Romans 15
ROMANS 15
LIVING THE CHRISTIAN LIFE (12:1—15:13), cont.
Jewish and Gentile Believers Must Welcome One Another (15:1–13)
Paul concludes his exhortation from 14:1–23 by calling believers not just to tolerate but also to serve one another’s interests (to “please” one another, 15:1–3).1 Just as those who are physically strong would be expected to help2 weaker family members, Paul reminds those apt to criticize the “weak” that they should be helping them instead (15:1). Echoing the context, the “weak” refer to those weak in faith hence abstaining from particular foods lest they injure their relationship with God (14:1–2).3 Paul ranks himself among the “strong” here, and will soon offer himself as an example of serving the poor saints in Jerusalem (15:25–27). “Build up” in 15:2 evokes 14:19–20, where believers should build up (by the fruit of the Spirit) rather than tear down one another over foods.
“Pleasing” others rather than oneself (15:1–3) refers not to entertaining every whim, but to being considerate of what might cause them to stumble. Although Paul regarded circumcision as too much to ask of Gentiles, for Gentiles to accommodate Jewish food tastes in mixed company was a minimal sacrifice for the objective of unity in Christ’s body.4 Christ offered the example of this readiness to forgo pleasing himself; in 15:3 Paul cites Ps 69:9 from a psalm of a righteous sufferer, applied par excellence to Jesus (cf. John 2:17 for a different part of the same verse; Matt 27:34 for Ps 69:21). Here Jesus suffers on behalf of God, offering a model of laying down one’s desires to serve others.
Explaining why he has cited Ps 69:9 for hortatory purposes, Paul notes that Scripture was written to teach believers (15:4). He believed that the events actually happened partly for later generations to learn from (1 Cor 10:6, 11), but here emphasizes more precisely that they were written for this purpose. He does not treat them as symbols of later realities, but indicates that one may learn by analogy from examples. The Scriptures were meant to sustain hope through “endurance” (nrsv “steadfastness”) and “encouragement” (Rom 15:4).5 Paul has earlier emphasized “endurance” (2:7; 12:12) and its role in serving hope (5:3–4; 8:25); the term for “encouragement” here includes also “exhortation” (as in 12:8). God gives endurance and encouragement (15:5) through Scripture (15:4), and Paul prays that God will give them the same mind toward one another (15:5; cf. comment on this exhortation in 12:16).6 That is, Paul’s exhortations from Scripture throughout this letter have been to help them endure the tensions and to come into unity.
As Jesus is the example for not seeking one’s own interests (15:3), he is also the example for seeking this unity: they should have the same mind “according to [the standard of] Christ Jesus” (15:5; cf. Phil 2:1–11, esp. 2:2–5; see comment on 12:16). Believers may with united voice glorify the Father (15:6) just as Jesus prayed to the Father in 15:3 (and establishes Gentiles’ praise in 15:9–12). Believers should again follow Jesus’s example by accepting one another as he accepted all of them (15:7). This expectation climaxes the section’s opening exhortation to accept one another (14:1) because of God’s acceptance (14:3). That Christ accepted believers to the Father’s “glory” (15:7) fits the exhortation to “glorify” God together (15:6), a model relevant for Gentile believers (15:9).
Lest we suppose that Paul envisions the need for unity in the Roman church in a purely abstract or theoretical way, Paul appeals to Christ’s example as one who served both Israel (15:8) and the Gentiles (15:9). In 15:8 he returns to his emphasis on God’s faithfulness to his promises to the ancestors (9:4; 11:26–27; cf. God being “true” in 3:4), though Gentile believers have also been grafted into these (4:13–16; cf. Gal 3:14–29). (Although Paul will offer other biblical support first, citing Christ as a “servant” for Gentiles as well as for Israel may also prefigure his citation about the suffering servant in 15:21, and recall 10:15–16.) In 15:9 he begins his final major collection of citations, a rhetorical climax and his most compelling exegetical case for Gentile inclusion, reserved for the finale of his letter’s body.7 Jewish interpreters often linked biblical texts based on a common key term or concept, and Paul here links four texts about Gentiles, implying their faith. Many texts revealed God’s interest in Gentiles praising him, sometimes along with his people (15:9–10) and under the same king of Israel in whom even Gentiles would hope (15:12).
