Theological Setting

3. Theological Setting of Luther's and Calvin's Commentaries on Galatians in the Context of Luther's and Calvin's Own Theology

The purpose of this section is make some brief observations on Luther's and Calvin's commentaries on Galatians in relationship to their earlier and contemporaneous theology. It must be borne in mind, however, that in order to be comprehensive one would need to do a much more thorough study. The purpose here is to succinctly look at some aspects of how the theology of Luther's and Calvin's Galatians stands in relationship to concepts identified in their theology elsewhere. Especially, it is interesting in this context to observe whether any difference can be identified in how their earlier and contemporaneous theology relate to their commentaries on Galatians.

Luther's Galatians 1531/35 is considered in light of his Commentary on Galatians from 1519 and in light of the Grosse Katechismus from 1529. A comparison with the earlier commentary on Galatians provides a unique opportunity in that it is possible to see in what ways Luther interprets the same text differently twelve years later. The Grosse Katechismus, on the other hand, was chosen both because it was written just two years preceding his lectures on Galatians in 1531 and because of its distinctive importance among Luther's doctrinal writings.

Calvin's Galatians 1546/48, for its part, is looked at in the light of two versions of his Institutio, those of 1539 and of 1543/45,378 both of which provide ample material on Calvin's views on those concepts, which are treated in his Galatians.

3.1. Luther's Commentary on Galatians 1531/35 In some respects, it was easier to compare Luther's Commentary on Galatians 1535 with his earlier commentary on Galatians 1519 than with his Grosse Katechismus

1529 because the themes of the Catechism379 differ significantly from those treated within the commentary. Nevertheless, the different way in which Luther treats the subjects of the Catechism proved fruitful in that, despite the differing subjects, there

378Some thought was given for looking at Calvin's first Institutio from 1536, but because of the dependence of Calvin on other theologians at that time (as noted above in section 2.4.3.4), it seemed better to choose Calvin's Institutio of 1539 and 1543/45 for the comparision above, because both of these represent Calvin's independent theology.

379'The Catechism' henceforth refers to Luther's Grosse Katechismus of 1529. are clear connections between substantial concepts in the Great Catechism and in his Galatians 1531/35.

3.1.1. Relationship of Luther's Commentary on Galatians 1531/35 to his Commentary on Galatians 1519 It is important to note that Karin Bornkamm, in her insightful work Luthers

Auslegungen des Galaterbriefs von 1519 und 1531: ein Vergleich, has already treated the relationship of these two commentaries of Luther in great detail. Her work has been especially helpful in the preparation of this section of the study. The perspective of this study, however, differs somewhat from hers and therefore instead of merely summarising her work, her findings, where appropriate, are discussed in light of those concepts which were seen as substantial in this study.

The different way in which the subjects are treated in this study ought not to be seen as an indication of perceived weakness in Bornkamm's work, but rather as being a result of a different approach to Luther's commentary.

It was interesting to note certain aspects of the ways in which Luther's earlier commentary on Galatians differs from his later one. There is clearly more exegetical detail in the first commentary dealing with aspects of appropriate translations of the original Greek of the commentary, for instance. Also, other commentators on Galatians, Erasmus and Jerome, for example, receive much more attention in the earlier 1519 commentary and are treated more favourably than in the later one in 1531/35. Moreover, Luther explains concepts using the allegorical method much more frequently in 1519 than in 1531/35. It is also significant that in his commentary of 1519 Luther still speaks as friar Martin Luther the Augustinian

(F. Martinus Lutherius Augustinianus),380 still within the fold of the Roman Catholic church while in the later commentary 1531/35, he represents the evangelical faith, already separated from Catholicism.

There are some differences in how Luther presents substantial concepts in the two commentaries, though it must be borne in mind that generally speaking, there is a thoroughgoing agreement between them. On several points of difference (but not disagreement) the original concept of 1519 finds a more mature form in the commentary of 1531/35.381

The analysis of substantial concepts in Luther's Galatians of 1519 indicated five of the six concepts of 1531/35 as significant within that of 1519 as well, including justification, the work of the Holy Spirit, law, good works and ministry, all of which are treated in some detail. Interestingly, the theme on the scandal of the cross and suffering as a Christian of 1531/35, did not appear as important for the commentary of 1519. Instead, there was correspondingly much more emphasis on the questions relating to the church, especially on the question of papal authority vs. the authority of the Scripture. This difference can be seen as a 381See below in section 3.1.1.1. for examples. result of the differing historical context of the commentaries, the first being written while Luther, as an Augustinian monk, was still hoping for a reform of the Catholic church. In this context the question of papal authority vs. Scripture was central. In 1531, by way of contrast, the newly established evangelical Lutheranism was threatened by persecution of the Catholic church on the one hand and by new doctrines of the Anabaptists on the other, the emergence of which Luther saw as even more painful than physical persecution.382

3.1.1.1. Justification Bornkamm sees Luther's presentation on justification in 1519 as grounded in a spiritual understanding and hearing of the gospel, underlain by Augustine's letter vs. spirit (litera vs. spiritus) concept.383 While there is merit in this approach in that a spiritual understanding of the Word of the gospel is important within the commentary, and because Augustine's influence on the commentary of 1519 is significant, it seems that focusing on this one concept runs the risk of neglecting other important aspects of the concept of justification in Luther's commentary of The most thoroughgoing theme of the commentary of 1519, just as in the commentary of 1531/35, seems to be the contrast drawn between righteousness by faith and by works.384 For instance, in his comments on Gal. 1.4-5,

Luther maintains that Paul, 'with the thunderbolt of the Word', crushes all human righteousness which is based on the law, works and human free will. Instead, salvation is found in Christ, 'if only you believe that you are saved.'385 There are several ways in which Luther contrasts the two kinds of righteousness (that of works vs. that of faith) in his later commentary, which are not developed to the same extent in the one of 1519. For instance, Luther discusses passive and active righteousness only within one short paragraph in 1519, but addresses it in a comprehensive treatment encompassing most of the argument for the epistle in 1531/35.386 The basic thought in each, however, is the same; on the passive,

382Prenter draws attention to the fact that Luther emphasised the importance of an outward structure of the church (as an indispensable part of the work of the Holy Spirit) and its visible sacraments against Anabaptist influence, from 1522 onwards. See Prenter 1953: xv-xviii, 254-301. Prenter states, 'The word of the Spirit takes place in the outward, public signs of revelation. It is by these signs that the Sprit performs his sanctifying work. In a certain sense this work is hidden – and thereby also the chruch itself

– because the Spirit sanctifies by the Word and by the faith. … The enthusiasts, as always, turn things upside down. They want their new life to be a visible holiness. Therefore they are not interested in the visible and public signs of revelation.' Prenter 1953: 300-301 (emphasis in the original).

383Bornkamm 1963: 37-89, esp. 58-61.

384See WA 2.457.34-459.38, 468.32-469.31, 489.6-490.16, 506.16-507.26, 513.19-521.4, 596.5-38, 613.7-37 on Gal. 1.4-5,1.13-14, 2.16, 3.1, 3.10-17, 5.23, 6.13 respectively.

385Quo iterum fulmine verbi contundit praesumptionem arbitrii, legis et operum iusticiae nostrae. Non, inquit, ista eripiunt nos, sed Christus traditus, si modo credas te eripi. WA 2.458.36-39, on Gal. 1.4-5.

386Compare WA 2.539.1-18, on Gal. 4.9 with WA 40a.40.15-51.34; Argumentum Epistolae. The words active and passive are not explicitly mentioned in WA 2.539.1-18, but the thought, however, is clearly receiving function of the believer with regard to God's righteousness in contrast to human righteousness, where one attempts to achieve justification by one's own works. The relatively brief illustration of Abraham as the father of those justified by faith in 1519, for its part, expands into an extensive twenty page treatment of the theme in 1531/35. In the later commentary Abraham is illustrated not only as the father of the true believers, trusting in God's promise (as Abraham did with Isaac) but also as the father of those who rely on their own works (as Abraham did begetting offspring with Hagar).387

Luther notes a contrast between two kinds of righteousness, the external (ab extra) and the internal (ab intra) on Gal. 2.16, the one consisting of reliance in outward works, and the other of inward faith in Christ in 1519. In this context Luther discusses union with 'the name of the Lord' (nomen domini), developed as the concept of union with Christ (unio cum Christo) in 1531/35.

