Internal Condition Of Switzerland After The First Campaign. The Abbot Of Saint Gall. Political Results Of The Marburg Co
The negotiation continued in Steinhausen and the Zurichan camp. The issue lay in the hands of the Bernese. Without them, Zurich was no longer able to carry on the war. The favorable moment had passed. Time had been given to the Five Cantons to gather and strengthen their army. The sight of their collective force raised the courage of individuals. In numbers they were not inferior to the Zurichers; surpassed them rather. And then, they beheld an abundance of provisions in the Zurichan camp, whilst in theirs, and at home in their vallies, want and famine prevailed, on account of the prohibition against importation. The assurance of this accessible and needful booty whetted their thirst for combat. To know that the power of deciding lay with the present leaders of the Bernese, made the prospect intolerable to Zwingli. He found in the schultheiss Diesbach, their general, a lukewarm friend of the Reformation, and in him and most of the others advocates, rather than opposers, of pension-taking. The latter practice found such special favor among the Bernese Counsellors, that even Nicholas Manuel, otherwise one of the most powerful heads of the Evangelical party, declared before the assembly of the Zurichan leaders in the camp at Cappel, that Zwingli's demand on the Five Cantons for the abolition of pensions need expect no support from Bern. This drew angry words from the Reformer: "Well then! we can put the question to the whole commons-at-war; we can also send an embassy to Bern herself, to learn how the city and canton think. I know it and can prove it by writings, which I promise to produce, that that people, as well as ours, abhor pensions. Who maintain them? Some great families, who live by them."--"It will come to this," replied Hans Escher, "we must first put questions everywhere; the councils of leaders are no longer of any account; one has just as much to say as another; squire and knight, common man and captain; now, let all, for my sake, cry out at once; then at least we will be done with the matter; if we ourselves cannot strike because of discord, then let the others strike." Zwingli confessed that he had gone too far, and smothered his chagrin. He had hoped for a victory of principles, but now saw only the possibility of a temporary compromise, achieved by political arts. The men, from whom there was nothing to hope in support of the Reformation, in one canton, and everything to fear in regard to the others, stood at the helm and saw their power continually secured by foreign influence and foreign gold. He beheld the times coming, when the old Adam would again awaken in Zurich herself. Earlier or later, the seed sown, so he foreboded, must be again stifled and the tender fruit sunk under the rank growth of sprouting weeds.
Meanwhile the arbitrators in Steinhausen did all they could, and when Bern used just as decided language against the Five Cantons as against Zurich, then a treaty was formed, with which the statesmen of the latter canton said they would be satisfied. First of all, the Territories were to be left to their own free choice in matters of religion; to declare for one system or the other. The alliance with King Ferdinand was to be abolished and its documents annihilated. Doctor Murner was to be arraigned before the Confederates in Baden, to answer for defamation of Zurich and Bern. These were the chief articles. What the Five Cantons should pay as costs of the war, and indemnification to the surviving family of Jacob Kaiser, was left to the arbitrators to determine afterward. But Zurich and Bern were expressly empowered, if the conditions binding on the Five Cantons were not fulfilled, to continue the interdict against the exportation of provisions, until they would comply. It was simply uttered as a wish that the Five Cantons would also abolish pensions.
The leaders of the armies communicated the rough draft of the treaty to their several governments. In Bern it was received with universal joy. "We permit you," wrote the government to her members in the field, "to omit, in the affair of the Unterwaldners, whatever might waken strife anew, be it so far only as is consistent with our honor. It is hoped, being now again united, as was necessary, we will be able to bestow a glance on our foreign enemies. Henceforth no more strangers, be they Burgundians, Netherlanders, Austrians, Lorrainers or others should be allowed to threaten our borders with impunity. We should, after the manner of our fathers, defend ourselves. Sound the Five Cantons and tell us, if they would refuse to arm." Just this, meanwhile, was the most difficult point. Under various pretexts they tried to put off the delivery of the deeds of the Austrian alliance. Then Zurich ordered those of her militia, who were already prepared for a return home, to stay, and called back others, who had marched off. The arbitrators begged. The Bernese threatened; the Banneret, Peter im Haag, said: "If the document be not produced immediately, we will fetch it in procession." At last, on the 25th of June, about 2 o'clock in the night, it was brought to Cappel. What further happened, is related by Thomas Platter, an eye-witness, in these words: "As every one was now up, they came together into a room, and the amman of Glarus took the document; for he had all along been the chief umpire. He gave it to a scribe to open; it was terribly broad and long; the like I have never seen, and I think it had nine seals on it; one large one, that was golden. Then the scribe began and read a long preface of titles, such as one reads on the square at Basel, on St. John's day; after that, the Five Cantons, also, under the titles by which they are known. They had made a league. Then the amman struck his hand upon the document and said: 'It is enough.' Then one behind me, who was doubtless a Zuricher, cried out: 'Read the thing through, that we may hear how traitorously they would have dealt with us.' The amman turned to him and spake: 'How read it through? You must hack me into little pieces first, before I will suffer it.' Therewith he laid the document together and said: 'You are alas! without this, too highly exasperated against each other; take a little knife, first cut off the seals, and then slit the parchment into long strips, give it to the scribe in a little cap, that he may throw it into the fire.' What became of the seals I do not know."
Joyfully the Zurichers marched to their homes; Zwingli with anxiety in his heart. He gave utterance to it in the following verses, which he also set to music:
Now mount the chariot, O Lord,
We know not where to go.
Thy hand must now uplift the sword
And smite the haughty foe.
God, for thy honor and our land
Blast Satan's progeny,
And teach thy faithful flock to stand
Ever more firm in Thee.
To bitter strife, O put an end!
And waken love anew;
Kind hearts to parted brethren send,
Old feelings warm and true.
The Landfriede (General Peace) was concluded; quiet appeared to be restored in the Confederacy. Then a foreign country laid claim to the Swiss Reformer. In the spring of 1529, the majority of the princes and cities, assembled at the Imperial Diet in Spire, endeavored to check the progress of the Reformation in Germany, by stringent resolutions. Conflicting doctrines in regard to the Lord's Supper especially, should not be allowed. No more ecclesiastical innovations were to be permitted until approved at an ecumenical council. The states of the Empire, which were already inclined to the Gospel, entered protests against this compulsory act, and received thence the name of Protestants. The most active of these Protestants was the landgrave Philip of Hesse. Resolved to carry through the rising opposition, even against the Emperor himself if necessary, he directed his chief attention to the maintenance and establishment of concord among the Protesters themselves. Although the Confederates, from the nature of their special compacts (buende) and their struggles after national independence, had actually more and more torn lose from connection with the German Empire, they were still always formally counted as belonging to it,--indeed, said so themselves, whenever it suited their advantage. But, just before the election of the then reigning Emperor, the Diet, in the name of the collective cantons, wrote a complimentary letter to the Electoral Princes, under cover of the privilege due to them as members of the Empire. Now also the resolutions of the Imperial Diet were communicated by the Emperor, and a demand made upon them for their execution. It is easy to imagine that the Protestant Princes would strive likewise to gain them over to their party. Philip of Hesse especially, looked toward Zurich and Zwingli. Early in April, he had addressed him from Spire. He desired a personal interview. At the same time it might serve to heal the dispute between the Saxon and Swiss Reformers, which had taken a disagreeable turn, and contributed more than anything else to make the cause of the Gospel suspicious in the eyes of the Catholics, yea, even hateful to them. The chief obstacle in the way of an understanding lay in the manner of seeking it--by a general formula, a declaration drawn up in words, though the Gospel itself did not contain such a thing. Few in that age had the sound judgment of the later landgrave William of Hesse, who, in the year 1566, wrote to Bullinger: "What Christ, the Chief Schoolmaster, has not seen fit to explain, we men should not undertake to explain for ourselves." That Christ, offering himself up in love, would continue to live in all the members of his church to the remotest ages, and so declared at the last breaking of bread and pouring out of wine in the circle of his disciples, must be clear to every reader of the Gospel. Whether and how he continues to live in them, deeds only can show: the confession of the heart, not that of the lips, which Christ himself does not require of us.
