassy from Basel, the inhabitants of the country around Sarnen, and even a deputation from Luzern showed the men of Obwalden that their invasion was a breach of the Federal Compact, with good effect upon the more considerate. Cold weather was approaching, and the rain poured down in torrents; they became fearful, if they did not speedily return home, of finding the mountain-passes blocked up with snow, and hence the Bernese advanced without resistance, whilst the enemy retreated and in the end dispersed. The more peaceable and better-thinking people of the Five Cantons expected this turn of affairs, yea even wished it. "Then the peasants," so writes Captain Shœnbrunner of Zug in his journal, which is still extant, "went back again to their Lords of Bern, which was not improper; for it is natural for every man to cleave to his own."
The punishment that followed was truly severe: the restitution of all property stolen or destroyed, payment of costs, the acceptance of the Reformation, the surrendry of their banners with the seal of the canton, and the abrogation of all privileges and immunities, formed the chief items. The oath of unconditional obedience had to be sworn on their bended knees.--"Then," we are told by a contemporary, "the horse-guards were sent into all the insurgent villages, and especially into the valley of Grindelwald to apprehend the real authors of the mischief, the ringleaders and the pillagers. Then were the houses of the rebels ransacked, and their cattle, goods and possessions, and whatever property belonged to the Unterwaldeners in the canton were taken and confiscated to the city of Bern, though afterward through pity much was given back again to women and children. Hereupon some arrived from Halse, Brienz, Grindelwald, Habkeren and Rinkenberg in chains. These they sent with the others, who were captured on the ascent at Oberhofen, to Thun, and thence to be dealt with according to their deserts, well guarded to Bern." A number of the parties most deeply implicated escaped punishment by fleeing to Obwalden. Among these was a certain Hans im Sand, an aged, wealthy and, in other respects, estimable man. He afterward crossed over the Bruenig by stealth to visit his family, and was then betrayed, condemned and beheaded. In accordance with the barbarous custom of the age, his widow was obliged to pay the executioner, who went himself to get his wages. At the earnest request of those, who had remained faithful, part of their privileges were gradually restored, first to the inhabitants of the Haslithal and then to the people of the monastery. Most of the captives were set free through the prayers of friends or by giving bail. On the other hand, the brother of the Provost of Interlachen and two more of the principal rebels were executed, and Christian Kolb, who had everywhere stirred up the insurgents to excess and violence, was not only slain but quartered.
After this victory, the government of Bern addressed itself to the establishment of the Reformation in the entire canton as well as to its more rapid diffusion in all parts of the Confederacy. St. Gall, where the mass and images had already been laid aside, now joined the Christian Buergerrecht. In Basel, the middle class took a still bolder stand against the more aristocratic party belonging to the old faith. The Council was divided and cramped; one burgomaster stood opposed to the other. Now the deputies of the cantons and now those of the cities appeared with attempts at mediation. The churches re-echoed with the mutual recriminations of the mass priests and the preachers. Œcolampadius wisely continued to speak in favor of peace, but he could not bring it about; for the time for anything like compromise had gone by. Crowds of armed men broke into the churches by force, altars were overthrown, pictures and images dashed to pieces, dragged into the streets and burned: the Small Council was compelled to exile twelve of its members, and the Great Council to increase its number by the admission of four associates from each guild. A committee, appointed by them and armed with full authority, succeeded in restoring quiet. The introduction of the Reformation into the whole canton followed these events. In Glarus also, Schaffhausen, Appenzel and Graubuenden the new party gained strength every day. Even Solothurn no longer stood firm in the old faith, especially since Berchthold Haller had been called thither as a preacher.
In all directions, with unremitting zeal, by his counsel, by his writings, by his correspondence, Zwingli wrought upon the government of Zurich, which committed to him the drawing up of its opinions, and, as appears from the protocols, usually gave him a voice, during the latter years of his life, in the most important deliberations of a political nature. When the thorough measures, which he wished and demanded, met with resistance from those, who were yet averse to church-reforms, he procured, by means of a fiery sermon, about the close of the year 1528, the passage of a law compelling the members of Small and Great Councils, man for man, to declare and avow their faith, and accept preaching and the Lord's Supper in the Evangelical mode. Some were excluded from the Small Council, who would not make this promise. Equally clear, from his correspondence, is the great attention bestowed by him on events occurring outside of the fatherland; the proceedings of the Imperial Diet, the mandates of the Emperor, and the measures of Austria. Even before the treaty of the Buergerrecht was ratified with Constance, he received hints from different quarters in regard to secret negotiations carried on between the authorities of the Austrian government and the Five Cantons. The apprehensions might perhaps be exaggerated. But they struck him as important. Hence he did not strive to conceal the possibility of war; and a historical work, which would give a full portrait of so great a character, durst not suppress the fact, that previous to the Conference in Bern he had prepared for such an emergency a very elaborate plan of defence, which is still extant in his own hand-writing.1 He, who would censure him for this, should not, on the other side, forget the courageous spirit which, at a time, when Zurich stood almost alone in the Confederacy, still, relying only upon the truth and justice of the cause to be defended, thought it possible to maintain the battle against such overwhelming odds as then existed. In this feeling the pamphlet was thrown off, from the beginning of which we make the following extract: "The author has pondered over this counsel for the honor of God and the good of Christ's Gospel, so that wickedness and injustice may not get the upper hand and put down the fear of God and innocence. In the first place, it should be proclaimed in all parishes in the city and canton, that all men earnestly beseech God never to let us counsel or act contrary to His divine will; and also, if it be consistent with that divine will, to remove all victory from our enemies and bring forth the honor of His Word, as well as grant us grace to live in accordance with his will. Of course this work should begin at home; for there is need to let all the people in the city and canton know with what violence and treachery some of the Confederates have acted toward us, all which has been borne with a patient. Christian spirit, in hope of a change for the better; that now no choice is left but to defend ourselves in a knightly fashion, or else to renounce God and His Word; and that it is the determination of the good city of Zurich to lose everything: state, goods, town, country, body and life, rather than abandon the truth she has professed. Each and every district ought to be commanded, in case any one is not willing thus