Paul thus summons believers to common, cross-cultural worship of the one God (15:6–12; cf. 3:30). In glorifying God, Gentile believers (15:9) along with Jewish ones (15:6) would follow the faithful steps of their ancestor Abraham (4:20). Gentiles glorify God for his mercy (15:9) as Paul did in 11:33–36—Paul has already shown how Gentiles receive “mercy” (9:15–24) as part of God’s plan that includes Israel as well (11:30–32). In 15:9 Paul cites Ps 18:49, which illustrates that God would be glorified among the nations.8 In 15:10 he cites Deut 32:43, a context familiar from 10:19 and 12:19; that Gentiles rejoice “with his people” (in the Greek version) fits Paul’s theme.9 In 15:11 he cites Ps 117:1.10 Paul’s final citation of Isa 11:10 (in Rom 15:12) is particularly compelling; no one disputed that this root of Jesse (the restored stump of David’s line) was messianic (Isa 11:1–11; cf. Rom 1:3).11 This messiah would bring salvation and the knowledge of God to all nations (Isa 11:9–10; though he would remove the wicked, 11:4), and would likewise precipitate the restoration of the scattered Jewish people (Isa 11:11–16). Paul follows the common Greek translation, in which the Gentiles will hope on him, which Paul undoubtedly understands salvifically (cf. Rom 5:2–5; 1 Cor 15:19).
Paul concludes these texts with a prayer for them: as he has spoken of Scripture providing hope (15:4) and Gentiles hoping in Christ (“will hope” being the final term in 15:12), he now invokes the God of hope (15:13). Earlier in the letter he has established that the way of faith allows Gentiles to be accepted alongside Jews. Now he speaks of joy and peace in this way of believing (15:13). As Paul has already argued, it is not laws but the Spirit that brings “joy and peace” (14:17), here available through trust (like righteousness elsewhere in Romans, cf. 5:1); the Spirit also ultimately sustains hope (5:5; Gal 5:5). “Peace” is partly relational (with one another, 12:18; 14:19).
CLOSING OF ROMANS (15:14—16:27)
As in some other letters, Paul concludes with important closing business (Rom 15:14–33; cf. 1 Cor 16:1–18) before turning to final greetings (Rom 16:1–16, 21–23), exhortations (16:17–20), and praise (16:25–27).
Paul’s Missionary Program (15:14–33)
Having completed the body of his argument, Paul now turns to something more like a normal letter closing.12 Whenever their subject did not demand otherwise, speakers and writers liked to build rapport with their audience, assuring them of confidence in them.13 Paul thus assures the believers in Rome that he does not assume that they need all his exhortations; he is simply reminding them of values that he trusts they already know and share (15:14–15).14 They were “full” of goodness and had been “filled” with knowledge (both in contrast to the wicked of 1:29). They thus would be able to admonish one another on their own (Rom 15:14; cf. 1 Thess 5:14; contrast 1 Cor 4:14).15
If Paul has written “boldly,” it is not because he thinks ill of them but because God has given him special grace to impart to them in this way (15:15; cf. 1:11–12).16 He had earlier spoken through “the grace given to me” in calling them to humble cooperation (12:3), “grace given” representing a ministry gifting from God (12:6). God has graced Paul in a special way as a minister to Gentiles (1:13; 11:13), hence his ministry to them, both by this letter now and eventually in person (15:24, 28–29).
In particular, God has called him to offer the good news as a priest (hierourgeō), so he might offer the Gentiles as a “pleasing offering” to God, consecrated by the Holy Spirit (15:16). By reminding Gentiles to remain in unity with their Jewish siblings, hence their sacred “root” (11:16), Paul seeks to fulfill his (figuratively) priestly office.17 His words recall his earlier summons to the believers to offer themselves as living sacrifices “pleasing” to God (12:1) by engaging in humble cooperation (12:3). Drawing on an image from the law, Paul is careful to attribute the consecration (using the verb hagiazō) to the same source as all new life (8:2–13), the Holy (hagios) Spirit (cf. the connection between the “Holy” Spirit and holiness, or separation to God, also in 1 Thess 4:7–8.) Believers become consecrated to God at conversion in Christ (1 Cor 1:2; 6:11), hence are called “saints” (hagioi, holy or consecrated ones; Rom 1:7; 8:27; 16:2, 15), but as in 6:11 Paul wants to help them “be” what they “are” (cf. 2 Cor 7:1; 1 Thess 3:13).