Luther affirms that through faith the heart clings to the name of the Lord, and when touched by the Lord's name by faith, is purified from all its impurity and sin.388

Interestingly, one of the significant pictures of the role of Christ in justification in the commentary of 1519 is that of Christ as the Fulfiller of the law for the believer, replaced by seeing Christ as the Saviour and Redeemer of the believer in 1531/35. In a sense, the thought is similar, in that Christ has satisfied the demands of the law and thus redeemed the believer from its requirements.

Consequently, as Christ has fulfilled the law for the believer, the believer, too, by faith, becomes a fulfiller of the law. Accordingly, Luther affirms that 'in Christ there is justification and that the law has been fulfilled. … But the Law is not fulfilled except through the righteousness of faith.'389

Bornkamm has drawn attention to Augustine's letter vs. spirit contrast (litera vs. spiritus) as undergirding Luther's presentation of justification in 1519, as noted above.390 This juxtapositioning is especially evident in a description of the difference between the law and the gospel and illustrated in the contrast between the law of the Spirit / grace vs. the law of the letter in Luther's discussion on Gal. 4.26-27. In his exposition of Paul's allegory of Hagar and Sarah, Luther explains that the believer's move from being under the law to being under grace occurs when the believer leaves the old husband, Moses and the law behind the same. The believer's part is to let God act within them in the same way as the workman works with his tool. Verum sub hac simplicitate latet non minus sublimis illa intelligentia, quod nostrum agere est pati deum in nobis operantem, quo modo videmus instrumentum. WA 2.539.4-6, on Gal. 4.9.

387Compare WA 2.510.23-513.18 on Gal. 3.6-10 with WA 40a.373.18-391.26, on Gal. 3.7-9.

388Invocatio autem nominis divini, si est in corde et ex corde vere facta, ostendit, quod cor et nomen domini sint unum simul et sibi cohaerentia. Ideo impossibile est, ut cor non participet eiusdem virtutibus, quibus pollet nomen domini. Cohaerent autem cor et nomen domini per fidem. WA 2.490.17-20, on Gal.

389Iustificationem in Christo et legem impletam … At non nisi per fidei iusticiam lex impletur. WA 2.495.21-22, 39, on Gal. 2.18.

390Bornkamm 1963: 37-89, esp. 58-61.

(represented by Hagar), and becomes the allegorical wife of Christ and grace (represented by Sarah). This takes place 'solely by the grace of the Spirit' (sola gratia spiritus).391 A similar line of thinking can be identified also in the law gospel contrast in 1531/35.

Christian liberty seems to play quite an important role in the commentary of 1519, perhaps even more so than in 1531/35,392 a concept which, interestingly, Bornkamm discusses primarily in connection with the law and good works.393 In Luther's commentary of 1519 Christian liberty is discussed on the one hand as liberty in relationship to ceremonial observances, which one is free to observe or ignore, depending on the requirement of love.394 On the other hand,

Luther draws a contrast between two kinds of liberty, the one which human flesh understands (liberty to sin) and the one which only true believers have because

Christ has fulfilled the law for them.395 Both thoughts can be found also in the commentary of 1531/35.

3.1.1.2. Work of the Holy Spirit The work of the Holy Spirit is described in Luther's commentary of 1519 primarily in terms of hearing of faith (fides ex auditu) and the struggle between the Spirit and the flesh. There is only little explicit material on regeneration and assurance of salvation, the latter of which, as Bornkamm also notes, is an important concept in the later commentary of 1531/35.396

Luther affirms that the hearing of the Word of the gospel takes place only through the Spirit, who enables the believers to receive and believe the gospel.397 The struggle between the flesh and the Spirit on the other hand, is

391WA 2.557.10, on Gal. 4.27.

392Christian liberty is a central concept also in the commentary of 1531/35. However, Luther gives proportionately somewhat more attention to Christian liberty in 1519 than in 1531/35. It is also noteworthy that in 1520, the year immediately following 1519 Luther wrote his famous treatise on Christian liberty, Tractatus de christiana libertate, demonstrating his focus on this theme at the time. See

393See Bornkamm 1963: 280-282, 286-293, 308-316. Bornkamm sees Christian liberty in Luther's commentary of 1519 as closely connected to love, both of which guide the Christian in the performance of good works. Christian liberty entails freedom from the law, but in its inner character agrees with the law. The Christian is therefore free to choose, considering each situation from the point of view of love toward one's neighbour, whether or not to act in accordance with certain ceremonies.

394See e.g. WA 2.477.20-479.21, on Gal. 2.3-5. See also Luther's discussion on Paul's critique of Peter's refusal to eat with Gentile believers in WA 2.485.1-488.24, on Gal. 2.11-14.

395See e.g. WA 2.559.31-560.37, on Gal. 5.1 and WA 2.574.12-576.16, on Gal. 5.13.

396See Bornkamm 1963: 232-234. See also sections 4.2.2 and 4.2.4 of this study for a discussion on the work of the Holy Spirit in connection with regeneration and assurance of salvation in the commentary of 1531/35. Bornkamm devotes one of the main sections (section III) of her book to the concept of Anfechtungen in Luther's commentaries. It seems that the struggle between the Spirit and the flesh also could have deserved its own section, however, as it is treated in quite a lot of detail in both commentaries of Luther.

397On the one hand, the Spirit is infused with the Word 'when it strikes the ears' and on the other, it is the hearing of faith that receives the Spirit. Ideo verbum virtutis et gratiae est, simul dum aures pulsat, intus presented by Luther in the context of the simul iustus et peccator concept, similarly to 1531/35. Sin still remains in the flesh of the believers and this leads to a battle against the new life begun by the Spirit. This struggle is what characterises

In the commentary of 1519 most of Luther's explicit discussion on the subject of the law focuses on its purpose. As in the commentary 1531/35, its purpose is identified as showing humans their sin, thus preparing them for the receiving of the gospel (in displaying to humans their need of grace). Luther affirms,

'The law was laid down for the sake of transgression, in order that transgression might be and abound, and in order that thus man, having been brought to knowledge of himself through the Law, might seek the hand of a merciful God.'399

Luther also presents an interesting definition of a law of two kinds in his comments on Gal. 2.19. The law of the letter (lex literae) represents the written code of the law, which condemns, while the law of the Spirit (lex spiritus) is a law of faith, grace and Christ (lex fidei, lex gratiae, lex Christi), which justifies and fulfils the law.400 On the whole, it appears that while the concept of the law in the commentary of 1519 corresponds closely to the concept in the commentary of 1531/35, there is less stress on the negative,401 condemning function of the law in 1519 than in 1531/35.402 spiritum infundit. Quod si spiritum non infundit, nihil differt audiens a surdo. … tat fixa sententia, ex auditu fidei accipi spiritum. WA 2.509.3-5, 16-17, on Gal. 3.3. One can identify a parallel tension here as in between the concepts of imputatio and unio, a tension which Bornkamm frequently alludes to in her work. Bornkamm affirms that while imputatio is connected to the complete declaration of righteousness

(die völlige Gerechterklärung des Menschen), unio is linked with the struggle believers have with sin, their partial righteousness (teilweisen Gerechtigkeit). Which occurs first, is not important, though imputatio is primary (das sachlich Primäre). See Bornkamm 1963: 77, 80-81. For a fuller discussion on the concepts, see Bornkamm 1963: 67, 72, 74-84, 154.

398Luther explains that the glory of God's grace is to make believers enemies of themselves. Ita idem homo, eadem anima, idem spiritus hominis, quia affectu carnis mixtus et vitiatus est, quatenus sapit quae dei sunt, spiritus est, quatenus carnis movetur illecebris, caro est … Sunt duo toti homines et unus totus homo: ita fit, ut homo sibiipsi pugnet contrariusque sit, vult et non vult. Atque haec est gloria gratiae dei, quod nos fecit nobisipsis hostes. WA 2.586.4-7, 16-19, on Gal. 5.17.

399Lex propter transgressionem posita est, ut transgressio sit et abundet, atque sic per legem homo in sui cognitionem perductus quaerat manum miserentis dei, qui sine lege peccatum ignorans sibi sanus videtur.