But when, in spite of this, such a thing was required, it was necessarily apprehended in a plainer sense by some of the Reformers, and in a more profound one by others, according to the individual peculiarities; at the same time it was regarded as more free or more binding according to the spirit of the nations and the governments, which they represented. This will best appear from the history viewed in its connection.
It has already been intimated in this work that the mass, in view of its significance and determining power, forms the ground-work of the cultus, or form of worship in the Catholic Church. Yet Catholic writers themselves have admitted and publicly expressed it, that, long before the Reformation, dangerous ideas concerning the mass prevailed among the people, which, fostered designedly by the clergy, and even by the Popes, led to great abuses, being employed, through the founding of masses for souls, to entice immense sums of money from pious superstition. We may suppose, that the Reformers turned their attention chiefly to these abuses, and first of all were obliged to attain for themselves a right view of the design of the Lord's Supper. According to the doctrine of the Catholic Church, the bread and wine were changed, by the consecration of the priest, into the real body and blood of Christ, so that thus, by the transaction of the mass, the personal Christ was once more sacrificed, as it were, and in this way the redemption of mankind by the sufferings and death of Christ dwelling in mass, was, in a certain measure, daily renewed, for the salvation of all the living, or even the departed, for whom mass was founded.
This mode of representation was unanimously rejected by the Reformers; but in order to prove it invalid, they had to resort to explaining the words of the Gospel, and here they began to diverge more and more from each other. We all know, that Christ simply expressed himself thus: "Take, eat; this is my body, broken for you; do this in remembrance of me;" that after supper he also took the cup, saying: "This cup is the New Testament in my blood; as oft as ye drink of it, do it in remembrance of me." Zwingli, with his searching glance, his methods of examination, strengthened by the study of the lively, vigorous authors of antiquity, his penetration into the spirit of language and his dislike to everything contrary to the course of nature, ordained by God himself, soon arrived at a mere allegorical exposition of these words, and understood by the expression, This is, simply, This signifies. But he did not entertain this view alone. Before he ventured to utter it publicly, a Dutch jurist, Cornelius Horn, had actually done it. Zwingli caused his work to be printed in Switzerland, and promoted its circulation. In the Conference at Zurich touching the mass, he for the first time came out openly as an advocate of this view; but he did not satisfy the bulk of his hearers. The not unlearned under-clerk, Joachim am Gruet, opposed him, even attacked him, in a second Conference before the Councils and scholars, with tolerable success, and availed himself of the objection, against the reference of the Reformer to a multitude of Scripture passages, where Christ in parables likewise made use of the word "is," plainly instead of "signifies," that they were only parables, whilst the Supper was a transaction so solemn, that such an arbitrary, audacious mode of interpretation could in no wise be admitted. How Zwingli was at first embarrassed by this objection, and how he afterward succeeded in refuting it, he may tell us in his own language.
"Undoubtedly," says he in one of his works,4 "no easy task was before me, namely, to cite an example for my mode of interpretation, derived from no parable. I began to think over it, to look for it everywhere; in vain! I could find nothing. The 13th of April was at hand;5 I tell the truth; (willingly would I keep silent, for I well know many will make a mock of it; but it is God's finger; my conscience constrains me to speak), early in the morning, before the break of day, I dreamed that I, yet full of chagrin, was once more attacked in battle with the under-clerk, and so beaten that I could discover no way of escape, and my tongue refused to do its office. This anguish tormented me in an incredible manner, as such things do in dreams, during the deceitful night. (I wish to tell it only as a dream, although it concerns me much; although that is important enough for me; which I have learned, thanks be to God! through whose power alone anything is possible). As by the stroke of an enchanter's wand, I saw a comforter stand before me, (whether he was white or black, I cannot say; I relate a dream). 'Wherefore, thou awkward one,' he asks, 'dost thou not oppose him with the passage in the twelfth chapter of the second book of Moses? It is the Lord's passover.' I awoke, sprang out of bed, looked at the passage, thought over it and preached from it in the morning before the congregation, and, as I hope with sufficient power. The sermon swept the mists from the eyes of all those, who, on account of the above-mentioned difficulty, had not been able to obtain a clear view, and three days after, on the festival of the resurrection, such a passover of the Lord was celebrated, as I have never yet seen, and the number of those, who hankered after the flesh-pots of Egypt was less than any one would have ventured to hope."
In the beginning, Luther also had looked at this mode of interpretation, but discovered in the bias of his mind greater difficulties, to which others of an external nature were added. As early as the year 1524, he had written to the "Christians at Strassburg:" "This I confess--if any one had been able to assure me five years ago that there was nothing in the Sacrament but bread and wine, he would have done me the greatest service. I then endured such a severe temptation and so struggled and writhed, that I would willingly have been delivered, for I plainly saw that by it I could have dealt the heaviest blow against the Papacy; but I am fast and cannot get out. The text is too powerful here and will not suffer itself to be wrested of its meaning by words." The thing, which had especially awakened his dislike to the Zwinglian view, and which he does not here tell us, was the circumstance, that, before Zwingli had yet expressed himself publicly in regard to the Lord's Supper, Doctor Carlstadt had come out in Saxony with a still bolder interpretation, by which he attempted to break up the connection of Christ's own words of institution in such a way, that half of them lost all their meaning. In a violent work, that met with approval in many places, he then spread abroad this interpretation. This Carlstadt was to Luther a glowingly-hated stone of offence, which everywhere laid in his way. Whilst Luther was in the Wartburg, he had headed the furious image-stormers in Wittemberg. He now made his home in Orlamuend, where he supplanted the preacher, disregarded all the ordinances of the Elector, and excited the people to such a degree, that when Luther went into the country, at the command of the Prince, to restore order, he was pelted with dirt and stones, and pursued with the cry: "Drive off, in the name of a thousand devils, and break your neck!" Deprived of his situation, after such doings, Carlstadt went to Strassburg, and then to Switzerland. Meanwhile, his writings were forbidden by the Council at Strassburg. Zwingli, on the other hand, declared this to be unjust, because Carlstadt's writings contained neither godless nor fanatical errors. Henceforth Luther began to transfer his hatred against Carlstadt more and more to Zwingli, although the latter, in his work, "On true and false Religion," only excused Carlstadt's interpretation, but in no wise approved, rather assailed it; and when Œcolampadius also issued his treatise on the Lord's Supper, Luther came out openly in the most passionate letters against the Swiss Reformers. "For myself," says he, in one of them, "I confess, that I do not think Zwingli a Christian with all his doctrines, for he holds and teaches no part of the Christian faith rightly, and has become seven times worse than when he was a Papist, according to Christ's judgment: 'The last state of that man shall be worse than the first.' I make such a confession, that I may be without blame before God and the world, because I have no share in Zwingli's doctrines, nor will have to all eternity!"6
To allay this strife was the task which the landgrave Philip of Hesse, proposed to himself. This Prince, then in his twenty-fifth year, a man of scientific culture, an indefatigable ruler, beloved by his people and feared by his more powerful neighbors, on account of his decided and enterprising character, was the soul of the Protestant party. To the Elector of Saxony, who, possessed of more prudence and timidity, stood along with him at its head, he wrote: "Rather would I give up body and life, land and people, than abandon God and his Word." At his court lived Duke Ulric, of Wuertemberg, an exile, driven from his country by the Emperor, and the Swabian League, but undaunted, eager for war, and continually busied with plans for recovering his princely seat. At an earlier period he had spent some time in Switzerland and became personally acquainted with Zwingli, and through him the landgrave was also brought into connection with the Reformer. Thinking clearly and feeling dearly; imbued also with the spirit of the Holy Scriptures, he thought, if stubbornness did not prevent it, a mutual understanding was yet possible, and resolved to spare no pains in order to attain it. Zwingli and Œcolampadius willingly consented to his proposal of a Conference. They only wished it to be held in Strassburg, because Zwingli especially despaired of receiving permission from the Zurich Council for the dangerous journey to Marburg, the residence of the landgrave, and so long an absence. The consent of the Saxons was more difficult to obtain. Melancthon from timidity, and because he did not wish to break fully with the Catholics, reconciliation with whom he thought yet possible, and Luther from dislike avoided the Conference; the former even privately requested the Elector not to permit them to go. "It is not well," he said, "for the landgrave to have much to do with the Zwinglians; he has taken, moreover, a greater liking to them, than is necessary; for the matter has come to such a point, that acute people, like the landgrave, regard it with the deepest interest, and the understanding seizes readily upon what it comprehends, especially if men of learning, who can give the matter from Holy Scripture, are inclined that way, and we know that many scholars now adhere to Zwingli."