While Paul has disavowed all boasting in works (2:23; 3:27; 4:2),18 he is ready to boast in what Christ has worked19 through him (Rom 15:17–19; cf. 1 Cor 1:31; 2 Cor 10:17). Paul is explaining the importance of the “grace given to him” to share with them (15:15), hence why they should heed him. The goal of his ministry (presenting Gentiles as an offering to God, 15:16) is Gentiles’ obedience in word and deed20 (15:18), precisely what Paul wishes to accomplish among them (1:5; 16:26). Christ has been achieving this obedience through Paul by means of the power of the Spirit (15:19), the same “power” active in believers’ lives and ultimately in their resurrection (cf. Rom 1:4; 15:13; 1 Cor 2:4; 1 Thess 1:5).21 This power of the Spirit (cf. Acts 10:38) was also expressed in “signs and wonders” (as in 2 Cor 12:12; cf. Acts 2:22, 43; 14:3; 15:12). If Paul’s hearers had not caught earlier prophetic allusions in his comparisons with Moses (Rom 9:3) or Elijah (Rom 11:2), the mention of “signs and wonders” should have evoked the exodus and ministry of Moses (Exod 7:3; 11:9–10; Deut 4:34; 6:22; 7:19; 11:3; 26:8; 34:11; Jer 32:20–21; Wis 10:15–16; Bar 2:11). Paul not only theologized about a new exodus (Rom 8:14–17), he was an agent demonstrating its current reality (cf. the comparison with Moses in 2 Cor 3:7–18). Miraculously, Paul had preached from Jerusalem22 as far as Illyricum (Rom 15:19), just as he planned to evangelize in Spain (15:24, 28). Illyricum was on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, across from Italy. The province was technically north of Macedonia, but he may mean Illyris Graeca in western Macedonia,23 or simply that he went “up to” (the border of) Illyricum.24 (His belief that the full measure of Gentiles will precede Israel’s deliverance, articulated in 11:25–26, undoubtedly motivated his Gentile mission, including finally Spain,25 which was often said to be at the ends of the earth.)26
Why then has Paul not come to them in person? It is obvious that he does not underestimate their strategic importance; people in antiquity simply would not write letters of this length without a significant purpose. But while Paul is eager to bring good news to believers in Rome, his primary mission is to bring the good news to unevangelized regions (15:20–22),27 hence only now that he had completed this ministry is he ready to come to them (15:23). Paul was a foundation layer (1 Cor 3:10), and did not want to squander his ministry time simply building on a foundation already laid (Rom 15:20; cf. 2 Cor 10:13–16).28 Paul did not need to reach every individual; he believed that once an indigenous church was founded, it could reach its own culture.29
Paul in 15:21 provides a biblical argument for this agenda from Isa 52:15, a context he knows well (Isa 52:7 in Rom 10:15; Isa 53:1 in Rom 10:16).30 The immediate context involves God’s suffering servant (Isa 52:13—53:12), and Paul chooses the one verse of the passage that specifically refers to Gentiles coming to know (52:15), a verse that coheres with his interpretation of Isa 65:1 in Rom 10:20 (where God is found by some who did not seek him). The Gentile response in 52:15 contrasted with Israel’s negative response to the servant in 53:1–3—which Paul quoted in Rom 10:16.
Paul now explains both his plans to visit them (15:23–24, 28–29) and the one remaining mission that will delay him a bit longer before he can come (15:25–27). Paul’s mission to the unevangelized will take him to Spain (15:24, 28), allowing him to visit Rome en route (15:23–24, 28–29). (We should keep in mind that ancient travel took time, and it would also incur great expense, especially given Paul’s standard practice of bringing fellow workers.) Spain was part of the Latin west, closely connected with Rome,31 so Paul would undoubtedly start in the Roman colonies in Spain, where Latin was spoken.32 Whereas he had normally started in synagogues where available (e.g., 2 Cor 11:24; Acts 13:5), in Spain he might have to break further new ground, because so far we have little evidence for a significant number of Jews in Spain during this period.33
His connection of his visit to the Roman believers with the Spanish mission functions partly as a polite form of request; to be “sent on his way” (15:24) implies not only provision while in Rome but also at least his ship fare to Spain. Nevertheless, such hospitality was a treasured value in Paul’s day and the believers would likely have counted it a special privilege to partner with an important apostle in this way—they might well do more than he requests here.34 Paul’s expectation of financial support at least for his voyage to Spain does not demand more of believers in Rome than the mission demands elsewhere (cf. the significant offerings in 15:25–27). That he frames the mission to Jerusalem with his Roman and Spanish plans (15:24, 28) suggests that whereas the eastern church has covered the Jerusalem offering (though Roman Gentiles, too, should have been obligated, 15:27), the Roman believers can sponsor a different, groundbreaking ministry of the apostle.