WA 2.522.27-29, on Gal. 3.19-20.

400See WA 2.499.20-500.2, on Gal. 2.19.

401The antinomian controversy brought the issue of the law again to the fore in 1536/37. It would be an interesting study to examine and compare Luther's rebuttal of Johannes Agricola's views propagating antinomianism with his position on the law in his commentaries on Galatians, and especially his later commentary. However, due to constraints of space and due to the chosen focus of this study, the question cannot be attended to in any more detail here.

402Bornkamm concludes that Luther's commentary of 1519 gives no evidence for postulating a third use for the law (tertius usus legis; the law as a positive guide for believers), because according to Luther's

The concept of love toward one's neighbour is an important idea in Luther's theology of good works in his commentary of 1519.403 Luther's longest single discussion in the whole commentary is a treatment on love (on Gal. 5.14). Love, the greatest of virtues, Luther affirms, has one's neighbour as its 'choicest object'.404

This love is guided by the principle of loving our neighbour in such a way as everyone, according to nature, loves themselves. The genuineness of this love is tested in trials and by the cross, in situations where one is treated unjustly, for true love 'loves an enemy as well as a friend.'405 In practice, this love is lived out in seeking, not those who are good and righteous, but those who are needy, and fallen, whose weaknesses the believers happily bear.406

Luther's concept of love in the earlier commentary seems very similar to that present in the later one, where love of one's neighbour is the guiding principle behind all genuine good works, too. Faithfulness in one's calling, however, receives more attention in the commentary of 1531. Bornkamm also identifies this difference, and insightfully presents it as a result of the 'liveliness of his [Luther's] concept of calling', which had developed after 1519.407 statements in the commentary the spiritual person (homo spiritualis) no longer needs the law. Instead, it would be more appropriate to talk of the use of the gospel (usus evangelii) in reference to good works since it is now on the grounds of faith, expressed through love, that the believers perform their good deeds. Bornkamm affirms, 'Der Gerechte bedarf des Gesetzes nicht, er stünde nach dem hier vorgeschlagenen Sprachgebrauch allein im usus evangelii, als homo spiritualis' (Bornkamm 1963: 309).

For the whole discussion, see Bornkamm 1963: 295-314. There seems to be merit in this position in that Luther never identifies an explicit third use of the law in his commentary of 1519. The reason for this could have been, for instance, that he wanted to safeguard the freedom of the gospel from making the believer's new obedience a post-condition for justification. At the same time, however, Luther also affirms that through faith believers love the law and do what the law commands. Fides autem Christi, cum diligat legem concupiscentiae prohibitricem, iam idem quod lex iubet faciens, concupiscentiam aggreditur et crucifigit. WA 2.502.8-10, on Gal. 2.20. This kind of fulfilling of the law is a fruit of justification. This obedience comes about by the new law of the Spirit and grace now reigning in the believers' hearts, a state in which the law is fulfilled freely and spontaneously by the believers.

Nevertheless, it appears that the concept of the spontaneous obedience rendered to the law by believers comes close to the idea of the third use of the law, though it must be born in mind that Luther never explicitly identifies it as a separate third use. See e.g. WA 2.498.32-500.35, 2.528.30-38 on Gal. 2.19 and 3.25. Compare especially WA 2.500.3-9, 2.528.34-36, on Gal. 2.19 and Gal. 3.25 with 2.500.10-16, on 403For Luther's concept of good works at the time, see also his important work Von den guten Werken

(1520) in WA 6.196-276.

404Deinde nobilissimum depingit obiectum, quia detractis omnibus personis dicit 'proximum tuum'. WA 2.577.19-20, on Gal. 5.14.

405Charitas autem nunquam excidit: omnia suffert, omnia credit, omnia sustinet, aeque diligit hostem ut amicum, nec mutatur mutato proximo. WA 2.579.8-9, on Gal. 5.14.

406WA 2.604.20-28, on Gal. 6.2.

407Bornkamm describes the difference on the issue of one's personal calling between the commentary of 1531/35 and that of 1519 as follows, 'Im Unterschied zur Beschreibung der dem Glauben entsprungenen

Werke als Erfüllung des Liebesgebotes schildert Luther 1531 das Handeln des Blaubenden vornehmlich als das Erfüllen der weltlichen Ordnungen, in die er gestellt ist. Die Lebendigkeit seines Amtsbegriffes

Two concepts relating to ministry, those of the minister's calling and on tenderness needed in ministry, are important within Luther's discussion in 1519, both of which are significant themes also in 1531/35. Luther emphasises the importance of a true calling coming from God in contrast to a mere human calling, and points out the difference between an internal qualification of the heart (cor) before God in contrast to boasting of one's outward position or person (persona).408 Bornkamm observes, and it seems rightfully so, that in 1531/35 there is more stress on the legitimacy of the calling (vocatio legitima), however. This may be seen as a result of the influence of Anabaptist views during the time of writing of the later commentary, the practice of whom it was to operate in ministry without a calling by representatives of the state or of the official church.409

Further, on several occasions Luther observes Paul's tenderness, patience and tact when dealing with Galatians, who were falling from faith. Luther affirms,

'He [Paul] does not excommunicate, does not shout: "To the fire!" … No, he displays the fire of his love and the flames of his heart, because he has been eager to kill men's faults and errors, not men.'410

Luther points to this tenderness of Paul's as an important example for ministers, a theme to which he often returns in 1531/35 as well.

Luther both begins and concludes his commentary by discussing the issue of church and papal authority, which, as pointed out above, is not a prevailing concern of Luther's in 1531/35. It is clear in both the introduction and conclusion of Luther's commentary that Luther still counts himself as being within the Roman church at this point, but nevertheless, his ideas connect to a large extent to those he expressed later as an evangelical. In the introduction Luther points to the primacy of Scripture over the pope while recognising the Roman church itself as good and holy in contrast to the corrupted papal see.411 In the conclusion Luther points to papal laws ermöglicht es ihm, das ganze menschliche Leben in all seinen Bezügen in diese Ordnungen zu fassen.'

1963: 358. See also Bornkamm 1963: 359-360.

408See WA 2.453.19-454.2, on Gal. 1.1-2 and WA 2.480.11-481.2, on Gal. 2.6.

409Bornkamm 1963: 382.

410Non excommunicat, non clamat ad ignem, non mox haereticos pronunciat, non aggravat nec reaggravat, sed ignem charitatis et flammas cordis sui iactat, quia non occidere homines sed hominum vitia et errores studuit. WA 2.545.18-20, on Gal. 4.13-14. See also e.g. WA 2.542.2-14, on Gal. 4.11 and WA 2.546.19-25, on Gal. 4.16.

411See e.g. WA 2.447.9-17, 447.42-448.23. A somewhat similar concept can also be found in the commentary of 1531/35, where Luther still recognizes the validity of the Roman church. However, in contrast to the earlier commentary, it is clear that Luther counts himself as being outside of the Roman church in 1531. Further, Luther affirms that the reason he cannot return to the Roman church but continues to teach against it is that the pope does not allow the doctrine of justification and regards his laws as necessary for salvation. See e.g. WA 40a.55.16-23, on Gal. 1-2, WA 40a.68.25-71.28, WA as a burden and subordinates the papal traditions under the gospel and the papal see under a consideration of 'fraternal love and need'.412

It is evident that the central notions of Luther's commentaries on Galatians of 1519 and 1531/35 are similar both on which concepts are focal and on how Luther understands them. The difference between the two commentaries deals primarily with the way of expressing the content of the ideas important to Luther, found in a more mature form in the later commentary in 1531/35.

3.1.2. Relationship of Luther's Commentary on Galatians 1531/35 to Grosse In contrast to Luther's Commentary on Galatians of 1519, where Luther still speaks as an Augustinian friar, in his Grosse Katechismus of 1529 Luther speaks as an evangelical who has already departed from the Roman church. This appears evident despite the fact that the Diet of Augsburg (where the direction the evangelical faith took became more apparent) was still a year away. Furthermore, while some differences can be identified in Luther's interpretation of Galatians in 1519 as compared to 1531/35, no significant variance seems present in the theology of Grosse Katechismus vs. Luther's commentary on Galatians 1531/35.