It is clear that the Swiss were regarded by the Saxons as radical stormers, unprincipled innovators, who, amid their mountains and their republican affairs had forgotten all respect for law and order. "I am sick;" wrote Melanchton to one friend, "an indescribable anguish of soul torments me; I can scarcely breathe. Thou knowest wherefore. The Elbe has fearfully overflowed its banks. Even in Hesse I saw a great stone torn out of the side-walk of a church by the might of the floods, as though done by the contrivances of art. Still other signs happen. Christ defend us!" and to another: "Rather would I die, than live to see this Zwinglian affair pollute our just cause." Luther spoke thus against the landgrave himself: "I know well what the devil is after. God grant I may be no prophet; for if it were not a false trick, but a real purpose among them to seek peace, they would not attempt it in such a glorious fashion through great and mighty princes; for we, by God's grace, are not so savage and wild, that they could not long ago have tendered to us, as they yet can, the humble endeavors for peace, of which they boast; but I know that I will not basely give way to them. I cannot; because I am so fully persuaded that they err, and are themselves, moreover, unsettled in their opinions." At last, Melanchton made the proposal to invite some Papists to the Conference as witnesses, though in fact rather to pave the way for their final consent; and for a long while yet, both he and Luther wished to have Œcolampadius as an opponent, and protested against the appearance of Zwingli.
But such spectres were not visible to the landgrave Philip. He was one of those princes, who, conscious of their own power and of love to their people, by whom in turn they are beloved, can look without fear even on republican affairs; a man in whom faith lived, and who without hesitation, therefore, suffered the spirit to live; and, acting thus, hoped, with youthful assurance, to calm down the violent combatants by his influence, if he could only get a personal interview with them. This appears best from his own words: "Dear Master Erhard," so he wrote some years after this period, to another of the zealots in the Eucharistic controversy, the Wuertemberg preacher, Erhard Schnepf, "I hear that you will not leave Blarer (preacher at Constance) unmolested in the confession, with which Luther and Philip (Melanchton) are still satisfied, but press upon him with sophistical language, and have made many persons anxious lest you would break down more than you build up, which I myself do not yet accuse you of, but should it happen, it will grieve many a pious man. Hence, it is my prayer, that you will proceed gently; be no disputer of words, but a promoter of faith, love and good works, and not, as the old proverb says, 'raise a spoon and break a bowl;' for you might have a zeal, when you have reached a sure understanding, to press it upon others and yet not reach the heart; and besides, to speak humanly, do great injury to the Gospel; as, for example, many pious people might be brought thereby to persecution and ruin, when the matter was not even worth talking about. Therefore proceed wisely, that you may not become a partaker of such blood and such destruction. It will not do to plunge thus into matters. The Apostles acted prudently; they did not thus reject people for trifling errors. I point this out to you, as one, who heartily desires you to treat of things, that will promote the cause of the Gospel, unity, and love also. Understand yourself, and do not go further than God allows. Let not the old Adam lord it over the new. You have not been preaching long. It is needful to exhort you. Adieu."
Guided by such a noble endeavor to restore harmony among the Protestants, he pursued his mark with unwearied zeal, and obtained the consent of the Elector of Saxony, (who now required his learned men to attend the Conference), and at length that also of Luther and Melanchton, who, under date of July 8th, 1529, wrote to him as follows: "Since Your Princely Grace has received our two letters, and still insist upon our coming to Marburg, in the confident hope that concord will result from it, we wish with a cheerful and ready mind to contribute our part thereto, and by God's grace, if sound and well, will appear at Marburg on the day appointed. The Father of all mercy and unity grant His spirit that we may come together not in vain--for profit and not injury. Amen. Christ be Your Princely Grace's Governor and Guide!"
Zwingli also, when Philip had repeated the invitation to Marburg and pledged himself for the security of the journey, set out. He ventured to say nothing to the government; had even entreated the landgrave to confine his request to the Privy Council. On the first day after his departure, he began a letter to the Council, in which he apologises for not communicating the request to them, and says in addition: "It was not done with any intention to slight your Worships, but in order to discharge my duties with greater fidelity to you, since I foresaw you would not grant me permission, because of the interest you take in my welfare; for the distance by the route we go is 60 miles,7 and the place strange to us on account of its religion, though secure enough, being in the territory of the landgrave, and the learned there all hostile to us, and our number is only three. So also friends, in whom we could confide, are few, from Zurich until very far down the Rhine. Yet it would not be right for me to remain away, since by this the whole plan would be frustrated, and many excellent men of the opposition brought thither on a fruitless journey. Then it would be interpreted, as if we were afraid of a friendly conference. Therefore, I pray your Worships, in the most humble manner, not to take my going off amiss, for I was loth to hear others despise you; and remember too that my staying away might result in injury to the truth and the disparagement of your good name. Otherwise you may hope in God, that we, by His aid, will give a faithful, undaunted support to the truth and bring no scandal on our church." He then apologized likewise for the departure of Collin, the professor of the Greek language, whom he had taken with him asked, since Basel had granted a member of the Council to Œcolampadius, that the same might be done for his assistance; and nominated the treasurer, Ulric Funk, on account of his cleverness and knowledge of the Latin language, who, as soon as he had received permission, hastened to join him. Immediately after his departure from Zurich, his enemies crept out of their hiding-places. Nonsensical reports were circulated. "He has run away with a party of rogues," said some; the "Devil has carried him off," said others. In Basel they met Œcolampadius and the deputy of the Council, Rudolph Frei. The plan was, that from thence he should proceed along with Œcolampadius by water to Strassburg. He asked for a moderate advance of money; because riding "on a hired horse cost a great deal," he would be obliged to buy one at Strassburg, which would leave him little for the expenses of the journey, and then, being compelled to borrow, would "become a laughing-stock." "To my wife," he concluded, "let Master Stall tell as much of the matter as a woman ought to know, for when I left her, I said no more than that I was going to Basel on business." In Basel, where he tarried nearly two weeks, he preached to a great concourse of people. The time was also employed by him in political negotiation. This imperial city desired then admission into the Christian Buergerrecht on the same terms as Constance. The mayor, Sturm, likewise invited to the Conference by the landgrave, along with Bucer and Hedio, was an experienced statesman, and not without influence at the Imperial Diet. He had connections in France. Reports had been received concerning the reconciliation of the Emperor with the Pope, against whom he had been carrying on war, and his arrival in Italy and the general sweeping measures toward the Protestants, to be apprehended from this combination of spiritual and temporal power. They were communicated confidentially to the Zurichers. Some of them Zwingli wrote down. The most important he sent to the Privy Council with the postscript: "This comes from the real cabinet of art." "Were it not wicked," he again wrote from Strassburg, "we might encourage the Venetians to withstand them so boldly, that the Emperor would be finished in Italy, and not able to escape over the mountains." On the 18th of September they left the city and, by a circuitous route, which they had to choose for safety, reached Marburg on the 29th. The day after, the Saxon scholars, Luther, Melanchton, Justus Jonas, from Wittemberg, and several others, made their appearance. From Nuremberg, came Andrew Osiander; from Swabian Halle, John Brenz; from Augsburg, Stephen Agricola; all likewise invited by the landgrave. In an humble letter, signed "Your Princely Grace's obedient servant and poor little worm," Carlstadt also begged for admission, but received a polite refusal. The entire company was lodged in the castle. A Latin poem written by Professor Curicius conjured them to begin the Conference with such calmness, and prosecute it with such dignity, that the world may know the Spirit of God had presided over it.