seriously and honestly to stand by the Word of God, the city and the canton, to notify him in the beginning, that he must go off in three days under suitable conditions. But whoever has courage enough to pledge soul, honor, life and property to God's Word and the city of Zurich, to him shall be said that you have received such and such counsels, and that you yourselves act wholly for God, and will protect yourselves and Him from all harm." These counsels now follow. They furnish proofs of his knowledge of foreign and domestic relations as well as the arts of political life and stratagems of war. He afterward shows how they ought to conduct themselves toward the Emperor, France, other neighbors, every canton of the Confederacy, their allies and the common territories. He unfolds the advantages of striking the first blow, of surprises in war; he enters even into the nature and use of various kinds of weapons. But then, he concludes: "These crude and smoke-stained plans I have hastily brought together for the sake of certain violent and dishonest persons, who, beyond all propriety and in the teeth of the Federal Compact, threaten the good city of Zurich with war. Still, I have an undoubting hope that Almighty God will not let the pious people of the Confederacy suffer for the treachery of a few, nor permit us thus to sit in judgment on each other. I have prayed from the bottom of my heart, that he will defend his city in some other way than the one here pointed out, and cause the pious, common people to dwell peacefully together in one Confederacy." How deeply concerned he was in guiding the ship of state is clear from the fact, that in this same sketch he even designates the individuals, who might be safely entrusted with the command of the different batalions as well as with seats in the council of war, adding, it is true: "But a muster can hurt nobody." From such labors he hurried off to write letters to theologians, to study the Holy Scriptures, to mount the pulpit, to draw up ecclesiastical regulations and formulas of worship. Only such a man was able to carry out the Reformation in a free state. Instead of condemning him, we must keep this steadily in view, and be careful not to form our judgment according to the ideas of the nineteenth, but of the sixteenth century.
Over against this activity of the Reformed, that of the Catholic party now developed itself in silence, but with no less energy. This became manifest at the close of the year 1529. At the same time the adherents of the Reformation had already gained so great a preponderance in Glarus, that there, as in Bern, the sealed promise, given to the Five Cantons, of fidelity to the old faith could no longer be upheld as a law of the land. A number of parishes in the Thurgau and the valley of the Rhine had applied to Zurich for Evangelical preachers. In spite of the landvogt of the Five Cantons, who had gone to prevent them, they made their appearance there, and the church-regulations of Zurich were introduced under the very eyes of the Catholic envoys. The Toggenburgers also, through the undeniable influence of Zwingli, rose up against the ecclesiastical supremacy of their liege-lord, the Abbot of St. Gall. He sick and deserted by a portion of the members of his convent had been carried to Rorschach, whilst the burghers of the city began more freely to exercise a control and gradually to assume the command in the monastery, and even in the cathedral. In Graubuenden, the Abbot of St. Lucien, one of the most powerful supports of the Bishops and the Catholic party, had been executed for bribery and criminal intrigues, and in Schænnis, in the very presence of a threatening embassy from Schwyz, the wooden images of the Saints were brought out into the street. "See," cried the excited youth to them, "here is the road to Schwyz; here to Glarus; here Zurich. Choose which you will take; you have a safe-conduct. If you cannot travel you must burn." When the Catholic rulers wished to avenge this outrage, the burghers of Wesen sought aid from Zurich, which, because she had no jurisdiction in that region, was denied them.
If the Reformation should continue to spread in this way, what was left for the Five Cantons, except to throw open at last their own territory for its entrance, or, surrounded by opponents, to see themselves overwhelmed in case of war, and reduced, perhaps, to the most fearful want by the obstruction of commerce? Under these circumstances many, whose ideas of affairs were just, gradually yielded, and what had for a long time been secretly hoped for by a few, an alliance with their powerful neighbor, Austria, who likewise remained loyal to the faith, found increasing favor among the rulers of the people. On the 14th of February, 1529, deputies of the Five Cantons met the Austrian authorities at Feldkirch. Whether they had invited them thither, as a historian of Luzern informs us, or whether, as said by several reporters of the opposite party, one of whom was himself present as a spy, the suit of the Austrian counsellors at first foiled through the great coldness with which it was received by the Confederates, can scarcely be ascertained now. The records afford no proof for either view. In the meantime, a draught of a mutual treaty was made, which, if approved by the Archduke Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, as well as by the Councils and parishes of the Five Cantons, was to be published and ratified as a definitive alliance in Waldshut. This took place in April, and in the same month King Ferdinand himself handed over a copy of the document to the Diet of the collective states assembled in Baden, with the explanation that the alliance was intended neither to aggrieve, nor attack or injure, but simply to protect the old, true faith, to uphold peace and order, and was open to every Christian government, which desired to enter it. At the same time, the Zurichers and Bernese must have clearly seen, that it was a counter-part, and a suspicious one, of the Christian Buergerrecht. On the side of the Reformed only one imperial city came forward, whilst on that of the Catholics stood the mightiest of the neighboring states, and that with articles capable of a far wider application than any in the Christian Buergerrecht. They commenced by declaring, that every reform in matters of faith, yea even the representation of the necessity of such a thing was interdicted in the territories of the allies, and that whosoever "would undertake to raise up and form new lawless sects among the people," he should be taken by the magistracy, supported of course by the allies, and punished "in honor, body and life, or according to the form laid down for that crime." What was now to be done in the territories held by Zurich and Bern in common with the Five Cantons? Could the former permit the inhabitants, who wished for reform and sought aid for its introduction, to be punished by the vogts (bailiffs) perhaps with fire and sword, merely because their religious convictions were not those of a part of their rulers? Then the possibility of a war, even within the limits of the Confederacy, was expressly provided for, and in that event the Austrian quota was to be 6,000 foot-soldiers, 400 horsemen and a supply of artillery. Other associates beyond the Confederacy had likewise permission to join the alliance and "march against the enemy and rebels within, in full force and at their charges." Finally, what was afterward regarded as an act of special injustice to the cities of Zurich and Bern and the chief cause of the unhappy turn of the religious war, the prohibition of the necessaries of life was made also a principle of this alliance, a lawful mode of fighting, and preferred and recommended in case strife should break out.