It was interesting to note that despite the significantly different purpose and content of Luther's Grosse Katechismus as compared to his commentary on Galatians 1531/35, the substantial concepts identified in the commentary were identified in the Catechism as well. However, the perspective they are presented from, is different, which is especially evident in the presentation of the subjects salvation / justification and the law. It should be noted that the work of the Holy Spirit is not discussed in a separate section, but included within the discussion of salvation / justification.

3.1.2.1. Salvation / Justification Luther does not explicitly discuss justification in Grosse Katechismus, but each of the four sections of the Catechism (Ten Commandments, Creed, Lord's Prayer, sacraments) contain much material relevant to the topic of justification.

Luther begins his treatment of the Ten Commandments by demonstrating the intent of the first commandment as faith / trust of the heart in 40a.119.23-120.25, on Gal. 1.9, WA 40a.177.22-178.21, on Gal. 2.6, WA 40a.353.13-359.14, on Gal.

412Et ubi ego legum pontificiarum onera et scandala questus sum, ipsi me rebellem ecclesiae sibi fingent: ubi decretis praetuli Euangelium, damnata decreta fabulabuntur: ubi summi pontificis potestatem et dignitatem charitati et necessitati fraternae subieci blasphemum et bis septies haereticum clamabunt. WA

'The purpose of this commandment, therefore, is to require true faith and confidence of the heart, and these fly straight to the one true God and cling to him alone.'413

The opposite of faith and trust in the one true God is a worship of any kind of idols (e.g. mammon, great learning) or a worship of one's own works. When a person tries to earn heaven by one's own works, one at the same time refuses to receive any gift from God.414 Further, the keeping of the first commandment (faith and trust of the heart in God) is the head of and source for obedience to all the rest of the commandments.415 The Creed, too, is an exposition of the first commandment. As Luther puts it, it is 'a confession of Christians based on the first commandment.'416

Explaining the difference between the Ten Commandments and the Creed, Luther affirms that while the Ten Commandments show one what one ought to do, the Creed displays how to do it. The Ten Commandments also demonstrate that no one can, of themselves, keep them. That is why one needs help, which is found from the content of the Creed and the Lord's Prayer. 417 Thus the Ten

Commandments have a requiring function, showing each one their inability, sinfulness and need, while the Creed and the Lord's prayer have a giving function, pointing to how God has solved the human predicament of guilt and sin. The second and third parts of the Creed are especially relevant in this context. Luther explains on the second article of the Creed that Christ redeemed humans who were slaves under sin, freed them and brought them back into God's grace and favour.418 The third part of the Creed on the Holy Spirit gives some further insights relevant to justification. The third article is best titled sanctification according to Luther.

Interestingly, Luther defines sanctification in this context as basically synonymous with the role of the Holy Spirit in salvation by faith. It is to be noted that Luther does not discuss sanctification here in the sense of considering the outward renewal of Christian life or in the sense of giving attention to good works resulting from the new birth. Instead, Luther affirms that 'to sanctify is nothing else than to bring us to the Lord Christ to receive this blessing, which we could not obtain ourselves.'419

This gift (erloesung ~ salvation) is received through the Word, which the Holy 413Daruemb ist nu die meinung dieses gepots, das es foddert rechten glauben und zuversicht des hertzens, welche den rechten einigen Gott treffe und an yhm alleine hange. WA 30a.133.9-11.

414WA 30a.133.17-134.17, 135.1-27.

415WA 30a.137.1-4, 180.18-181.24.

416Denn weil die zehen gepot haben furgehalten, man solle nicht mehr denn einen Got haben, moechte man nu fragen: Was ist denn Gott fur ein man, was thut er, wie kan man yhn preisen oder abmalen und beschreiben, das man yhn kenne? Das leret nu dieser und folgende artikel. Also das der Glaube nichts anders ist denn ein antwort und bekentnis der Christen auff das erste gepot gestellet. WA 30a.183.16-21.

419Das nu solcher schatz nicht begraben bliebe, sondern angelegt und genossen wuerde, hat Gott das wort ausgehen und verkuenden lassen, daryn den heiligen geist geben, uns solchen schatz und erloesung heim zubringen und zueigenen. Daruemb ist das heiligen nicht anders denn zu dem HERRN Christo bringen, solch gut zuempfahen, dazu wir von uns selbs nicht komen kuendten. WA 30a.188.12-17.

Spirit enables one to receive, without works or human merit.420 Further, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit within the church, through sacraments and the Word, the faith of Christians grows and forgiveness is granted for the remaining sin of believers.421

Luther further eludidates that the second petition of the Lord's prayer (on the coming of God's kingdom) is a prayer for the fulfilment of 'what we learned in the Creed' on redemption (2nd article) and on the work of the Spirit through the Word (3rd article).422 The fifth petition on forgiveness, on the other hand, implies a daily need of Christians for forgiveness because of their remaining sin, reminding of the simul iustus et peccator of the commentary of 1531/35.423

Luther continues in his explanation of the fifth petition and asserts that the flesh leads Christians to sin daily 'in word and deed, in acts of commission and omission' which again leads to the losing of the comfort of God's love. Through prayer, however, one is both humbled (in that one needs forgiveness) and assured of God's continuing favour and forgiveness.424

The Word has an important role in Luther's discussion of the sacraments.425 God's Word, promising salvation and forgiveness, is what is significant in baptism and the Lord's Supper. The benefits of baptism and the Lord's Supper are very important, too – these sacraments represent nothing less than personal salvation and forgiveness. These benefits, in turn, are received by those who accept them by faith alone (sola fide).426

Although Luther does not explicitly mention justification in his discussion in the Catechism, many concepts which are part of Luther's discussion of justification and of the work of the Holy Spirit in his commentary in 1531/35 are treated in the Catechism, too, including the first commandment as faith / trust in God, the rejection of righteousness by works, simul iustus et peccator, sola fide, assurance of salvation and the role of the Spirit in receiving the Word, for instance.427 Although the perspective from which the concepts are presented differs

422Nichts anders, denn wie wir droben ym glauben gehoert haben, das Gott seinen son Christum unsern HERRN ynn die welt geschickt, das er uns erloesete und frey machete von der gewalt des Teuffels und zu sich brechte und regirete als ein koenig der gerechtickeit, des lebens und selickeit widder sunde, tod und boese gewissen, dazu er auch seinen Heiligen geist geben hat, der uns solchs heymbrechte durch sein heiliges wort und durch seine krafft ym glauben erleuchtete und sterckte. WA 30a.200.6-16.

423See e.g. section 4.2.3.

424Wir teglich mit worten und wercken, mit thuen und lassen sundigen, darvon das gewissen zu unfried kompt, das sich fur Gottes zorn und ungnade furchtet und also den trost und zuversicht aus dem

Euangelio sincken lesset: So ist on unterlas von noeten, das man hieher lauffe und trost hole, das gewissen widder auffzurichten. WA 30a.207.2-6. See also WA 30a.206.31-207.23.

425The third command, on keeping the Sabbath, is also interpreted by Luther in the context of the Word.

It commands the honouring of and listening to the Word, which sanctifies in contrast to righteousness which one tried to find within one's own works, which cannot sanctify. See WA 30a.145.20-31.

426See section 4.1.1.4.

427For further discussion, see e.g. sections 4.1.1.2, 4.1.1.4, 4.1.2, 4.2.2, 4.4.2 and 4.4.3 of this study. from the commentary of 1531/35 significantly, in that Grosse Katechismus is more practical throughout in presenting its various ideas, the content of Luther's

Catechism is nevertheless such that one can recognize the same voice as in his commentary of 1531/35. This is in contrast to the commentary of 1519 where the concepts, though in many respects similar to the ones of the commentary 1531/35, have not yet always reached their more mature form of expression.

3.1.2.2. Law and Good Works Obviously, Luther's Grosse Katechismus treats the subject of the law in great detail especially in its exposition of the Ten Commandments. However, the principal perspective of the Catechism differs, just as the perspective on salvation / justification, from that of Luther's commentary of 1531/35. The Catechism focuses on practical aspects of the law and good works, namely the necessity of good works and obedience to the Ten Commandments, while the commentary is theological, discussing the purpose of the law and its connection to the doctrine of justification.