Strangers from various countries had arrived in considerable numbers; but no one received admittance, except those who were invited; the Duke of Wuertemberg, the Count of Fuerstenberg, several courtiers, the professors of the University and the Hessian preachers. Zwingli's request, that the proceedings should be written down by secretaries under oath, and the Latin language used, was declined by the landgrave; likewise the wish of Luther and Melanchton, for the aid of respectable Papists. Immediately after his arrival, Luther had received a visit of courtesy from Œcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio; Zwingli remained without a greeting from the side of his opponents. Justus Jonas studied physiognomy and manners. He pretended "to see in Zwingli a certain tincture of rustic arrogance; in Œcolampadius a wonderfully mild nature; in Hedio, no less humanity and liberal culture; in Bucer, under the mantle of sagacity and penetration, fox-like cunning."
On the 20th of September, the landgrave first joined his guests at the supper-table. Here he expressed the wish that on the following morning Luther would hold a special conversation with Œcolampadius and Zwingli with Melanchton. He hoped by thus placing a vehement character over against a gentle one in each case, to render the after approach of the chief combatants more easy perhaps. The Saxons were the complainants. They accused the Swiss of errors in various points. But everything soon gave way to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. For three hours Luther tried his fortune with Œcolampadius, and Melanchton with Zwingli for six. Agreement continued impossible. Yet Luther sent the news in a letter, that the conflict had been carried on in separate chambers, in a friendly tone.
On the morning of the 2d of October, at six o'clock, the discussion began in the presence of from 50 to 60 persons, invited or admitted, in the Hall of the Knights. At a special table, opposite to Zwingli and Œcolampadius, sat Luther and Melanchton; in their immediate neighborhood, the landgrave, surrounded by his courtiers; the others rather behind. Feige, the chancellor of state, opened the Conference in the name of the Prince, with an address. After unfolding the pure, successful, grand beginning of the Reformation, he then continued: "but now, some of the leaders themselves, animated by a schismatic spirit, have hurried on too rashly, and been so far misled, that they, who were bound ever to remain faithful at the head of the cause, and, by their common power and mutual support, sweep away every vestige of error, have now not only deserted their post, but even attacked each other, to the great joy and delight of the enemy. Therefore, if they cannot find sufficient reasons for concord in the Gospel itself, and their duty to promote the welfare of the Church they ought not to give their bitterest enemies occasion to rejoice and exhibit so sad a spectacle of disunion. His Princely Grace wishes to prescribe neither aim nor measure to this Conference; but would remind the members, that wherever similar transactions have taken place, men of true learning, even if they had written somewhat roughly and severely against each other before, had then laid aside wrath and bitterness, so the unlearned might the better perceive, that they sought truth and love more than a mere defence of their own opinions with sharp and quick words. Those who now take this course, cannot fail to win praise and thanks, whilst the others, who do not like unity, but obstinately persist in a delusion once embraced, from which all heresies spring, will thereby give an undoubted proof, that the Holy Spirit does not reign in their hearts, and has never been among them with his gifts. His Princely Grace hopes that the present Conference will have a happier termination, and closes with the gracious desire, that the very learned Masters will understand and receive all this in the best spirit." On their side thanks were now given to the landgrave for his trouble, and a promise made, to carry on the discussion without any bitterness, in a respectful and friendly manner; but, although unity should be sought with the most ardent zeal, this at the same time could not be effected at the expense of divine and revealed truth, and Christ's words would be preferred before all others.
After this, the discussion was commenced by Luther's writing on the table with chalk, these words in the Latin language: "Hoc est corpus meum" (This is my body). With great mildness and learning Œcolampadius now unfolded his view, which Luther, however, in spite of every challenge, refused to contradict, falling back always upon the verbal expression. "Beloved sirs," said he, "as long as these words stand, I cannot really get over them, but must confess and believe, that the body of Christ is there."--Springing up, Zwingli asked: "Is He indeed there, Doctor, corporeally there? There also in the sacrament, is He daily broken anew? In what then do you differ from the Papists?" The scene became more lively; Luther's replies more bitter. He complained that Zwingli wished to trip him, to give his words wantonly another meaning than he had intended. The latter controlled himself somewhat, brought up passages of Scripture for explanation, came forward with remarks on the grammar, with interpretations of the Church Fathers and carried the discussion even into the sphere of philosophy and physics. In no way did Luther permit himself to be caught; turned back always to the letter, and declared, that he would do it; that we durst not in this case deviate therefrom, because the Lord had so expressed himself; and unconditional faith must transcend all doubt; and "if the Lord God placed crab-apples before me and commanded me to take and eat, I durst not ask, wherefore?" "God commands us to eat neither dirt nor crab-apples," said Zwingli.--When it came to such sharp words, the landgrave interposed somewhat, or one of the others present, Œcolampadius occasionally relieving his friend, and Melanchthon Luther. For two whole days the discussion lasted, with a diminishing prospect of agreement. The Saxons were evidently irritated by Zwingli's unconstrained behavior and bold language. He gave them plainly to understand, that he feared in Luther a sort of new Pope. "I will not have it," once dropped from the lips of the latter, "Must you then have everything just as you wish?" asked Zwingli.
It had become clear to the landgrave that a mutual understanding was impossible, and still more clear, when the Mayor of Strassburg rose up with a complaint, that Luther had also charged the preachers of his city with teaching error. This accusation should not be permitted to lie against them; he could not return home with such news. Bucer and Hedio themselves desired Luther to speak out decidedly, and prove wherein they taught falsely; but he would not do it, nor testify that they were true pastors. "I am," said he, "neither your lord nor your judge; you wish neither me nor my doctrines; our spirit and yours do not accord; therefore I will give you no testimonial. You also do not need it, for you boast everywhere, you have learned nothing from us. This, moreover, every man can see for himself, and we would not have such disciples."
"No!" exclaimed the landgrave with warmth, "you shall not separate in such a fashion, my Lords. You must draw up certain points, acceptable to both, and give them your common signature, so that an evidence, at least, of your external agreement is at hand, if that which is internal cannot be reached. Confer among yourselves how and as long as you please; but before this I cannot suffer you to depart." The theologians came together, and on the 4th of October produced fifteen articles on the chief doctrines, which were signed by Luther, Melanchton, Jonas, Osiander, Brenz, and Agricola, on the one side, and Œcolampadius, Zwingli, Bucer and Hedio on the other. The last words of it ran thus: "and although we have not been able now to agree, as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are corporeally present in the bread and wine, yet one party ought to exercise Christian charity toward the other, as far as each conscience can possible allow it, and both parties ought to beseech Almighty God fervently, to lead us by His Spirit to a right understanding. Amen."