As soon as the two cities had received certain information that the alliance was concluded, before the documents were yet delivered to the Diet by King Ferdinand, they instituted a convention of the collective cantons, not embraced in the alliance. All, with the exception of Freiburg, were present at it. A resolution was now passed to send an embassy to Luzern and into the Five Cantons, praying for the abandonment of a connection, which would necessarily shake the Confederacy to its very foundations. This embassy of the seven states was joined by delegates from the allied cities of St. Gall, Chur, Muehlhausen and Biel.
But the animosity of the parties had already grown to such a height that little was to be hoped for from conciliatory measures. Still many were found on both sides, who continued to favor peaceful counsels and desire a dispassionate, and, above all, a national discussion of the questions at issue. Some months previous to this, the Council at Zug had written to that of Zurich: They were not willing to believe in the rumor of hostile intentions against the Zurichers and designs of pillage among the peasantry on the further side of Lake Zurich: then the letter proceeds--"for we have observed with great pleasure, what friendly intercourse exists between our people and yours, who lie together on the borders. So would we also act toward you, and spare neither day nor night to bring about peace, reconciliation and unity." Bern discovered a similar kind disposition among her Catholic neighbors in Entlebuch "Every day"--it was written to the bailiff and commons of that place--"the people of the Emmenthal speak of the friendly manner in which you have behaved toward them, and how you lately cast into prison one who defamed us. For this, accept our hearty thanks. And although much may have been said to you, how we perhaps intended to compel you or others to embrace the new faith, as it is called, we freely declare that we never thought of such a thing, and would do it on no account, for faith is the gift of God alone; but if any one would force us from our resolution, we must defend it, as those who are bound always to give an answer for our faith according to the Holy Scripture." In Luzern itself, even among individual members of the government, a friendly feeling was still found by the envoys of Zurich, who in the beginning of the year were sent thither to lay complaints against Thomas Murner. They wrote from this city to the Council at Zurich: "It is the common talk at Luzern that the peasantry, who border on us and the Bernese, are so well content with their neighbors, that there is nothing like it, and they say together that they will have no war with each other, but mutually agree to pledge their persons and their services and not trouble themselves about religion." This was also confirmed by Von Knonau, the Zurichan landvogt.
Relying on this spirit, which still survived, at least among a portion of the people even in the other Catholic cantons, a full statement was drawn up, to be laid by envoys before the Councils, and if permitted, before the general assemblies (landgemeinen) of the Five Cantons. "No doubt," so it ran, "there is still, dear Confederates, many a good honest man among you, who may justly consider what injury, reproach and danger to us all and our common fatherland must spring from such an alliance, and into whose hands and power we will fall--those namely, who have never favored, but always hated us, and even taught their children to hate us from the cradle. Indeed, many a dwelling will become desolate, if they, who began this, persevere in their undertaking. But how can they do it, when we, on our part, yet desire to remain your true and faithful Confederates; to adhere to our treaties and oaths with you, and to prove to you our friendship, love and duty without stint of life or property? And since many and various slanders, about our two cities Zurich and Bern, have circulated among you, as though they had made a special agreement to arm themselves against you with artillery, guns, ships, marchings and other warlike devices, placed the bell over you and used foul words to your disparagement; O do not lend a ready ear to such fables! for indeed such a thing has never entered our heart or mind, much less have we ever attempted to do it."
The reception of the embassy was of a more friendly character in Schwyz, and that before a full meeting of the general assembly. They heard the message calmly. A written answer was promised and given not without cordiality. This, however, may have been partly due to the secretary.