Eager as Paul is to visit the western Mediterranean, he must first return to Jerusalem (15:25) where his mission began (15:19). He does not expect this final mission in the east (15:25–27) to delay him long unless he meets trouble there, but is concerned that trouble is a possibility (15:30–32).35 Paul’s mission of laying foundations for the unevangelized (15:20) coheres with his mission of keeping the new Diaspora churches in spiritual unity with the Jerusalem church despite all their differences.36 It also provides a model for the unity of the culturally different Jewish and Gentile believers in Rome.37 If Paul, apostle to the Gentiles (11:13; 15:18–29), serves needs in Jerusalem, then Gentile believers more generally should look out for their Jewish siblings in Christ (cf. 11:18; probably relevant to law-observers in 15:1). Moreover, and in the immediate context, if the eastern churches have supported Paul’s Jerusalem mission, the believers in Rome should support his Spanish mission, which is in their direct sphere of cultural influence (15:24, 28). Paul’s report also implies that the eastern churches trust him financially (a reputation for integrity that Paul was careful to maintain, 1 Cor 16:3–4; 2 Cor 8:19–21).
The collection for the poor believers38 in Jerusalem was in fact a major concern in this phase of Paul’s ministry (1 Cor 16:1–4; 2 Cor 8—9; cf. Gal 2:10). While most passages concerning the collection stress concern for the recipients’ needs and God’s glory, this passage illumines another aspect of his motivation: Gentile or mixed Diaspora churches showing their appreciation for the Jerusalem church. Ancient Mediterranean culture emphasized the obligation of reciprocity (cf. note on 1:12), which involved repayment, but not in kind (e.g., one repaid economic benefactors with honor, not money; cf. Paul’s adaptation of the principle in 2 Cor 9:11–15). Thus Paul speaks of Gentiles’ spiritual “debt” to those in whose spiritual blessings (such as are listed in Rom 9:4–5, many elements of which Paul elsewhere attributes to all believers) they now share.39 Some have compared the collection to the annual temple tax from the Diaspora to Jerusalem (a comparison that explains the mechanics better than the motivation).40 Some have also compared the Jewish expectation of Gentiles bringing tribute to Jerusalem in the end time (Isa 45:14; 60:6–10; 66:20), which might be how the Jerusalem church could have viewed the offering.41 Such a significant symbol of unity might help reduce the slanders that Paul’s mission was not producing true converts to Israel’s faith (cf. Acts 21:21; Gal 5:11–12). Indeed, Paul’s “ministry” to Jerusalem (Rom 15:31) was linked to his “ministry” to Gentiles (11:13); very possibly he hoped to provoke his people to jealousy, hence hopefully contribute to their turning and the consummation of God’s plan (11:14–15).42 No other similarly-sized Jewish groups could boast an analogous proportion of Gentile converts that might be construed as the beginning of the eschatological harvest of Gentiles.
Paul employs a variety of terms like “service” and “sharing,”43 viewing this economic help as ministry. Despite Paul’s earlier concern (2 Cor 8:11; 9:3–4), Corinth (leading the province of Achaia) has joined the Macedonian churches (including Philippi and Thessalonica) in supporting Paul’s collection. Paul must figuratively “fix his seal” on the collection (Rom 15:28); business texts used such language for securing containers to prevent loss (as commentators often note), but also for attesting or certifying something’s content.44
In 15:30 Paul solicits prayers (as in 2 Cor 1:11; Phil 1:19; 1 Thess 5:25; 2 Thess 3:1; Phlm 22), in this case for protection in Judea and that the Jerusalem church will welcome the offering (Rom 15:31). Some doubt that the church accepted his offering, but that suspicion seems misplaced. Rejecting a gift was culturally tantamount to declaring enmity,45 and the leaders of the Jerusalem church had initially requested such help (Gal 2:10). Luke probably makes little of the collection in Acts (24:17) simply because it was not relevant in his day. Paul’s concern of hostility in Jerusalem, however, seems to have materialized. The mention of the “disobedient” in Judea recalls Paul’s understanding that Scripture predicted this disobedience (Rom 10:21) and that it remained part of God’s plan for all humanity (11:30–32).