Consequently, what is discussed within the exposition of the Ten Commandments in the Catechism corresponds most closely to the subject of good works in Galatians 1531/1535.428

Nevertheless, there are a few references in the Catechism, which can be connected to Luther's notion on the first and second uses of the law. The law as a restraint for the wicked (primus usus legis) can be identified in the exposition of the fourth and fifth commandments, for instance, where Luther on the one hand emphasises the duty of all to obey their civil authorities as fathers within society

(patres patriae), and on the other pinpoints that in their calling to preserve order the civil authorities are exempt from the commandment prohibiting killing.429 The law as showing human sin and need (secundus usus legis), for its part, is referred to in one sense in the whole exposition of the Ten Commandments. The commandments demonstrate to all that they fall short of reaching the required standard and are in need of help. This help, in turn, can be learned about from the Creed and the Lord's

Prayer. Luther states on this issue, 'No man can achieve so much as to keep one of the Ten Commandments as it ought to be kept. Both the Creed and the Lord's Prayer must help us, as we shall hear.'430

428Depending on one's point of view, one could perhaps see good works described in the exposition of the Ten Commandments in the context of tertius usus legis, the law as a positive guide in the believer's life. However, as pointed out below in section 4.2.2. Luther never explicitly identifies a third use of the law. It seems that Luther may have avoided using the term tertius usus legis in order to preserve the law gospel distinction, so that no good works of the justified may be seen as preor postconditions to justification.

429WA 30a.153.24-36, 157.14-158.2.

430Sihe aber, ist es nicht ein verfluchte vermessenheit der verzweivelten heiligen, so da sich unterstehen ein hoeher und besser leben und stende zufinden denn die zehen gepot leren, geben fur, wie gesagt, es sey ein schlecht leben fur den gemeinen man, yhres aber sey fur die heiligen und volkomenen, Und sehen

Another significant theme, which takes us to the subject of good works within the Catechism, is a contrast between the works commanded by God to those of human choosing. The Word and the commandments of God point the way for the right kind of good works, in the performance of which one can find joy in contrast to the difficult and laborious works of self-righteousness (monasticism for instance), a concept similar to the contrast drawn by Luther between genuine and spurious good works in the commentary of 1531/35.431 Further, the whole exposition of the Ten

Commandments, 'the true channel through which all good works must flow',432 would be relevant for Luther's concept of good works within the Catechism. Due to constraints of space, however, may it suffice to be noted that the kind of obedience the commandments point to includes, not only restraining from wrong actions (the negative aspect of the commands) but also actively and willingly fulfilling them in all possible ways in honour of God and for the good of others (the positive aspect of the commands).433 This finds its counterpart in the love of one's neighbour, for instance, discussed in the commentary of 1531/35.

The Catechism differs from Luther's commentary on Galatians of 1531/35 in that there is little material in the Catechism on theology of the office and function of ministry. The reference of Luther's to spiritual fathers, in his exposition on the fourth commandment regarding honouring one's parents may, however, be seen as cursorily alluding to the function of ministry. There Luther maintains that the task of spiritual fathers is to demonstrate fatherly care over their congregation by 'governing and guiding' the people by the Word of God.434

As Grosse Katechismus is intended to be used by pastors and ministers, there are pieces of practical advice presented directly to them. In the introduction of the Catechism Luther bemoans the present situation where pastors despise their office, and serve only their own interests, having become lazy. Luther exhorts pastors to become avid students of Scripture and the Catechism instead, so nicht, die elenden, blinden leute, das kein mensch so weit bringen kan, das er eins von den zehen gepoten halte wie es zuhalten ist sondern noch beide der glaube und das vater unser zuhuelffe komen mus (wie wir hoeren werden), dadurch man solchs suche und bitte und on unterlas empfahe? WA 30a.179.10-17.

See also WA 30a.182.18-31.

431See e.g. WA 30a.148.18-150.7, 178.22-179.29.

432So haben wir nu die zehen gepot, ein ausbund Goettlicher lere, was wir thuen sollen, das unser gantzes leben Gott gefalle, und den rechten born und rohre, aus und ynn welchen quellen und gehen muessen alles was gute werck sein sollen, also das ausser den zehen gepoten kein werck noch wesen gut und Gott gefellig kan sein, es sey so gros und koestlich fur der welt wie es wolle. WA 30a.178.22-27.

433Man des nehisten schaden nicht begere, auch nicht dazu helffe noch ursach gebe, sondern yhm goenne und lasse was er hat, dazu foddere und erhalte was yhm zu nutz und dienst geschehen mag, wie wir wolten uns gethan haben. WA 30a.178.11-14.

434Darueber sind auch noch geistliche veter, nicht wie yhm Bapstumb, die sich wol also haben lassen nennen, aber kein veterlich ampt gefuret. Denn das heissen allein geistliche veter, die uns durch Gottes wort regieren und furstehen, WA 30a.155.4-7. that they may learn more for their own benefit, and be able to teach and pass on their learning to the young, who can in turn become teachers.435 Luther avers,

'Let them [pastors and preachers] continue to read and teach, to learn and meditate and ponder. Let them never stop until they have proved by experience that they have taught the devil to death and have become wiser than God himself and all his saints.'436

Further, every minister and head of a household should educate children and the common people to learn by heart a minimum requirement of the faith, namely, the abbreviated form of the Ten Commandments, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer.

Having instructed the people on these, the ministers (and heads of the household) should teach those under their care the principal biblical texts defining the two sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper.437

3.1.2.4. Role of the Devil and Suffering as a Christian It is interesting that the subjects of the role of the devil and suffering as a Christian are concepts of note both in Grosse Katechismus and in Luther's commentary on Galatians of 1531/35. While these are not principal themes in the Catechism, there are a number of references to the two issues.

For instance, Luther points out the great benefit of Scripture and the Catechism against the 'incessant attacks and ambushes of the devil with his thousand arts'.438 Further, Luther describes the inevitability of persecution for the Christian and affirms,

'For where God's Word is preached, accepted or believed, and bears fruit, there the blessed holy cross will not be far away.'439

Luther also maintains that personal temptations are unavoidable in Christian life because the devil constantly opposes the Word and attacks the conscience. The best way to resist the devil is not one's own strength, but prayer for God's help.440

In comparison to the difference between Luther's commentaries on Galatians of 1519 and 1531/35 (similarity of the concepts yet a more mature form of expression

435See e.g. WA 30a.125.2-126.3, 128.31-129.10, 233.3-17.

436Sondern stetig anhalten beide mit lesen, leren, lernen, dencken und tichten, Und nicht ablassen bissolange sie erfaren und gewis werden, das sie den Teuffel tod geleret und gelerter worden sind denn

Gott selber ist und alle seine heiligen. WA 30a.128.35-129.3.

437WA 30a.131.13-18, 132.13-30.

438Wir des alles nicht allein teglich beduerffen wie des teglichen brods sondern auch teglich haben muessen widder das teglich und unruegig anfechten und lauren des tausentkuenstigen Teuffels. Und ob solchs nicht gnug were zur vermanung den Catechismon teglich zu lesen, so solt doch uns allein gnugsam zwingen Gottes gebot. WA 30a.127.29-33. See the whole context in WA 30a.127.7-128.8.

439Daruemb muessen wir uns gewislich des versehen und erwegen, so wir Christen sein woellen, das wir den Teuffel sampt allen seinen Engeln und der welt zu feinde haben, die uns alle unglueck und hertzleyd anlegen. Denn wo Gottes wort gepredigt, angenomen odder gegleubt wird und frucht schaffet, da sol das liebe heilige creutz auch nicht aussen bleiben. WA 30a.202.27-31. See also WA 30a.201.28-203.27.

440WA 30a.209.7-14, 210.5-14. in 1531/35), Luther's Grosse Katechismus of 1529 appears closer to the commentary of 1531/35, reflecting a similar more mature form of expression.

However, central concepts in the Catechism are presented in a significantly different way to the commentary of 1531/35 in that the Catechism focuses on practical aspects of Christian life as compared to the theological perspective and focus on justification in the commentary of 1531/35.