The event in Zug was not quite so peaceful. Open discord reigned among the counselors, a majority of whom were zealous advocates of the alliance. Admission to the general assembly (landsgemeine) was not granted to the deputies. We are told in their report: "They pretended they had an excitable population, and were concerned lest our presence would create great confusion; for they were much more passionate and intolerant in the assemblies than the councils." In Altorf a difference was made between Zurich and Bern; between the decided cantons and those that were more accommodating.--The former were thanked; the latter, and Zurich especially, were charged with interfering in matters of faith, where they had no business so to do. Of the new faith, they said: "Would to God it were buried!" Then an attempt was made, as had been done before by Schwyz, to maintain it as a principle in the government of the Common Territories, that even in ecclesiastical affairs the majority of votes among the ruling cantons should decide. Of all the points at issue this was the most difficult. Over it the strife continually broke out anew.--Proudly and piously spoke the Luzerners: They would follow their forefathers in everything, in adherence to the Federal Compact, and in love, but only when it did not deviate from the faith. Seditious persons now try to undermine this, as once the serpent sneaked around our first parents in Paradise. From such poison they would preserve their children and children's children. They had been prompted to do what they now did, in the face of censure, by the intrigues, embassies and negotiations of other cantons among themselves, in the territories as well as with foreigners, the defiance with which their just complaints had been met and the arming of the Zurichers. In Obwalden a very hostile disposition at last revealed itself. Here a bitterness of spirit had been left behind by the unsuccessful inroad into the Haslithal, which was essentially increased by the claims of Bern for indemnification, the sojourn of fugitive Oberlanders and the execution of Hans im Sand, who had enjoyed special favor in Obwalden. With all their efforts the mediating cantons had not yet been able to restore peace, but only to prevent the outbreak of a second war. The deputies of Obwalden and those of the Reformed cities still gave each other short words and exchanged sullen looks, when they met at the Federal Diet. But in Sarnen the most unfriendly reception awaited the embassy of the Confederates. Only the envoys of those cantons, which had not yet spoken out decidedly for the Reformation, were treated with a certain moderation, and notified that the sharp language, which must be used, had but a partial reference to them. Then the Federal Compact was revoked with all apostates from the true faith, and pity expressed that it had not been done before. They and the other Forest Cantons were the true, old Confederates, they had won the prize of liberty, they had admitted the rest of the cantons into the Confederacy. Why should these now wish to be their masters? But the Emperor, Austria, France, Savoy and Wallis (Valais) will indeed help them to prevent it. A written answer was refused. On the other hand they got a sight of the escutcheons of Zurich, Bern and Basel painted on a gallows in the house of the secretary of state (landschreiber) and when they complained of it, the excuse was, it meant nothing,--a foolish fellow had daubed it there.
Great was the exasperation at this news, particularly in Zurich. Now openly and earnestly they set about arming themselves, refused peace beforehand without the humiliation of Obwalden, and called upon Bern by letters and an embassy not to make the least abatement in its unsettled grievances against that district, but rather to insist with redoubled zeal on satisfaction and the fullest indemnity. Indeed, Zwingli wished to go yet further. He had expressly desired, in the Privy Council, by which all the more important business of state was again disposed of, that no peace would be concluded with Obwalden, if she would not renounce all pensions, abandon the alliance with Austria and give up all the bailiwicks for a term of office. But Bern was by no means so ready for war. In the Council, jealousy or mere political shyness of the often hasty interference of Zurich, appears to have given new animation to the party opposed to her. "We are," wrote Haller to Zwingli, "as unsound as ever in our government; and though we now at Easter possess the Small and Great Councils, yet we are fearful that nothing good will be done here, because all those, who have hitherto shown themselves hostile to the word of God, are returning to power, and if that happen, then you may expect nothing else from us, than that nothing good will be undertaken." Under seal of the strictest silence he communicated to him the fact, that in eight days at furthest no more than a crown would be found remaining in the public treasury. "If the Oberlanders knew this," he added, "do you suppose they would leave us unmolested?" It appears also, when Zurich became still more urgent, and earnestly declared she would not suffer it, but prevent it by force of arms, if necessary, that the new landvogt of Baden, an Unterwaldner, entered the city on horseback about the time of the election of public officers, and an embassy from Bern with prayers for more peaceful deliberation and more moderate councils, uttered the assurance that she was less inclined than ever to such a course. "In the opinion of my Lords," said its spokesman, "it would be better yet to prevent by friendliness an unpleasant issue. They are not willing to begin war before they know more certainly the disposition of their people, who are ready for an outbreak, now when the sun shines, but when it rains, their courage falls. A part of our peasantry have concluded a formal treaty with their neighbors of Luzern not to injure one another. We would not compel them to do so. You know very well that the Word of God enjoins nothing else but peace and quiet. True, dear Confederates and Christian townsmen of Zurich, you yourselves at first desired to accomplish everything by kindness. Indeed, faith cannot be administered at the point of the spear and halberd. And then remember, the Emperor has not so much to do, that if we attempt anything, he cannot march out against us. Then we have the Wallisers (people of the canton of Valais) with us, who are waiting, and if we would undertake anything with the Confederates, they would march homo again in an hour, even if they had to leave their beds; and who could hinder them? Lastly, there is the negotiation with the Duke of Savoy not yet settled, and we know not where we are. Therefore, we pray you, for the sake of Christ's passion, not to be so violent."
But this language availed nothing; for on the same day dreadful tidings arrived. Jacob Kaiser, surnamed the Locksmith of Utznach, the place of his birth, had a benefice and settlement given him at Neftenbach, in the canton of Zurich. Now he received a call as a preacher to Oberkirch, in Gaster. Before he resigned his former charge, he sometimes visited his new parish. Being much hated by the Schwyzers, because when pastor at the Ufnau he had declared himself strongly opposed to image-worship, the bailiff (vogt) in Utznach, which was under the dominion of Schwyz and Glarus, caused him to be apprehended, as he journeyed through, and brought to Schwyz.2 This was done in pursuance of an order, which all the bailiffs of the Five Cantons had received, to keep an eye on innovating preachers in the Territories, and seize them, and hand them over to justice. Like an earlier victim in Schwyz, another in the Thurgau, and three preachers delivered to the Bishop at Mœrsburg, by Catholic bailiffs of that place, Kaiser was condemned to die at the stake. In vain did Zurich intercede for him; in vain did she write more earnest letters; in vain did she send the treasurer Edlebach to Schwyz. On the day of his execution the Schwyzers answered: "The territory of Utznach belongs not to you it is a property bought by us and our Confederates of Glarus. For what we do there you have no right to call us to account. And if the parson is so dear to you as you say in your letter, then you should have kept him at home, and not suffered him to come among our people. This would have been most agreeable to us, and certainly much better for him." Such scorn and the flames of the faggot were decisive. War was determined on.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SIXTH:
Footnote 1 It is printed at large in Escher and Hottinger, fuer Schweizerische Geschichte und Landeskunde. Bd. II. S. 263 ff.