Only success and safety in Jerusalem would guarantee Paul’s ability to proceed with the following mission in the west, when Paul could find “rest” among them (15:32; for such hospitality, cf. 1 Cor 16:18; 2 Cor 7:13; Phlm 7). As it turned out, from Luke’s subsequent perspective, God spared Paul’s life and got him to Rome despite and ultimately even by means of hostility in Jerusalem (Acts 21–28). Paul elsewhere invokes the “God of peace” (Rom 15:33; 1 Thess 5:23), but the phrase seems particularly apropos when addressing divided congregations (Rom 16:20; Phil 4:9).46
1. Some early manuscripts omit Rom 15–16, probably due to Marcionite influence; yet Paul does not complete the thought of 14:1–23 until 15:7 at the earliest.
2. “Bearing burdens” (cf. Gal 6:2, 5) might possibly remind this exhortation’s largely Gentile hearers that Israel “bore” them (Rom 11:18). For the ideal of the stronger protecting the weaker, see e.g., 1 Thess 5:14; Mitchell 1991: 127; Stoics in Cicero Fin. 3.20.66; Seneca Ep. Lucil. 90.5; for the greater protecting and ruling the lesser, Dio Chrysostom Or. 3.62; for the “weak” as those dependent on rules, Seneca Ep. Lucil. 94.50. For the terms regarding social strength, see Dio Chrysostom Or. 38.31; Mitchell 1991: 126–27; for philosophers’ self-view, see Arius Didymus Epit. 2.7.11g, p. 72.18.
3. Paul employed this designation with regard to abstainers from idol food in 1 Cor 8:7–12. His language in that passage seems to have been borrowed from the “strong”; he certainly did not approve of eating food offered to idols (see Keener 2005b: 73, 87–88; Garland 2003a; idem 2003b: 365–66, 395). “Strong” is presumably the group’s self-designation here as well.
4. Paul disapproved “pleasing” people at the expense of disobeying God (Gal 1:10; 1 Thess 2:4); but he was ready to “please” people strategically for their spiritual welfare (1 Cor 10:33).
5. On comfort through Scripture, see e.g., 2 Macc 15:9; on hope, e.g., T. Jud. 26:1.
6. Addressed grammatically to them but implicitly to God, this is a blessing or “wishprayer” (see Wiles 1974: 25–29, 71).
7. Verse 4 shows the emphasis Paul places on biblical support. For clinching finales, see e.g., Isaeus Hagnias 50; Cicero Quinct. 25.78–80. For the sake of the most biblically literate, he apparently samples the major parts of the canon (writings, law, and prophets; Jewett 2007: 893) to show how pervasive the interest is in Scripture. LXX Isaiah in particular exhibited an ethnically universalist agenda (Roetzel 2003: 52).
8. He might also cite it as a Davidic psalm. It might also be understood as the Messiah’s prayer (as in Rom 15:3), given the LXX mention of “Christ” in the next verse (cf. also Johnson 2001: 219). See for this Hays 2005: 102 (who notes on 107 that Paul’s repertoire of psalms applied to Christ’s prayers share the superscription eis to telos, “for the end,” which early Christians may have viewed as eschatologically significant).
9. Paul’s “again” for providing another citation is not unusual style (Musonius Rufus 5, p. 50.14–15.
10. The reason for praise in Ps 117:1 appears in v. 2: God’s “mercy” (relevant to Rom 15:9) and “truth” (relevant to 15:8). Hays (1989: 71–72) notes that “mercy” also appears in Ps 18:50, after the verse cited in Rom 15:10.
11. Starting with this passage, “root” or “shoot” sometimes became a messianic title, like “branch” in Isa 11:1.
12. See the comparisons with Paul’s other letter conclusions in Moo 1996: 884. The section recalls themes from 1:8–15 (with e.g., Kennedy 1984: 154; Lung-Kwong 1998: 159; Talbert 2002: 327; Harvey 1998: 138; Jewett 2007: 902). For the “apostolic parousia” structure here, see Funk 1967: 251–53; this fits letters’ interest in announcing the writer’s coming.