In conclusion, the landgrave exhorted them to part as brethren. "Then Zwingli said," as Bullinger narrates, "there were no people on earth, with whom he would rather be united than the Wittenbergers, and he would cheerfully acknowledge Luther and his friends as brethren. Œcolampadius, Bucer and Hedio had also the same feeling; but Luther was by no means willing to acknowledge them as brethren in return, and said: It took him by surprise, that they would call him brother, whose doctrine on the sacrament they esteemed false; they could not themselves think much of their own." In regard to the same event, he wrote to Jacob Probst of Bremen: "They promised with many words, they would yield this much to us, that the person of Christ was really, though spiritually, present in the Holy Supper, if we would only esteem them worthy of the name of brother, and in this way feign a reconciliation. Zwingli begged it with tears in his eyes before the landgrave and all present, whilst he added: 'There are no men with whom I would rather be united than with the Wittenbergers.' With the greatest zeal and as urgently as possible they endeavored to appear in harmony with us and never could endure my saying: 'You have another spirit than we.' As often as they heard it they were inflamed. Finally, we granted so much, that it might stand at the conclusion of the article, not indeed that we were brethren, but that we would not withdraw from them our love, which is due even to an enemy. So now, the shame rests on them, that they would not receive the name of brother and must separate as heretics; meanwhile we agreed, in our controversial writings, no more to make war on each other, in the hope that the Lord would open their hearts. Thou canst tell this confidentially. As a preacher of Christ, who is the Truth, I write the truth. By it thou canst quietly oppose all liars and disturbers. They behaved toward us with incredible humanity and compliance. But, as it now appears, all was show, in order to bring about a hypocritical concord and make us the partners of their errors. O how cunning Satan is! But Christ is still wiser. He has preserved us. I am no longer surprised, if they lie shamelessly. I see that they could not do otherwise, and am glad of it; for they have reached this point under the guidance of Satan, that they betray themselves not merely by their secret intrigues, but openly before all the world."
Sad of heart, the landgrave left Marburg before Luther and Melanchton. Since concord was not to be restored among the theologians, it became so much the more necessary to secure a closer connection of the governments. He held various consultations on this subject with Zwingli, Sturm and several of their associates. The political consequences flowing from the Conference, will be detailed in the next chapter; concerning those of a religious and scientific nature, this much may be yet said:
The enemies of the combatants alone derived gain from it. Their hatred against the Reformation appeared now to be wholly justified. "Here you have," said they, "the effects, when children tear loose from the Everlasting Mother. They now turn against themselves the intellectual weapons, so highly bepraised, which they have used against us. What others are left for them against us, save those of iron?" Now, to these neither Luther nor Melanchton would have recourse. But Zwingli tried it, and--fell. The Reformation seemed about to go backward. Paralyzing formulas took the place of the living Gospel: first, the Augsburg Confession; then, the Helvetic, and for others again, the XXXIX Articles of the Episcopal Church of England. Protestant Popes rose up beside the Catholic, who, from this time forth, wore his triple crown with greater security. It is true, indeed, that Zwingli also handed in a confession of faith at the Imperial Diet, but only in defence, not to force it upon others. He expressly said, in the letter to the Emperor, which accompanied it: "I alone deliver it, without encroaching on the rights of my people." According to his view the Gospel only is unassailable. Whatever of true or false man adds to the interpretation of the Divine law, he does it on his own responsibility. With this view tolerance and love, as well as progressive science, are possible; all others lead to stiffness and intolerance, and such was the result then on all sides. Or is it perchance an evangelical spirit, which breathes in Calvin's article: "That the heretic should be punished with death," and in the funeral pile of Servetus? Were the rack-chambers of Queen Elizabeth8 much more Christian than the dragonades of Louis XIV., and did Ireland live more happily under the yoke of a High Church forced upon her, than Spain under the Inquisition? Were the persecutions begun at the Synod of Dort, justified by the anathemas, with which the Council of Trent disgraced itself?
All have erred. Instead of kindling new passions, the call of our age goes forth, to unite rather in a common acknowledgment of sin. This is the confession in which all can again find themselves; but the Gospel is the light that shows the way to reconciliation. What is there yet to hinder it? Two enemies, and in two verses a spirited poet (Goethe) has thus portrayed them:
Thou must reign through victory,
Or a servant kneel and lose,
Suffering or triumph choose,
Th' anvil or the hammer be.
This is the one; the principle of the absolutist, in a spiritual or worldly mantle; and the other, the principle of the demagogue in the Jacobin's cap, as well as in the Jesuit's garb, forms the counter-part:
'Tis foolish to wait for improvement in fools;
Ye children of prudence, make them your tools.
Of such wisdom the Gospel knows nothing; it demands fraternal assistance and love, and does not permit rank without humility, requiring from those, who stand in the highest places, subordination under God. Perhaps (for who can fathom the ways of Providence?) the adherents of the above-named principles will yet again reach out the hand of friendship to each other. Then will begin the last, severest battle; but the Gospel must triumph, for the Church of Christ, under her one, Divine Head, perpetually revealing himself in history and the power of love, is founded upon a rock; then also will all human order be custom refined by science and ennobled by art and nature, a unity in substance, with endless diversity in form--the adversary of all revolutions.
FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER SEVENTH:
Footnote 1 Which, according to the Gospel and Zwingli's views elsewhere unfolded, (see M. Huldr. Zwingli's Schriften im Auszug v. Usteri und Vœglin, Bd. I. Abth. 2, S. 387,) is one with Love.
Footnote 2 For the German translation of this passage from the Latin of Zwingli, the author was indebted to the above-mentioned work of Usteri Vœglin.
Footnote 3 All activity of the understanding is in its nature formal. Hence in order to pass over into reality, if it would become more than an exercise of the mind, which can be endlessly prolonged, it needs positive material. As soon as it transcends the positive and enters the region of so-called pure ideas, the dominion of the intellect, it runs into nothing, becomes a negation. The natural consequence of this dominion of the intellect, of which many now dream, is the popular doctrine: "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." To this the very wisest legislation of all nations has given too little attention.
Footnote 4 De Eucharistia. Zwingli's Works, by Schuler and Schultheiss, Latinorum scriptorum pars prima, p. 341.
Footnote 5 Thursday of Passion-week, 1525.
Footnote 6 Martin Luther's Works, edited by Pfizer, p. 600.
Footnote 7 Equal to 270 English miles.--Translator.
Footnote 8 Lingard's History of England, Vol. VIII. Ch. 3 and 6.
CHAPTER EIGHTH.
INTERNAL CONDITION OF SWITZERLAND AFTER THE FIRST CAMPAIGN.
THE ABBOT OF SAINT GALL. POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE
MARBURG CONFERENCE.