Footnote 2 So it is expressed in the verbal process of the Privy Council; that he was once pastor at Schwerzenbach in Greifensee, Bullinger informs us.
CHAPTER SEVENTH.
FIRST CAMPAIGN. ZWINGLI AND LUTHER.
Two primal forces live and move in man, the one more in this individual, the other more in that one; they both spring from above: Feeling and Understanding. Original, childlike Feeling is the inner law; but it does not know itself. The awakening Understanding seeks the law, but finds it not; for around them and between them settle the mist of earth, the smoke and vapors of passion. Power is needed to work their way up out of the mist; a celestial sun to scatter it. That sun is Love. In Love, as well as in Power, God has revealed himself. Only in the loving act, in revelation, are Feeling and Understanding able to find each other, to understand each other, and then also first to understand themselves. Now, and in this way alone, does growth in true knowledge begin. With it disunion, discord is no longer possible; all discord, even that which is internal, springs from want of knowledge. The error is most lamentable, when Feeling fears the Understanding, and the Understanding hates Feeling. This it is, which can lead to war for religion. No war for religion is permitted to end with the overthrow of one of these. God will not have it so; for he has created Feeling and Understanding as immortal, mutually completing sisters. Did Zwingli not know this? Was he perchance a man of a one-sided understanding, imprisoned in mist, who sought knowledge in his own strength, but for this very reason was never able to discover the truth? Did he desire to subject Feeling to the Understanding, to subdue faith to the yoke of the letter--of the letter, which men invented to express their thoughts, whilst the Spirit, who proceeds from the Father, does not reveal himself in words made of letters, but in the Word of Love, the loving act? They tried it, who came after him, who were not able to comprehend him; but they have been shamefully wrecked with their ever swelling formulas of confession. The church of Zurich under Zwingli, and then under the antistes Klingler (1688-1713)--what a sad contrast! Yet here is not the place to speak of it.
Faith, that feeling of the Divine will, of the Divine revelation, transformed into knowledge, had struck its roots as deep into the nature of Zwingli as into that of Luther. Who can doubt it, when he reads thus in his Explanation of the Christian Faith, as preached by him, which in the year of his death was dedicated to the King of France: "Faith must be the source of our works. If it go before, then the work is acceptable to God. If it be wanting, then all that is done, is false, and hence not only displeasing to God, but an abomination. Therefore Paul says: 'Everything, which is not of faith is sin.' Now faith comes only from the Spirit of God; hence they, who have faith, look to the will of God as to a perfect rule. For this reason, not only those works, which are done contrary to the law of God, are blameable, but those also which are done without regard to it. Whatever is done thus without the law, i.e. with no regard to the Word and will of God, is also not done of faith; what is not done of faith is sin, and sin God abhors. Thus it comes, that even if any one performs a work which God has commanded, giving alms, for example, but without faith,1 such a work is not pleasing to God; for when we go back to the source from whence the almsgiving springs, which is not done of faith, then we find that it has proceeded either from vain-glory, or a desire to receive more in return, or from some other bad motive. And who is not convinced that such a work is unacceptable to God?"2
After such expressions of the Reformer every one will be readily convinced, that Zwingli wished to create no controversy, to achieve no victory of the understanding, which only regulates and analyzes, at the expense of pious feeling.3 That war, which can only be called religious, because the parties themselves very wrongly believed they served religion thereby, was not allowed by Christianity, as it came from the hands of its founder, not by the Church established by Him, not by the unity of this Church, unity in her Master and Exampler abiding yet in the Gospel and the hearts of all true believers. It was actually of a political more than of a religious nature; for a Church which exercises temporal authority, whose heads rule over land and people, set up compulsory dogmas of faith and deliver to judgment those, who do not submit to them, is also a political, a worldly power. Or ought we regard the nuncios, who drive along in carriages drawn by four horses, to be received by the thunder of cannon, as apostles, when Christ would send them forth, staff in hand, without money, without change of raiment?
Proceeding from this stand-point, Zwingli saw in the war, which he himself undoubtedly advised, only a political conflict. On the one side appeared to him, imbued as he was with the idea of a purely spiritual kingdom of God and Christ, a worldly power defending itself not by the lawful, yea, necessary weapons of science and sound judgment, but by anathemas and the flames of the faggot, and on the other, those who wished to attain and defend liberty, without which neither a religion of the heart nor of the head, nor a faith matured to conviction by the agreement of both, was possible. With this feeling he wrote to his friend in Bern: "The peace, about which many now talk so much, is war; the war, which I wish, peace. There can be no security either for the truth, or her worshippers, till the ground-pillars of tyranny be overthrown. Do not lose confidence in me, because I must say this. With God's help I will prove myself worthy of it." But, even if the question, according to the judgment of the Reformer, was fairly one of an external, political nature, when logically carried out, it would take the form of opinion in some, or of principle in others. Yet never will such questions be solved by weapons of iron. The blind iron usually wounds the principle for which it was drawn out, and its defender first. "Put up thy sword in its sheath," said Christ to Peter, "for they, who take the sword, shall perish by the sword;" and for Zwingli it was a prophetic word. Only for material interests, lying equally before the eyes of all the world; only when the duty of fighting against the violation of national treaties or human laws, or else for upholding them, does true policy take up the sword, and in this respect the statesmanship of Bern seems more prudent; yea, more in harmony with the Federal Compact, than that of Zurich. But there are moments in the lives of nations, when prudence will no longer avail, and energetic action, even passionate endeavor, becomes a necessity. In such cases each one has to appeal to his own conviction of duty, and his justification lies in his willingness to sacrifice himself therefor. Over the corpse of the noble victim, the censuring voice of posterity is silent.