3.2. Calvin's Commentary on Galatians 1546/48 In this section, Calvin's commentary on Galatians is looked at in light of two versions of his Institutio Religionis Christianae, namely those of 1539 and 1543/45.441 Calvin's Institutio of 1543 is largely identical to the one of 1539, and that is why the comparison with Calvin's Institutio 1543 focuses only on the additions Calvin made to the text of 1539.442

Consequently, it seemed better for the presentation of the material in this section to treat both the 1539 and 1543 versions of Calvin's Institutio in one section, noting in connection with each concept which aspects have been added in the later version.

3.2.1. Relationship of Calvin's Commentary on Galatians to Institutio Christianae Religionis 1539 and 1543/45 Calvin's Institutio, both from 1539 or 1543/45, contains an impressively systematic and comprehensive treatment of the subjects relevant to Calvin's commentary on Galatians (though to a lesser extent on the work of the Holy Spirit). This provides an interesting point of comparison to Calvin's Galatians because the theological themes of the commentary are often presented in a compact way. While Luther's earlier commentary on Galatians and his Grosse Katechismus add to the later commentary in their slightly differing perspective rather than in increasing content,

Calvin's Institutio complements the commentary with useful additional information, 441Henceforth, reference will only be made to the version of 1543. The minor revision of 1545 did not introduce any significant changes to the 1543 edition.

442The Corpus Reformatorum edition of Calvin's writings presents all of Calvin's Latin versions of the Institutio from 1539 to 1554 within the same main corpus of text. The major revisions of 1543 and 1551 only add paragraphs here and there into the main body of text dating back to 1539. Therefore, the second part of this section, focusing on Calvin's Institutio of 1543, analyses precisely those texts, which Calvin had seen important to add to the 1539 version. Some further insights are also taken from Calvin's French version of the Institutes, Institution de la Religion Chrestienne 1541. Calvin's French version of the Institutes from 1541 is an interesting mix of translated materials from his Latin Institutio of 1536 and of 1541. (Another French edition of Calvin's Institutio appeared in 1560, being a translation of the major

Latin edition of Calvin's Institutio 1559.) For further information, see Jacques Pannier's preface to the 1936 edition of Institution de la Religion Chrestienne, xxii-xxix. which can help to give a theological backdrop to the commentary on Galatians.443

However, because the main focus of this study is not on the relationship between Calvin's Institutio and his commentary on Galatians, the themes have to be presented only succinctly here which is not an easy task in view of the fact that there are four to five hundred pages Calvin devotes to the relevant topics in the Institutio 1543. Nevertheless, an attempt is made to delineate some central aspects of Calvin's position on justification, the work of the Holy Spirit, law, good works and ministry in his Institutio of 1539 and 1543.

As far as the period 1539-45 is concerned,444 the examination of these concepts in the two versions of Calvin's Institutio lends some support to,

Parker's view according to which Calvin did not change his mind on doctrine between 1539 and 1559.445 While there are adjustments and additions made, and in some cases a whole revision of a larger section (e.g. on human traditions and on ministry), the supplementary material adds details rather than introduces modifications to what was present already in 1539.

3.2.1.1. Justification Calvin's treatment of justification is here taken to include more than what he discusses only within the chapter treating justification specifically (De iustificatione fidei et meritis operum)446 thus taking into consideration the chapters on faith,

Christian freedom, the relationship between the Old and New Testaments, and the second article of the Creed (for the role of Christ in justification). The subjects of these chapters also approximately correspond to themes discussed under the heading of justification in Calvin's commentary on Galatians. Each of the concepts is first outlined as it appears in the Institutio 1539, and any significant adjustments in 1543 are noted after.

Calvin discusses faith as essentially synonymous with confidence in God's favour toward oneself. While the law leads one to see what one's duty is and how impossible it is for one to fulfil its requirement, faith brings about an assurance and confidence of the good will of God toward oneself.447 Faith is intimately connected to the work of the Holy Spirit, who begins, confirms and perfects the 443Calvin explicitly states in the preface to the Institutio 1539 (as well as in the 1543 edition) that it has been his intention to be brief in the biblical commentaries because a fuller treatment of the theological subjects is already available in the Institutio. See CO 1.256, Ioannes Calvinus Lectori.

444Further, it is notable that there are even fewer changes and additions made by Calvin on the themes treated in this section in his Institutio in the major edition of 1550-54 than in the 1543/45 edition.

445Nevertheless, it appears more advisable to state the issue a little more guardedly than Parker. While no significant changes appear in the editions of the Institutio of 1539 as compared to the edition of 1543/45, and it appears (see the footnote above) that there were no changes of significance made in the edition of 1550-54 either, a separate study would need to be made regarding the changes introduced in the 1559 edition, before Parker's statement could be regarded as sufficiently confirmed. Due to constraints of space, however, this cannot be done in connection with this study.

446This is chapter VI in the 1539 edition and chapter X in the 1543/45 edition. See CO 1: LV. believer's faith and without whom it is impossible to believe.448 Institutio 1543 adds only little significance to that of 1539 on the subject of faith. An interesting addition is that of the believer's union with Christ as an assurance of God's favour.449

The discussion of Calvin's Institutio on the meaning of faith matches well with that of Calvin's commentary on Galatians, while the commentary perhaps more precisely and succinctly explains the role of faith in justification.450

In the chapter on justification in his Institutio 1539, Calvin calls justification 'the main hinge on which religion turns' (praecipuum esse sustinendae religionis cardinem).451 Justification takes place when humans, who have nothing but misery and sin, are touched by God's pure grace, which engenders faith in them for the fact that they have acceptance and forgiveness before God through Christ.452

Most of Calvin's discussion on justification contrasts the righteousness of faith with that based on human works, similar to how the contrast is drawn in the commentary on Galatians.453 Calvin affirms that justification takes place solely by imputation of Christ's righteousness to the believer, not by human works or faith plus human works. This is evident also in the law vs. gospel contrast. The law and the gospel represent two mutually exclusive ways of reaching righteousness, either by the law, which is impossible, or by faith in God's promise in the gospel. 454 Another way in which Calvin explains justification is through the four causes of justification,455 all of which point to the complete exclusion of human works from justification. The efficient cause (causa efficiens) is God's mercy, the material cause (causa materialis) Christ's righteousness, the instrumental cause (causa instrumentalis) faith, which communicates the righteousness of Christ to the believer and the final

448CO 1.16.8. Subiiciunt deinde: si fides per sacramenta augeatur, frustra datum esse spiritum sanctum, cuius vitus atque opus est, inchoare, tueri, consummare fidem. Quibus equidem fateor proprium ac solidum spiritus sancti opus fidem esse: a quo illuminate Deum ac benignitatis eius thesaurus agnoscimus, et sine cuius lumine mens nostra adeo cacca est ut nihil conspicere, adeo stupida ut nihil subodorari rerum spiritualium possit.

449CO 1.5.17. It must be borne in mind that the concept of the believer's union with Christ (unio cum Christo) is clearly presented already in the Institutes of 1539. See below in this section for further discussion. Nevertheless, Calvin saw it as important to add a statement on the believer's union with Christ, which assures one of God's favour in 1543/45 to complement his presentation of faith in the Institutes of 1539. Another interesting addition is Calvin's treatment of the relationship between hope and faith, in many ways similar, though much shorter, to Luther's comparison of hope and faith in his commentary on Galatians 1531/35. Compare CO 1.5.37 with WA 40b.23.27-33.34.

450See section 5.1.1.2 of this study.

451Iustificationis ratio levius idea attacta est, quoniam ad rem pertinebat intelligere primum, et quam otiosa non sit a bonis operibus fides, qua sola gratuitam iustitiam, Dei misericordia, obtinemus, et qualia sint sanctorum bona opera, in quibus pars huius quaestionis versatur. Ea ergo nunc penitus discutienda; et ita discutienda, ut meminerimus praecipuum esse sustinendae religionis cardinem, quo maiorem attentionem curamque afferamus. CO 1.10.1.

453See esp. sections 5.1.1.1. and 5.1.5.