Zwingli's absence had lasted seven weeks, from the 3d of September to the 19th of October, 1529. On his return home, he did not find the country in that peaceful condition, which the well-disposed and the short-sighted had hoped for from the conclusion of the Landfriede (General Peace), and his arrival in no wise tended to lessen the agitation. The Landfriede granted the choice of their own ecclesiastical system to the inhabitants of the Common Territories. Where the mass had been abolished and images burned or carried away, according to its letter, they who did these things could not be punished, either in person, standing or property; but just as little, on the other hand, in places where they still existed, could those who preached a different doctrine enter, until invited by a majority of the parishioners. Special conferences between cantons were interdicted, in so far as they had reference to the affairs of the Confederacy, but allowed to those who were authorized to transact business for the Buergerrecht and alliances of like character. The following injunction was issued by the deputies of all the Thirteen Cantons: "In order that we may not be again plunged into disunion and greater discord, through reviling and recrimination, all and every one shall be specially forbidden, on pain of severe punishment, to deal in unbecoming scandal, wanton, useless and injurious words of shame, abuse, filth and insult, scornful expressions, disparagements and taunts, such as human ingenuity knows how to devise; no one shall any longer venture to pick at, assail or blacken his neighbor with slanders, books of libel, prints, sayings, songs, verses and other means of provocation; but each one shall suffer his neighbor to remain quiet, undisturbed and in every way unmolested in the enjoyment of peace." The summer of the following year was fixed upon as the time of payment for the indemnity to cover the additional expenses incurred by the war and the support of the surviving relatives of the pastor Kaiser, who was burned at the stake, and authority was given to the Reformed Cities to stop the export of provisions into the Five Cantons, in case of refusal. In regard to the rents, tithes and revenues of the monasteries and clerical foundations, they could either continue as heretofore, be allowed under changed conditions, or abolished altogether. Every one of these articles contained material for a future explosion. It was impossible to comply with them fully, because on the one side a conviction of their justice or expediency was wanting, and on the other they were considered as far too lax in their requirements--because individual cases usually occurred in such a shape that their conditions were not applicable in every particular, and finally, because the embers of passion still glowed in the bosoms of those who were in power; and among the leaders of both parties, the desire of carrying out their own ecclesiastical system or political plans outweighed their interest in the welfare of their common fatherland.
Since Catholic bailiffs ruled in the Territories, who could blame them for watching anxiously over those communities, in which the mass and images were still retained, and for striving to prevent the entrance of Reformed preaching, the influx of Zwinglian doctrines and writings? But who, on the other hand, could take umbrage, if individual members of congregations, in the wish to hear at least the new doctrines, endeavored to win over their neighbors and friends, and thus gain a majority, in order to call in a preacher? Such persons generally turned to Zurich, where they found support, whilst the bailiffs made complaint of it at the meetings of the Diet or to the Five Cantons; nor did they complain the less also of their fierce invectives, mutual strife and immunity from punishment. Here the will to punish was wanting; there the power, especially if the offenders belonged to the distinguished classes, as they frequently did. But the circumstances of the abbot and monastery of St. Gall afforded the chief material for a new quarrel; and these it will be necessary now to describe in detail.
The monastery of St. Gall, from its very origin, played an important part in the history of our fatherland; in the first centuries by its scientific reputation as a renowned and influential seminary of learning, and afterward on account of its increasing possessions, its political influence and the rank of its abbot as a prince of the empire. The abbot ruled over that tolerably extensive district, lying between Wyl and Roschach, on Lake Constance, under the title of the "Old Province," and also, from the year 1469, over the County of Toggenburg, under that of the "New Province." The abbacy of St. Gall constituted the first and most considerable of the so-called Allied Cantons; its deputies appeared at the sessions of the Diet, and its armed soldiery marched out with the other confederates in their wars. The County of Toggenburg enjoyed no mean privileges; it had the choosing of its own general council (landrath), the right of appointing lower courts, subject, it is true, to the sanction of the abbot, and for the protection of these privileges stood under one common law with the states of Schwyz and Glarus, to which, at a later period, the abbot also was admitted for the security of its rights. He had also formed an alliance with the four states, Zurich, Luzern, Schwyz and Glarus, on behalf of his possessions, by which these cantons were pledged to protect him and his abbey, with all his subjects, in their rights and liberties. For this service, half the fines accruing in the territories of St. Gall were paid over to them, and the dependants of the abbot were bound to obey their call in time of war. For the exercise of these rights and the performance of their duties, the Four Cantons, each every two years in succession, placed a governor-general at Wyl, who was ex-officio a member of the abbot's privy council, and took rank immediately after him.
This position had been filled, from the beginning of the year 1529, by Jacob Frei, a member of the Zurich Council. The abbot, Francis Geissberg, now for a long time an invalid, found it entirely beyond his power to make any effectual resistance to the attacks, by which he saw himself and his monastery threatened from the city of St. Gall, his own subjects and the Preformed Confederacy. Every day the doctrine of the unscripturalness of clerical dominion gained ground, and penetrated even among the brethren of the convent, a part of whom threw off their monkish garments. The majority, however, remained firm to their vows. The abbot, already far gone in dropsy, had himself conveyed to Roschach, where, in a fortified castle, he was more secure than in a cloister standing open to invasion from the burghers of St. Gall. There, on the 21st of March, he died, and this was the moment that Zurich and the city of St. Gall had waited for, to take measures against the monastery itself, but principally against its political rights. Meanwhile eleven of the monks, one month before, had pledged themselves under a solemn oath, even on compulsory removal from the cloister, to renounce none of the rights of the convent, but rather to uphold them in every possible manner. For six days, the death of the abbot was kept secret even in Roschach, and his food carried into him as though he were yet alive, whilst the monks assembled in Rapperschweil and there elected one of their number, Kilian German, in his stead. The news of this action awakened the liveliest displeasure among the Zurichers, who had relied on the power of the burghers of St. Gall to prevent it. But priestly cunning triumphed, and German afterward succeeded in obtaining an acknowledgment, first from two cantons of the protectorate, Luzern and Schwyz, and then with much trouble from Glarus also. Three months later, the election was ratified by Pope Clement the VII., and proofs of consideration and offers of any amount of help received from Austria.
The new abbot, a man of talent, descended from a branch of the distinguished family of the Toggenburgers, as soon as the choice had fallen on him, made known his purpose plainly, not to rest until he and his convent had come again into full possession of their rights; until the religious usages were restored, and divine worship celebrated after the old mode in the church of the foundation. But just as plainly did Zurich and St. Gall declare that this should not be. The subjects of the monastery were now roused up by Zurich, and many in Toggenburg began to hope even for complete deliverance from all foreign rule. Reconciliation had become impossible. In a letter of advice, drawn up by Zurich and St. Gall, it is expressly said: "Matters have come to this pass, that either our Lords, together with our confederates and christian fellow-citizens of St. Gall and the entire population of the abbacy (Gotteshauschente), to whom our Lords have pledged life and property, for the ministry of the Divine Word, or else Sir Kilian, the pretended abbot, must bend and break."
In this business Zwingli took a very active part. His plans in relation to it were so comprehensive that he did not look for entire approval in Zurich herself. Not only were the lawful claims of the two cantons, Luzern and Schwyz, to a share in the deliberations on the affairs of St. Gall, wholly set aside, but Glarus also was not to be heard, except in so far as she agreed with Zurich in the fundamental principle laid down by him. This principle, that all spiritual lordship is unscriptural, and therefore unjust--a principle, which he was ready to avow, defend and prove clearly on the field of science, he carried over, as already shown, into the sphere of politics and wished to apply it to a treaty made in times, when men knew nothing of it, and with parties, who did not even yet recognize it. Hence an opinion drawn up by him has this heading: "Advice how the deputies ought to treat, either with or without the deputies of Glarus, so that the monastery of St. Gall, its abbot and its monks may be surprised, overcome and put up at auction with their monkhood and lordship, and knocked down to the Four Cantons." On the margin is added: "Not to be read before the burghers" (Great Council).