He, who accompanies the Reformer with undiminished sympathy along his path, which from this time forth becomes more and more slippery, will find the truth of what has been said. The grand achievement, which he desired, perhaps rather anticipated--the formation of a strong league in the midst of Europe, controlling extremes; a league of concord, and yet of the free developement of individual members in their peculiar customs and forms of government; united by the spiritual bond of a common faith, of a common submission to the Gospel, embraced with a pure mind and carried out in practice; satisfying the understanding and contenting the heart; one in its aim of worshipping God; diverse in its mode, according to the usage and wants of the country; tolerating philosophical as little as dogmatical dictators; repudiating alike the Propaganda and the Jesuits; a league whose members are not exclusive like Jews, but helpful like Christians--the nineteenth century can see it realized, if in its free presses a manly openness is able to triumph over wholesale robbery and keep down human devilishness, as well as the spirit of hypocrisy.
On the 1st of June, a secret council was held in Zurich, to consider the outrage of the Schwyzers. Some wished to prohibit the exportation of provisions, others to revoke the treaties, and a third party to declare war without delay. The last course was adopted by the Great Council on the 3d of June, and the tidings sent to Schwyz in the following language: "Our greeting first! Pious, circumspect, wise, should our good friends and faithful, dear Confederates be! Your haughty and defiant letter we have received and considered, and though you accuse us therein of not keeping covenant with you, we think we have done it as faithfully and better than you have heretofore; than you, who have persecuted, unjustly punished, given into other hands, violently and unrighteously dragged beyond the jurisdiction and laws, which belonged to us as well as you, miserably tortured and killed many an honest man merely for asserting his faith and maintaining the honor of God, by which we and our people, who are pious, honest Christians, if God will, have also been greatly and severely injured, reviled and shamefully abused, as to our honor and old, praiseworthy customs; ill-treated in a wanton manner without cause, surrounded, beaten, defied, and a pious priest under our protection, whom it became us to save, pounced upon beyond your jurisdiction, carried off in a scornful, unjust fashion, before God and to our great displeasure, burned to death for adhering to God's Word, since you had no other charge against him. Because now you have always suffered such outrages and injuries to pass by without punishment, because you have despised all our warnings and embassies, publicly transgressing in many instances the Articles of Confederation, and because we see that no justice can be hoped for from you, we are obliged, in order to rescue and maintain the Divine truth, its honor and ours, to chastise you for such wantonness, injustice and violence with our own hand, in the strength of God, and intend also, with as much strength and grace as God gives us, to take vengeance on you without mercy. But we have warned you of it and kept our honor. Thus you can understand the motives of our action; you yourselves desired nothing else, since you have provoked us to this course by your violence and gross injustice." In consequence of the threatened passage of the bailiff (vogt) of Unterwalden that way to Baden, Bern was written to: That the friendly exhortation to moderate measures had come too late. They had certain intelligence that Unterwalden intended to escort her landvogt to Baden with an armed force. Bern must not permit this according to her own solemn declaration. And she is there strongly besought to join the Zurichers, now promptly rising in self-defence.
But Bern, for some time back, had been endeavoring, principally through Luzern, to bring Unterwalden into a more peaceful humor. She had not yet put any troops under arms, and had received information from the Five Cantons that they too would not be the first to do it. Hans Edlebach, who was sent to Lenzburg, to hasten the march of the expected contingent, had to suffer bitter reproaches from the landvogt and the Bernese residing there: Was it prudent to begin war during such a famine? Was it like a Confederate, not to suffer the law first to take its course? Was it fair dealing toward Bern, to rise up against every warning, and without giving her notice beforehand? Zurich may now bring to an end alone what she has commenced alone. To this the Zurichers wrote in reply: "We would sooner have expected death, than that your aid should have failed us up to this time; what guilt will rest upon you, if calamity overtake us?" But Zurich was in no wise hindered by this delay, and the declaration of the Bernese immediately following, that though they would now march out, it was only for the support of their ally and not to encourage the war. One division of troops was sent to Bremgarten and Muri: another placed at the west end of the lake to hold Schwyz in check, whilst another marched under Jacob Werdmueller to the country lying around Rapperschweil, so that the Toggenburgers, the people of Gaster, and the evangelical portion of the Glarners might be encouraged to join them. To his countrymen of Toggenburg Zwingli was particularly favorable. "Dear comrade," he wrote to his friend Werdmueller, "I hope the Toggenburgers will not fail, yet hasten to communicate with the town-clerk of Lechstensteg; for a general assembly to consult about affairs was held on Wednesday, the 9th day of June. Take care and keep the advice secret. If you act against Toggenburg, you must not speak of taking possession of the country, for they will not suffer such a thing, having some time since made themselves free by their military power." Less consideration was shown toward the Thurgau. Lavater, the bailiff (vogt) of Kyburg received orders to occupy the territory for Zurich, with the reservation of the rights of Glarus, and notify the inhabitants that the Five Cantons would be allowed no share in the government without their own consent, which was an open violation of existing treaties, and founded on the right of conquest. The chief force, consisting of 4,000 picked men, well armed and provided with numerous guns, marched under George Berger to the borders of Zug. Berger had served in Italy with honor. He maintained severe discipline in the army. Idle women, who usually followed the Swiss expeditions in great crowds, were not suffered here. On the other hand, in spite of the scarcity just then prevailing, an abundant stock of provisions was furnished; a good spirit prevailed among the soldiery. It was a long time since Zurich had displayed such power. From the steps of the senate-house the burgomaster Walder exhorted the departing troops to discipline and a fearless defence. Commander Schmied was appointed army-chaplain. Without a summons from the government Zwingli rode along, a halberd on his shoulder. The report of the outbreak, Zurich's declaration of war, communicated to the Four Cantons by Schwyz, set them also in motion. Flying appeals went out at the same time from Zug. First, volunteers hastened thither; then came the militia of Schwyz, of Uri, of Unterwalden--the latter well armed and particularly eager for war. Messengers were despatched to Waldshut and Feldkirch for Austrian aid.