13. See Olson 1985; Stowers 1986: 128–30; in antiquity, John Chrysostom Hom. Rom. 29; Ambrosiaster. Such expressions of confidence were also common before requests (cf. 15:24–28; see Olson 1985: 286).
14. See e.g., epistolary “reminders” in Cicero Fam. 13.75.1; Pliny Ep. 8.24.1, 10; in other exhortation, e.g., Isocrates Demon. 21; Cicero Font. 13.28; idem Amic. 22.85; Epictetus Disc. 4.4.29; 4.13.23; different sources in Aune 1987: 191.
15. A role usually assigned to teachers and elders (e.g., Iamblichus Pyth. Life 22.101; 33.231), but among Epicureans shared by all (Jewett 2007: 904–5; cf. Malherbe 1986: 48). Notably, Paul assigns the role to all members, not to the “strong” (Jewett 2007: 905). For “letters of admonition,” see Stowers 1986: 125–32. “All knowledge” is conventional hyperbole (e.g., Let. Aris. 139, 239) in contrast to the ideal Stoic (which involves idealization; e.g., Arius Didymus Epit. 2.7.11m, p. 94.5).
16. Admitting that he has spoken “boldly” may reflect the rhetorical technique of parrēsia (cf. Anderson 2000: 94).
17. We should not read into this depiction later sacerdotal functions borrowed from Gentile civic religion, though Paul probably applies the image to gospel ministry (cf. 1 Cor 9:13) in a manner somewhat different from the “priesthood of believers” more generally (Rom 12:1; also the evocation of Exod 19:6 in 1 Pet 2:9; Rev 1:6; 5:10).
18. Though Paul spoke “daringly” (tolmēros, 15:15) about Christ, he would not “dare” (tolmaō) to boast of himself (15:18). On the impropriety of boasting, see e.g., Plutarch De laude; Forbes 1986.
19. In 7:8, 13, 15, 17, 18, 20, sin “worked” (katergazomai) in the person under law, beyond the person’s volition; here Paul credits Christ for the good work in him (cf. Christ working through him in Col 1:29, albeit with a different verb).
20. “Word and deed” appears throughout ancient sources as a way of summarizing all behavior or demonstrating behavioral consistency with verbal claims.
21. On the connection of “power” and the Spirit in Paul, see also Gräbe 1992; elsewhere, e.g., Ps. Sol. 17:37 (for the Messiah); L.A.B. 27:10; but especially Mic 3:8; Zech 4:6.
22. The ideal starting point in Acts 1:8; cf. Paul’s ministry there in Acts 9:28–29. Paul was converted and did some ministry near Damascus (Acts 9:19–22; Gal 1:17; 2 Cor 11:32), but counts his mission from Jerusalem. His language here indicates clearly a circuitous route (e.g., Moo 1996: 895), but some think that it also suggests that he had “circled” around in an arch, which could make sense on the Jewish tradition that Jerusalem was the world’s center (Schreiner 1998: 769; Jewett 2007: 913; cf. Ezek 5:5; 38:12; Jub. 8:12, 19; Sib. Or. 5.249–50; more sources in Scott 1994: 526; Keener 2003b: 729–30). Paul’s systematic approach to reaching all peoples was distinctive (Bowers 1980: 318–19).
23. Hengel and Schwemer 1997: 261; cf. Bruce 1977: 316.
24. Either way, he presumably ministered near it during his recent visit to Macedonia (2 Cor 2:13).
25. See Aus 1979; cf. Munck 1967: 98.
26. Strabo Geog. 1.1.5, 8; Seneca Nat. 1.pref. 13; Silius Italicus 1.270; 15.638; Pliny Ep. 2.3.8. Other “ends of the earth” included Nubia, Scythia, and the land of the eastern dawn.
27. Riesner 1998: 248, compares “have not heard my name” in the Greek version of Isa 66:19, a passage also mentioning a divine “sign.”