It was then proposed, in plain language, to send full orders to the governor-general to call together the subjects of the abbey everywhere in their several parishes, and announce to them that Zurich was resolved, as far as lay in her power, to prevent the acknowledgment of the abbot elect and the choice of any successor; since there could be no concord between monkery and the Gospel--that she had no desire to invade the rights of the Four Cantons in their character of common wardens, and hence would act not merely in her own name, but in conjunction with Glarus, in case the latter were willing, with the proviso also of a full report to the other two cantons, "until God would make them of the same mind"--and, that it was just as much her intention to respect the rights of the people of the abbacy, with whom "she would cheerfully sit down, hear their grievances and judge therein with moderation and dispatch, as is becoming in such affairs, meanwhile pledging person and property not to suffer them to be injured or oppressed, so far as life and property can reach. Let it be known too in what a friendly and brotherly manner Zurich and Glarus have ever behaved toward their subjects, and that up to this time their rule has never been dreaded. Letters and seals should also be prepared, which, if God please, no one shall break in all coming time. All this done, the serious question should be put to the people of the abbacy, whether they will agree to break up the monastery, and if so, it shall be done promptly and peacefully, unless resistance is offered." It appears, however, that this was not anticipated, for several other doubtful points are added to the opinion, with the express injunction: "These must not be made known to the people of the abbacy, until the business is finished." But if peaceful measures did not suffice to carry out the plan, compulsion was to be used: "If any one wishes to fight, an appeal for help shall be made to our confederates of St. Gall and the people of the abbacy, and with God's favor the places shall be taken by force of arms." As soon as they are taken, Luzern and Schwyz shall be written to, and the proceeding justified on the score of necessity, the hostility of the abbot against Zurich, and the urgent need of the people of the abbacy. Meanwhile those monks, who can be caught, shall be thrown into prison, a thorough search made, inventories drawn up, and "if the treasure cannot be found, the monks who know anything about it, shall be further questioned upon oath, until the whole truth come to light. When everything is finished and sealed before the government at Zurich, the people of the abbacy shall take the oath of allegiance, whilst Toggenburg is silenced by hopes of greater freedom." In fine, the opinion gives it as the aim of all these counsels, "that the monk may no longer be a stallion to beget more of his kind, but bridled, harnessed and taught to obey the rein."
This plan was certainly radical, but not evangelical. It was not possible that Luzern and Schwyz; not possible that the Catholic cantons generally, could suffer these violations of Confederate faith, and of sealed treaties to pass by unheeded. And Glarus, although the majority of her people sympathized in Zwingli's views of the unscriptural character of spiritual lordship, and were by no means favorable to the abbot and his rule, nevertheless felt hurt by the arbitrary action of Zurich and the air of guardianship which she assumed even toward her.
Bern also was far from sharing in the unbridled zeal of her sister city on the Limath, whose intervention in the affairs of St. Gall was not the least among the reasons, that held her sword in the scabbard, during the first campaign, in the summer of the year 1529. But then Zurich endeavored to defend the steps she had taken against the abbot by the articles of the Landfriede; this treaty, it was said, would secure the city of St. Gall from punishment for what she had permitted in regard to the monastery, for its occupation, the disorders which had ensued, and the removal of the images from the churches, as well as confirm and guarantee peace to those parishes in Toggenburg, where the preaching of the Gospel and a synodical rule had been introduced by the advice of Zwingli. The political relations, both of the people of the abbacy and of the Toggenburgers remained in an unsettled state. Had the Five Cantons known it, they never would have approved of conditions, by which the abbot could be deprived of his territorial rights.
During the campaign he had fled to Bregenz and Ueberlingen, carrying along the archives and jewels of the monastery. With his conventuals, who had found refuge at Einsiedeln in Schwyz, he kept up a constant correspondence. Through his relatives he secured a devoted party in Toggenburg, and, by means of the monies at his command, adherents in various parts of Switzerland to undertake and further his cause. After the conclusion of the Landfriede (General Peace) he ventured to return home again, and even rode through a portion of the Zurichan territory in disguise. Zwingli's stay in Marburg was of great service to him. He furnished the different parishes in Glarus with his authentic titles. There was a powerful movement amongst the people, but the Reformed majority triumphed in the end. The deputies to a conference of the four protectorate cantons at Wyl received a commission to act in harmony with Zurich; but numbers of the opposite party withdrew reluctantly from the assembly, lamenting "that old letters and seals had no more value, since many a Saint Friedli1 hung miserable, naked and bare on the rolls of parchment."
At this conference of the protectorate cantons held at Wyl, the abbot wished to conduct his cause in person. Zurich, to whom his absence was all-important, sent an order to the governor-general secretly to fill the castle with a garrison of trusty men. Kilian, learning this and fearing an ambuscade, staid away; but the people of the abbacy appeared before the deputies of the cantons with a petition, which showed that they knew how to carry out the doctrine of the unscriptural character of spiritual lordship to a further extent than was pleasant even to Zurich herself. "Accordingly, since the Holy Word of God does not direct or oblige us, we do not wish henceforth to have this or any other abbot; and because we are without court or council, and so exposed to outrage that no one scarcely is safe, we desire permission to have a chief-bailiff, a court, a council and similar officers of our own, so that crime may be punished, the peaceful and good protected, evil-doers suppressed, and a happy life led; for, as we pay rents and tithes we ought not to be left without law; and that you may see we do not ask for anything unreasonable, aged persons can yet be found, who remember that such a chief-bailiff and council, as we now desire, formerly existed among the people of the abbacy."
None of the Four Cantons was at all willing to grant this petition. The deputies of Luzern and Schwyz simply defended the rights of the abbot, complained to the Zurichers of the tyrannical proceeding of their governor-general and requested the removal of the garrison from the castle. Zurich and Glarus endeavored to quiet the people of the abbacy by promising to send home a report and afterward to communicate the views of their governments. The resolution now passed by the privy council of Zurich plainly unfolds its policy in this affair.--"Whereas you, our worthy deputies," so it reads, "cannot but see and regard the petition of the people of the abbacy as a desire, under show of a good spirit, to obtain the liberty of the flesh, to shake off authority, to lay hold of the rein with their own hands and appropriate to themselves power and rule, and the administration of the higher offices; and as you also cannot presume, that either you or we of the two cantons (Zurich and Glarus) have a right to act in this matter without the knowledge and approval of the other cantons; you will perceive that it is not advisable to grant them, just at this time, a chief bailiff, judge, council and high courts of dignity and appeal; we are only able, in order that they may have no reason to complain about justice and law, to allow them now, in the beginning, to fill the lower courts, as they have come down from antiquity, with honest, upright, sensible and God-loving men, but the principal posts of government, the high offices, to which sovereignty pertains, must continue as they are, until it is seen what course the abbot and the two cantons, who support him, will take." It was then proposed, to place the chief power in the hands of the governor-general for the interim, to associate with him for this purpose able men, and appoint them a court of appeal in judicial cases; but for the final settlement of affairs, to call together a second conference of the four protectorate cantons, and should Luzern and Schwyz refuse to take part in it, to signify to them, that they were determined to proceed without them. "It is then to be presumed," continues the letter of advice to the deputies, "if they thus see, that the abbot cannot be restored, they will quietly agree with us of the two cantons to take charge of the government. But should they persevere in their opposition and attempt to use any force on behalf of the abbot against our purpose and that of the honest people, it will then be our duty to curb force with force, until honest people, perchance our Confederates of Bern and others shall interpose and help to make a treaty of peace. And then indeed it will be discovered, whose shall be the rule and authority, and who shall be lord or servant, and thereby the desire for self-government among the people of the abbacy shall be broken and every thing rightly settled, ordered and secured by charter, how and in what form, henceforth, court, law, dignities, offices and all authorities shall be held, and how and what grievances shall be redressed for the honest people."