455For the Aristotelian background of the four causes (causa) and how they have been used in a theological context, see Braw 2007: 127, 156-157, 214. cause (causa finalis) the glory of God, in that His glory and not human merit is extolled in justification.456 The main corpus of Calvin's discussion on justification, however, deals with various arguments in favour of righteousness by works, which Calvin one by one rebuts, on the one hand denying any role of human merit in justification, while on the other affirming that there is a reward to good works when they are done on the ground of faith, when one has already been justified and regenerated.457

Institutio of 1543 adds some emphasis on the forensic nature of justification. Calvin includes more Scriptural arguments in favour of seeing justification in terms of the imputation of Christ's righteousness and also adds the following definition,

'Therefore, we explain justification simply as the acceptance with which God receives us into his favor as righteous men. And we say that it consists in the remission of sins and the imputation of Christ's righteousness.'458

It may here be noted that the well known critique of Calvin on Osiander's view on union with Christ, closely associated with the concept of forensic justification, is not yet to be found in the 1543 edition of the Institutio but appears instead only in the last edition of 1559.459

Most of the other additions of Institutio 1543 in the chapter on justification are minor. It becomes evident, however, that Calvin must have been reading Augustine and Bernard on the subject of human merit vs. God's grace between 1539 and 1543, since he repeatedly adds quotes from them which deny any merit to human works, in line with Calvin's own position.460

Calvin comments on the role of Christ in justification and affirms that the perfect obedience of Christ's life is a satisfaction bringing humans into the Father's favour and Christ's death is a substitute for the punishment humans would have had to suffer for their sin. Christ's death and resurrection deliver humans from 458Ita nos iustificationem simpliciter interpretamur acceptionem, qua nos Deus in gratiam receptos pro iustis habet. Eamque in peccatorum remissione ac iustitiae Christi imputatione positam esse dicimus. CO

1.10.2. See also CO 1.10.3-4.

459For Calvin's discussion on Osiander's view, see the 1559 edition of the Institutio, book 3, chapter 11, sections 5-11 (CO 2.3.11.5-11). The fact that Calvin adjusts his discussion on justification to include a rebuttal of Osiander's view in 1559 is not to be seen as suggesting that Calvin's view changed. Instead of changing his position, Calvin only expounds the view he already had on justification against the specific arguments of Osiander. McGrath recognizes the same and states, 'In later editions [of Institutio], this understanding of justification is developed (and never, apparently, modified)'. McGrath 1998: 223.

McGrath further argues that it was only Calvin, who properly explained, against Osiander, how both union with Christ and a forensic understanding of justification may be understood together. See McGrath

460See e.g. CO 1.10.14,17,26,47,50,76,81. Lane's view according to which Calvin uses church fathers primarily in favour of his position, thus appears to find some more support in the Institutio than in Calvin's Galatians where Calvin's references to church fathers's theological position are frequently negative. See section 2.4.1 and Lane 1999: 3, 53-54. their fear of death, help in the mortification of their flesh and ascertain the beginning of a new life for the believers.461 These benefits are communicated to the believer, as emphasised in an additional section in 1543, when God, through Christ, joins the believer with himself (unio cum Christo).462 Calvin's concept of the believer's union with Christ (as presented already in the Institutio 1539) differs somewhat from Luther's in that Calvin accentuates that both justification and sanctification (or regeneration) take place together when the Christian is incorporated into Christ by faith, a concept affirmed also in the commentary on Galatians.463 Calvin states,

'Do you wish, then, to attain righteousness in Christ? You must first possess Christ; but you cannot possess him without being made partaker in his sanctification, because he cannot be divided into pieces.'464

Nevertheless, the believer's justification is strictly based only on the imputation of Christ's righteousness, and not on the regenerated new creation or even the Spirit's presence in the believer.465

Calvin points out two opposite dangers in the chapter on Christian liberty, the one being burdening consciences with ceremonies and the other being the use of Christian freedom as a pretext for sin.466 He details three parts to Christian liberty. The first, the point on which 'almost the entire argument' of the epistle to Galatians hinges upon, is the rising of believers above God's law in that the believers find righteousness in Christ alone.467 The law has its function elsewhere, in giving instruction for holiness of life.468 The second aspect of Christian liberty is the believers' new willingness to obey God's law. Calvin states,

462CO 1.7.20. In this context, too, Calvin emphasizes that Christ's righteousness is received by imputation.

463See Calvin's comments on Gal. 2.20. A discussion and references can be found in section 5.1.4.

464Vis ergo iustitiam in Christo adipisci? Christum ante possideas oportet: possidere autem non potes, quin fias sanctificationis cius particeps; quia in frusta discerpi non potest. CO 1.10.57.

465Hoc tantum interest quod, quum fidem et bona opera necessario inter se cohaerere fatcamur, in fide tamen, non operibus, iustificationem ponimus. CO 1.10.57. Homines non in se ipso iustum esse, sed quia

Christi iustitia imputatione cum illo communicator. Quod accurata animadversione diguum est: siquidem evanescit nugamentum illud, ideo iustificari hominem fide, quoniam illa spiritum Dei participat, quo iustus redditur. CO 1.10.14.

467Prima, ut fidelium conscientiae, dum fiducia suae coram Deo iustificationis quaerenda est, sese supra legem erigant atque efferant, totamque legis iustitiam obliviscantur. …Sublata igitur legis mentione, et omni operum cogitatione seposita, unam Dei misericordiam amplecti convenit, quum de iustificatione agitur, et averso a nobis aspectu unum Christum intueri. … In hoc cardine totum fere argumentum epistolae ad Galatas vertitur. CO 1.7.2,3.

The second part, dependent upon the first, is that consciences observe the law, not as if constrained by the necessity of the law, but that freed from the law's yoke they willingly obey God's will.469

The third feature of Christian liberty is the freedom of Christians with regard to outward ceremonies.470 In 1543 the chapter on Christian liberty has moved to a new place, following the chapters on justification and the relationship of the Old and New Testaments instead of being located in between the chapters on sacraments and the doctrine of the church, as in 1539. The chapter itself is mostly the same, however. The longest addition is an added paragraph on the subject of Galatians.

Calvin there maintains that the ceremonial observances of the Old Testament were brought into their fulfilment in Christ. Therefore, righteousness can be found neither in the law nor in ceremonies, but in Christ alone, through whom believers are free from the law.471

Calvin details similarities and differences between the Old Testament Jews and the New Testament Christians in the chapter on the difference between the Old and New Testaments. While the faith of the Jews was directed to Christ the Mediator through the promises of the Old Testament, and the covenant of God with them was based on God's grace, not their merits, the promise of God was nevertheless presented to them under the veil of an earthly blessing, and in symbols rather than directly. Additionally, while they also found freedom through faith as the New Testament believers do, they were nonetheless, at least to a degree, kept in slavery under the letter of the law.472 Furthermore, the ceremonial observances of the Old Testament were removed by the coming of Christ and the letter of the law

469Altera, quae ex superiore illa pendet, ut conscientiae non quasi legis necessitate coactae legi obsequentur, sed legis ipsius iugo liberae voluntati Dei ultro obediant CO 1.7.4.

472CO 1.11.2, 24-41. To be specific, Calvin enumerates three similarities and five differences between the Old and New Testaments. For a full discussion, see CO 1.11.2, 24-41. The three similarities between the Old and New Testaments are 1) that both the Old Testament believers and those of the New Testament had their faith directed towards an eternal, not an earthly reward, 2) that just as the new covenant, the old covenant, too, was based on God's grace, not human merit and 3) both covenants presented Christ as the Mediator between God and humans. The five differences between the Old and New Testament believers are that the Old Testament believers had 1) their faith directed towards an eternal inheritance indirectly

(veiled under the promise of an earthly reward) while those of the New Testament had it presented to them directly. 2) The gospel of Christ was presented to the Old Testament believers through symbolic observances whereas the direct reality in Christ, the fulfilment of the Old Testament symbols, was revealed to the believers of the New Testament. 3) The Old Testament believers were under the letter of the law, and 4) under an outward servitude (although inwardly they, too, were free) while those of the New Testament are 3) under grace and the Spirit and 4) enjoy full Christian freedom. 5) Finally, during the Old Testament, only one nation was God's chosen, while in the New Testament believers are chosen from all nations. See a helpful and brief summary of the differences (as presented in the 1541 French edition of Calvin's Institution de la Religion Chrestienne) in InstFa: 823. was replaced with the gospel of grace. Institutio 1543 does not include any significant additions to that of 1539 on this subject.473

3.2.1.2. Work of the Holy Spirit The work of the Holy Spirit is only briefly treated in the Institutio of 1539 and 1543 under the third article of the Creed and that is why elements of the work of the Spirit have been identified in various sections of Institutio including the chapters on 1) the knowledge of man and of free will, 2) penitence, 3) justification and 4) the sacraments.