The Zurichers halted at Cappel. A declaration of war was also made against the Five Cantons. It resembled that against Schwyz, but with an additional reference to the doings of the Unterwaldners and to the Austrian alliance. On the morning of the 9th it was sent to Zug, and directly after the Zurichan force, strengthened by new accessions, took up the line of march. They had not yet crossed the boundaries of the canton, when the landamman Æbli came up against them from Baar. He was a man of irreproachable character, a leader of the people in his canton, esteemed and beloved by the Confederates, trained in the school of life, keeping in view the wants of the present, but both by education and disposition unfitted for scientific and religious controversy. As related by Bullinger, who was an eye-witness, this man begged "the Lords of Zurich with tearful eyes; begged them as strongly as he could, for God's sake and that of the whole Confederacy, to stay quiet where they were without actual operations and approach, till he would return again in the course of a few hours; for he had good hopes, by the aid of other honorable, honest people, who also were in a fair way to separate, with the help of God's grace, to make an honorable peace, which would redound to the good of the Confederacy; besides, great bloodshed would be avoided and no poor widows and orphans made; for this, he trusted in the Holy Gospel, which teaches us peace, love and unity. Moreover, he had also found a moderate, friendly opinion in the Five Cantons, that it would be a great calamity, if one Confederate would wretchedly kill the other, when their forefathers so often and closely pledged together their persons, property and blood; and a like opinion existed here among those, who had suffered much pain and injury in war. We ought not, said he, grant such pleasure to the foes and enemies of our common country. He, therefore, most earnestly plead only for some hours to do his best to prevent the sad dismemberment of the Confederacy."
Discordant views prevailed amongst the Zurichers. Yet the majority were won over by this true-hearted, patriotic speech. After a short deliberation, the leaders declared themselves ready to halt, and a courier was dispatched to Zurich for instructions. But Zwingli approached the landamman, who had formerly been one of his most intimate friends in Glarus, with the words: "Dear amman, thou wilt be obliged to account to God for this peace. Now, whilst our enemies are in our power and unprepared you give them good words. Thou believest them, and holdest back. Hereafter, when they are prepared, they will not make peace with us; who then will separate us?" "Dear comrade," replied the amman, "I trust in God. He will make all right. Act always for the best."
The brief truce, which now followed, was diligently used by both parties. The Catholics brought together their chief force in the country of Baar. Auxiliaries from Wallis (Valais), Livinen and the valley of the Esch joined them. Their little army swelled to eight thousand. That of the Zurichers was strengthened from the Thurgau and St. Gall. A third just as important, that of the Bernese aided by Basel, Biel and Muehlhausen, under the schultheiss Von Diesbach, had reached Bremgarten. Full thirty thousand men, unlike in view and disposition, stood under arms. The Confederate policy was in the camp of the Bernese. "We will attack the aggressor," said they, "wherever he comes from. We will suffer no war, till all lawful remedies are exhausted." They had written the same to Zurich, where hurrying envoys from Glarus, Appenzel, the Three Cantons, Solothurn and Freiburg arrived every hour with plans for a settlement of the difficulties. Bern had also convoked at Aarau, a Diet for the whole Confederacy. Even from Strasburg the Mayor Sturm had come as a mediator. A spirit of peace began to pervade the opposing camps. Besides, many were anxious to return home. They thought of their agricultural labor, which in the month of June was particularly needful. The necessity for shedding blood had not yet stirred the feelings of the multitude. Neighbors of the different confessions still held intercourse with each other. The out-posts had agreed not to injure each other; one party looked on the peaceful sports of the other at the ring and the hurling of stones. That beautiful feature of old Swiss cordiality was manifested, when milk was brought from one side, bread from the other, and the hostile warriors, with jokes over the limits to be guarded, ate the common food from one vessel. It drew an exclamation of surprise from the Mayor of Strasburg, who witnessed it.
According to old usage, when the militia had marched out, the Council of Zurich gave over to the commons-at-war (kriegsgemeine) the instruction of the negotiators at the Diet in Aarau. There was one man particularly to whom this was little pleasing, who apprehended evil results--Ulric Zwingli. Should all the fruits of his earnest endeavor, all the hopes for evangelical freedom, involved in this breach, be lost? He feared a too ready compliance. "Gracious, loving Lords," he wrote, "our messengers come in again this moment. I observe indeed how the matter stands. They now give good words, and pray and beg. But do not be misled, and regard no wry faces, but command us, beforehand, to act with earnestness, not to surrender our advantage, but to accept only a solid peace; for no one can give better words than these people, and when we are out of the field, they will return in one month and attack us. For God's sake act boldly. By my life, I desire not to mislead you, nor give way myself. One cannot write everything. Stand fast in God. Yield nothing to wry faces, till the right is established. God be with you. In haste, in haste!"
After this he did his utmost in the camp at Cappel, so that the treasurer, Rudolph Thumeisen, the deputy to Aarau, was instructed to demand positively, liberty to preach the Gospel everywhere in the Territories, the abrogation of the Alliance with Austria, the abjuration of all pensions and the punishment of those, who would propogate and dispense them, the costs of the war and indemnification for the children of the martyred Jacob Kaiser. Meanwhile in Aarau the continuance of the armistice only was determined on, and the prosecution of the negotiations by arbitrators in the vicinity of the camps transferred to Steinhausen, in the canton of Zug.