28. He apparently knew of others missionizing other regions to the south and east (Latourette 1970: 82; on first-century mission see esp. Schnabel 2004). The “foundation” image coheres well with “building” the church (cf. 14:19; 15:2; here, Derrett 1997); Qumran sectarians employed some analogous images. The image was, of course, a common one in cities (cf. White 1996: 1:27).
29. Cf. Bornkamm 1971: 54.
30. Perhaps Paul also presupposes Isa 52:1 in Rom 13:11–12, though the language is too vague to suggest a deliberate allusion the ideal audience should have grasped.
31. On trade connections, see e.g., Charlesworth 1970: 150–67.
32. Cf. Ramsay 1910: 276; Garnsey and Saller 1987: 186. Paul’s Roman citizenship (Acts 16:37) would not guarantee any proficiency in Latin, but he would have had opportunity for further exposure in Corinth.
33. See Bowers 1975. For recent archaeological work on Roman Spain, see Keay 2003; on Roman Spain, see Pliny Nat. 3.1.6—3.3.30; articles in Cancik and Schneider 2002–: vol. 6, 388–400. On Paul’s Spanish mission, see further Jewett 2007: 74–79; that he reached Spain is fairly likely (1 Clem. 5.7; cf. later Muratorian Canon 38–39), but most traditions of the actual visit are later (Meinardus 1978).
34. On eagerness to entertain respected guests, cf. e.g., Euripides Alc. 1039–41; Cicero Att. 12.36; Plutarch Cic. 32.1.
35. We know from Acts 21:27—26:32, and infer from his subsequent letters and execution in Rome, that unfortunately trouble occurred.
36. Many connect the collection with Paul’s ethnic universalism (see e.g., Park 2003: 65–67) and continuing respect for the Jerusalem church (Hill 1992: 173–78, against F. C. Baur).
37. Incidentally, it united Diaspora churches in a common mission (Harrison 2003: 308). Though Paul names provinces, people thought primarily in terms of cities (Judge 1960: 20); Christians’ later trans-geographic network, perhaps growing from Judaism’s “trans-nationalism” (cf. Meeks and Wilken 1978: 27), was highly distinctive (Wilken 1998: 43) and may have disturbed some Roman authorities.
38. Like Qumran sectarians, the Jerusalem church could call itself “the saints”; but Paul calls the believers in Rome “saints” also (1:7). Again on the analogy of Qumran (e.g., 1QM 11.9, 13; 13.14; 14.7; 1QpHab 12.3, 6, 10), some have viewed “the poor” as a label for the Jerusalem church (cf. Fitzmyer 1966: 244; Hengel 1974: 34), but the parallels seem inadequate (Keck 1966) and Paul’s language here does not identify the poor as coextensive with all Jerusalem’s saints. On the poor in early Judaism, see e.g., Hoyt 1974: 13–61; as a character type in the LXX, see Roth 1997: 112–32.
39. Contrast Paul’s “debt” to Gentiles (Rom 1:14; see comment there) based on his call (1:1).
40. See especially Nickle 1966: 75–93 (noting also differences). For motivation, see early Jewish and Christian concern for the poor in Watson 2006.
41. In an economic context, leitourgeō could connote economic levies on wealthy individuals (Bell 1966: 301–2; Llewelyn and Kearsley 1994: 93–105), but in the context of leitourgos in 15:16 (where it is linked with hierourgeō) it might bear priestly connotations (see also Llewelyn and Kearsley 1994: 105–11).
42. With e.g., Donaldson 1997b: 252. Against some, however, this should not be understood in terms of unrealistic utopian expectation; Paul hoped to be able to save “some” (11:14), and anticipated opposition (15:30–32). Rather than expecting his collection to consummate history, he hoped to visit Rome afterward (15:24). His mission played a part in Israel’s salvation, but not the entire role.
43. For an even wider array of terms, see 2 Cor 8–9 (e.g., 9:1); Dahl 1977: 37–38. Such diverse terminology fits epigraphic conventions (Harrison 2003: 300).
44. E.g., 1 Cor 9:2; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 340, §112D (figuratively); cf. Deissmann 1923: 238–39.
45. Marshall 1987: 13–21. At the least it displayed contempt (Pliny Ep. 8.6.9).
46. Noted also by Theodoret of Cyr; Pelagius; and Ambrosiaster (Bray 1998: 367–68). The expression was not common (T. Dan 5:2; though cf. the similar formulation “God of righteousness” in T. Jud. 22:2).