Zurich acted from this time forward, in accordance with these views, and at the close of the year, after Luzern and Schwyz had repeatedly declined to take part in a second conference, she issued, in connection with Glarus, an ordinance, of which the following is the substance: "Henceforth the governor-general is the chief ruler of the abbey-territory. As heretofore he shall be appointed for a term of two years by each of the four protectorate cantons in succession. He shall take an oath to favor the Divine Word and protect the same. Only then are his subjects bound to obey him. This governor is to be supreme judge, instead of the imperial bailiff. The high court shall consist, besides him, of twelve men, of whom he has the selection of four, and the territory of the other eight. In conjunction with these, or a majority of them, he shall appoint also the officers of the territory. The parishes shall be left free to choose their own preachers, who, however, must be examined and approved, either at Zurich, St. Gall or Constance. Only with the consent of the governor and the twelve can they be removed, or suspended from office. Rents, tithes and other lawful taxes, which are to be applied according to a former resolution, shall be paid over to a receiver, appointed by the city of St. Gall, who shall render a faithful account of the same. Whatever unchristian burdens have been laid upon the poor inhabitants by superstition or monkish rule, shall be abolished, and in order that the honest people may be the better able to help the poor in these dear times, the two cantons cheerfully authorize them to appropriate the ornaments and jewels of the churches to this more christian purpose."
In vain did the abbot protest against these arrangements; in vain did he threaten to look out for other protectorate cantons; in vain did he beg for active interference on the part of Luzern and Schwyz. Still discouraged by the untoward issue of the first campaign, they advised him to yield for a while, in hope that affairs would take a more favorable turn, and indeed thought it best that he should withdraw for a time. This he did, and went to Ueberlingen, where, in the beginning of the year 1530, amid much rejoicing, he found the object of his desires.
The proceeding of Zurich against the abbot and the monastery was carried on mainly by Zwingli; and that with increased zeal since his return to the fatherland. More and more, after the Marburg Conference, did he display the character of a politician--sometimes daring in the choice of his means. Thus he was to show himself to be only a man; and, as the most influential statesmen are very often obliged to do, as a vehement man; forever striking must the contrast remain between the greatest of all ages and all countries, and Him, who was indeed tempted in all things like as we are, but who alone was never overcome.
Without doubt the Savior of the world directed his attention to political life, and Christianity and politics are in no wise antagonistic. On the contrary, it is the aim of Christianity to elevate and ennoble even earthly relations; it is the true religion of the people. No saying is so misunderstood, so entirely twisted from its real meaning, as that uttered by Christ: "My kingdom is not of this world." This earth, the theatre of divine love and power, is represented as a vale of tears--a welcome doctrine to all secular and spiritual lords, who, through its spread, have only the less opposition to fear against their iron rule; and, only the more secure in the enjoyment of their state, agree in making it truly an abode of sorrow to millions of their subjects. There is no doubt that Christianity teaches us to bear and suffer; no doubt that it says: "Whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also," and "whosoever shall compel thee to go with him one mile, go with him twain;" no doubt that it teaches the duty of submission to rulers, and has no sympathy with rebellion and self-aid, by resort to arms; yet far more strongly and impressively does this same Christianity speak to magistrates and rulers, and tell them? that men are not born lords and slaves, but brethren, and that they are the greatest who are the servants of all. Christianity wishes no forms of government, nor will it make them lawful, yea necessary, whilst overgrown wealth may find out means to chain down despairing poverty, by which reckless debauchery may riot in palaces, whilst in the hut, hard by, the restless laborer cannot earn bread enough to prolong his miserable existence. It will have the right to moderate enjoyment purchased by self-control and self-denial, and the capability to govern proven by the capability and practice of obedience; along with greater rights it places greater duties; with greater advantages it invariably connects greater burdens--and whilst it enjoins submission to God as an equal duty upon all, it does not make order in the state rest upon parchments or voluminous codes of laws, upon standing armies or public prisons, but upon the law written in the heart, upon love and a sense of duty.
Whether the time has ever arrived in any single country for such a transformation of politics, such a religious consecration of the forms of public life, is quite another question. That it did not exist in the days of Christ, that the seed was then only planted in the earth, to spring up afterward, when watered by the noblest blood, he himself has acknowledged and declared; but that the hour will yet come, when the grain of mustard-seed will grow up into a great tree and overshadow all the earth with its branches, he has also proclaimed; and happy the rulers, happy the law-givers, who have power to understand their great mission in the light of true Christianity. Why was the first appearance of the Reformers hailed with such universal joy, their annunciation of the Gospel with such hosannas, by the people? Because the presentiment had been awakened in millions of hearts that the day of freedom was dawning and the hour of their deliverance from spiritual and corporeal bondage had arrived. But what could liberty do for minors, who had been neglected for centuries, for the uneducated, for congregations without schools and incapable of comprehending the better religious instruction, which made but slow progress from the lack of qualified teachers? Fanatics, like the leaders of the Anabaptists, took hold of their excited minds and caused Luther and Zwingli to tremble at the consequences of their own boldness. The bands which were loosened, were partly drawn tighter again by Luther in monarchical Germany, in that he adhered the firmer to belief upon authority2, and by Zwingli in republican Switzerland, in that, from the man of the people, he became the man of the government. Moreover the necessary enthusiasm among the people died away, till an hour of later trial, and it became an easier thing for the active enemies of the Reformation to awaken repentance in some, produce indifference in others, and win over individuals by means of promises. To the subjects of the abbot they used language like this: "What do you gain by casting off allegiance to your former sovereign, when you only get a severer one in his stead? Far more seldom does an ecclesiastical government call out its people to war; it gives a more efficient support to the poor; it does not lessen, nay rather increases the number of holidays; preaches no austere and gloomy morality; is patient and long-suffering, provided only no attack be made upon the faith." There were not a few, who lent open ears to such appeals. At a conference between their deputies and those of the Glarners at Wyl, the Zurichers were obliged to feel this. Envoys came also from Luzern and Schwyz, and the newly reviving party of the old faith rallied around them. Then arose a tumult among the latter, and for a moment the danger was so great that the Glarners meditated flight, but the Zurichers ordered an alarm to be sounded. The people ran in from all sides, and the majority was found favorable to the Reformation, at least not hostile to Zurich. This soon appeared in their language and behavior. A treaty was now concluded between the parties, and the provisional government of the Zurich captain acknowledged and guaranteed by a permanent garrison of trusty soldiers in the castle. But Luzern and Schwyz renowned their complaints before a conference of the Five Cantons, and it was resolved to appeal to Bern with a full representation of the faithless conduct of Zurich in the affair of St. Gall, and an earnest protest against it. Two skillful orators, the schultheiss Golder of Luzern, and Joseph Amberg of Schwyz, were commissioned to do this. They behaved with great propriety and moderation, promising, on their part, a careful guard over their own people, and a strict observance of the Landfriede: "Dear Confederates," so they said at the close of their speech, "we place in your hands our fate, as well as our rights. Both we believe have been grossly violated by the conduct of Zurich. If we are wrong, then point out to us the rule; if the men of Zurich, then will you not be willing to support them in it; but believe not us alone, hear also the men of Zurich; believe not them alone, hear us also. Indeed! we only desire to abide by sealed treaties." Haller, who immediately reported it to Zwingli, did not conceal from him the fearful impression, which this speech made upon public opinion. "They have not," he added with anxiety, "yet deceived us; but they will." But it was not merely the affair of St. Gall, which began to awaken discord in the relations between Zurich and Bern. There was something far more important still. And here it becomes necessary to give a general sketch of the political views, which Zwingli had brought back from Marburg.