It had been previously said, that the commons-at-war (landsgemeinden) should themselves hear the complaints and arguments of the opposing parties. The leaders and deputies of the army of the Five Cantons made the beginning in the camp of the Zurichers. An eye-witness, Kessler of St. Gall, has given the following graphic picture of the event. It is here told in his own words: "Now, at the request of the Five Cantons, it was appointed, that, on the next Monday, a committee should come over from their camp into ours, in order to interrogate each other as well as the friendly arbitrators. So a high scaffolding was raised upon barrels in the field before Cappel. On this was placed the banner of Zurich, with all the ensigns and officers then encamped at Cappel, and around the scaffolding stood the common soldiers. After the committee of the Five Cantons, thirty in number, had been conducted over by the Zurichan trumpeter, the umpires approached; one rose after the other on the scaffold, speaking to the array and exhorting them to hold fast the purpose to submit on both sides to a friendly and moderate treaty of peace, seeing not only the sorrow, the misery and the great damage and ruin, that must accrue to us from this present misunderstanding, if it should come to the shedding of blood; but on the other hand, also, the great joy that would arise among our foreign hereditary enemies; and that nothing else can at last result from it, but that we, weakened by our own discord, will be the more easily conquered and ruled by those enemies, for whom, when united, we were always strong enough. Besides, the great dislike of the people of Germany and other countries, during our campaigns there, must be considered; and if our poor widows and orphans are left, what scanty crusts of bread will be doled out to them. Therefore, we implore you, for God's sake, to make peace with each other like faithful, pious Confederates, who, in times past, have fought and suffered so much together. Hereupon, Captain Escher of Zurich stood forward, and disclosed in general and special to the deputies of the Five Cantons the cause and articles of the war now declared against them, reviewing with sharp words their unkind, shameful and scandalous doings so long persisted in, but which could henceforth be no longer endured or suffered, consistently with justice and honor. After this, the deputies, gentlemen and captains of the Five Cantons rose up; among the first schultheiss Hug of Luzern; and each gave answer to the articles and the accusation touching his Lords. Nevertheless, something should be done. They desired that every effort should be made to bring about a lasting peace, lest, as was before said by the arbitrators, we might be compelled to murder and destroy each other. But so far as might be, they desired a just settlement, promising to abide thereby. Then it was proposed to retire a little out of the crowd to a particular spot; and the captains and the commons conferred among themselves, and decided that a committee of the same number as theirs should be sent into the camp of the Five Cantons, to disclose to the common soldiery, the business, which had not yet reached them. There were present also Master Ulric Zwingli, Master Conrad Schmied, the Commander, chosen preachers from the city and canton of Zurich, men wholly inclined to purge the Confederacy from all unfairness, unrighteousness and pride, and restore piety and honor. When his turn came, Master Ulric spake very plainly, that they who were there might understand, declaring that the cold apology of the Five Cantons and their appeals to the law, which before this had been little regarded by them, reminded him of condemned criminals, who when led to punishment cried out for justice, in order to prolong their lives. Then he spoke of the sin, the danger and the injury springing from the pensions, undeservedly taken from kings and princes, countries and people, and addressed the aforementioned schultheiss, Hug, by name: It is well known what he is and has been for years, and whence he has been enriched by so many thousand crowns; they are earnestly exhorted to put it away, else peace, quiet and unity would never be seen in the Confederacy."
With milder words Escher sought to allay the rising discontent of the deputies of the Five Cantons, who, after a notice that the leaders of the Zurichers should remember to appear also before their commons-at-war, withdrew and were honorably conducted out of the camp.
Rain in torrents, as it fell abundantly during this summer, poured down on the following day, the fifteenth of June. The overflowing of the Loretz prevented any meeting. On the sixteenth, with clearing skies and glad sunshine, fifteen of the most prominent Zurichers, to whom several people from the country were added, rode over into the camp of the Five Cantons.
Here also, as with the Zurichers, the reception took place amid warlike display and the thunder of cannon. The leaders affirmed that more than 12,000 men were under arms. They stood well drawn up; defiance in every face. The Unterwaldners were particularly well armed, partly with bows and partly in heavy coats of mail. Hans Escher opened the discussion, glad of the opportunity to represent in its true light the misapprehended cause of Zurich before so large an assembly of Confederates. First, he read aloud a detailed list of grievances, published by the government itself. "All this," he then continued, "we would have borne for the sake of the common peace, but when your rulers concluded an alliance with yon power, which your own forefathers have always considered their most dangerous enemy, and which is now, perhaps more than ever, ours, how could we keep quiet any longer? Still, we were not the first to march out. The Unterwaldners took up arms before, to place their vogt in Baden. Our troops, when they came to Muri, found a meal prepared for them. Yet we do not wish to deal in mutual crimination to our own injury, but rather to favor the liberty, which we have inherited from our fathers, or what is the welfare of all, according to the Gospel to which we adhere, the restoration of the old Confederate pledges, which, as we ask them from you, we are also willing and ready to give to our Confederates." The country-people supported the speech of the citizen. Upon many of the hearers the impression was evidently good, for a general belief prevailed among the Catholics, that the country-people of Zurich had only submitted to the Reformation with reluctance. Others, on the contrary, thought the grievances in the paper of the Zurich Council exaggerated. "When have we refused you justice?" said they. "How often have you appealed to us in vain?"--"Yes," rejoined the treasurer Funk, an active young man, and one of Zwingli's warmest adherents--"we know your ways of doing justice. That unhappy pastor made an appeal and you referred him to the executioner." The rash word was spoken. "Funk! you had better been silent," one of his companions called out to him. A fearful tumult arose; the troops put themselves in motion. The more considerate warned the Zurichers to retire without delay, and secured them by a detailed escort.