The Creed indicates that the Holy Spirit is the one who communicates and brings alive all of the benefits of Christ in humans. Calvin affirms,

'Now it becomes evident, how profitable and necessary it is for our faith to be directed to the Holy Spirit, for the reason that in him we find illumination for our soul, our regeneration, the communication of all the graces and even the efficacy of all the benefits proceeding from Jesus

The illumination of the Spirit is closely related to or even equated with the believers' faith.475 It is the Holy Spirit who makes the sacraments effective in that he makes it possible to have faith and illuminates both the Word and the sacrament.476 Institutio 1543 adds that it was the Spirit who enabled the preaching of the apostles, revealing the truth of the preaching and making it powerful.477

The most frequently treated aspect of the role of the Spirit in the Institutio 1539, however, is regeneration, representing the new life of the Christian.478 Repentance, a concept equated with regeneration by Calvin, includes two things, namely mortification of one's flesh and vivification to new life through the Spirit.479 Calvin further specifies that one can identify the reality of the new

473The most significant addition in 1543/45 is found in CO 1.12.40-41, where Calvin meets an objection which charges God of changeableness in the case that the Old Testament covenant is seen as radically different from that in the New Testament.

474Nunc liquet quam fructuosum necessariumque sit, fidem nostrum in spiritum sanctum directam ac intentam esse: nempe in quo et illumination animae, et regeneratio, et omnium gratiarum communicatio, adeoque eorum quae Christo nobis emanant bonorum efficacia reperiatur. CO 1.7.39. (My translation above). See also InstFa: 264, where the corresponding text runs as follows (translated by Calvin in French from the 1539 Latin edition of the Institutio in 1541), 'Maintenant il apparoist, combien il nous est profitable et necessaire, que nostre Foy soit dirigée au Sainct Esprit: veu qu'en luy nous trouvons l'illumination de nostre ame, nostre regeneration, la communication de toutes graces: et mesmes l'efficace de tous les biens qui nous proviennent de Jesus Christ.'

475Effectum nostrae salutis in Dei patris dilectione situm esse; materiam in filii obedientia; instrumentum in spiritus illuminatione, hoc est fide; finem esse tantae Dei benignitatis gloriam. CO 1.10.48.

478See e.g. CO 1.7.39, 1.9.6, 1.10.1, 1.10.6-7, 1.10.27, 1.10.36.

479Poenitentiam duabus partibus constare: mortificatione scilicet carnis, et spiritus vivificatione. CO birth 'when the Spirit of God so imbues our souls, steeped in his holiness, with both new thoughts and feelings, that they can be rightly considered new.'480

Although the work of the Spirit is most often talked about in connection with regeneration, this is not to say that justification takes place without the Spirit – it is the Spirit who enables one to have faith and is the seal confirming

God's promises in the heart.481 Nevertheless, neither the Spirit himself nor the regenerating aspect of the Spirit's work is to be confused with justification despite the fact that in union with Christ the believer has both forgiveness and sanctification present at the same time, as noted above.482

The regeneration of the Christian by the Spirit, as pointed out in Institutio 1543, removes the dominion of sin from the Christian, but does not destroy it completely.483 This is connected to what was explained by Calvin already in 1539, that there is a continuing struggle between the new and the old man, between the Spirit and the flesh. However, the Spirit holds dominion in this struggle, keeping the flesh in check.484

It may be observed that each of the above outlined aspects of the role of the Spirit is also at least briefly alluded to in the commentary on Galatians.485

The law and good works are closely interrelated in Calvin's treatment; perhaps even more so than in Luther's, because Calvin, differing from Luther, explicitly identifies a positive use of the law (tertius usus legis) for believers, exhorting them to good works. Nevertheless, the subjects of the law and good works are discussed separately. In the discussion here, the following subjects are briefly addressed, the purpose, goal, use and abrogation of the law, succeeded by a succinct consideration of ceremonial observances in Christian life.486

Calvin begins his treatment on the law by pointing out that the law leads to a true knowledge of God and humans – on the one hand humans owe the honour to God while on the other they have a natural repugnance towards God's law. This contradiction of human existence leads to fearful expectation of the Day of Judgment. Christ, however, by his promises to the obedient, draws humans to 480Id fit, quum Dei spiritus intinctas sua sanctitate auimas nostras novis et cogitationibus et affectibus ita imbuit, ut novae iure haberi queant.CO 1.9.7.

481CO 1.5.25-27. Proinde spiritus sigilli vice fungitur, ad eas ipsas promissiones in cordibus nostris obsignandas, quarum certitudinem prius mentibus impressit; atque ad confirmandas et constituendas arrhae locum tenet. CO 1.5.27.

482See CO 1.10.14 and 1.10.38. See also CO 1.10.57 and 1.7.20.

484See CO 1.2.46, 1.2.61-62. Atqui duo isti athletae, etsi suo certamine piam animam ita distrahunt, dispari tamen conditione inter se congrediuntur. … dum conatur abrumpere, obstaculis suis remoratur; dum a cursu avertere vult, impedimentis retardat; dum exstinguere molitur, ardorem imminuit; dum studet atterere, incurvat et inflectit. CO 1.2.62.

486See CO 1.3.3, 1.3.80, 1.3.94, 1.3.103, respectively. obedience.487 The purpose of the law is to further pinpoint that nothing is as pleasing to God as obedience. This entails, not only an outward adherence to its precepts but also the inward.488

The goal of the law is therefore a perfect inner motivation, summed up in love toward God (1st table of the Decalogue) and love toward one's neighbour

(2nd table of the Decalogue). Anything short of this is sin. There are, however, no humans who fulfil this requirement.489 This human incapacity leads to Calvin's three uses of the law.

The first use (primus usus legis) is to show human iniquity and that the righteous curse the law passes onto all who fail to meet its demand and also to lead each one into the realisation of their need for Christ and his grace. This use of the law is the principal aspect of the uses of the law discussed within Calvin's commentary on Galatians.490 The second use (secundus usus legis), practically absent in the commentary on Galatians, is to restrain the wicked and keep them in check. Interestingly, in 1543 Calvin adds a section on the second use of the law, where he maintains, commenting on the law as a pedagogue (Gal. 3.24), that the second use of the law applies to two classes of people – 1) to the hypocrites, so that they would again become acceptable to Christ by making them long for the righteousness they lack and 2) to the openly wicked, who need a bridle so that they will not lose all desire for righteousness. In this way the second use of the law impels toward the first use, preparing the human agents to see their need for The third use of the law (tertius usus legis) is the principal use of the law according to Calvin. The third use of the law is for the benefit of regenerated Christians who already have the law written in their hearts. The law provides a double advantage for them in that they, now wanting to serve God, can learn about God's will in his law even better. Further, another aspect of the third use of the law, which Luther includes under the category of his second use of the law, is the goading and restraining function of the law for the sinful flesh still remaining in Calvin further affirms that the law is abrogated for the believer so that it no longer terrifies their conscience because they have found acceptance with God through Christ. At the same time, however, the law, while no longer accusing them, retains its instructing function.493

488Initio constitutum sit, non ad externam honestatem modo, sed ad interiorem spiritualemque iustitiam, hominis vitam in lege informari. CO 1.3.7.

489CO 1.3.80-81, 92-93.

Institutio 1543/45 adds a whole chapter to that of 1539 on human traditions (de traditionibus humanis).494 The subject of human traditions is closely connected to that of Christian freedom, a theme which Calvin identifies as important within Galatians. Calvin explains that since God has already provided a perfect rule of justice in his law, it is a form of new Judaism to add supplementary ceremonies to burden human consciences.495 Instead, Christian liberty ought to be maintained and no unnecessary rules should be imposed on people.496 Calvin asserts,

'Again, it is well known with what extreme rigor they [papists] bind consciences to observe whatever they command. When we contradict them, we make common cause with Paul, who on no account allows faithful consciences to be reduced to human bondage.'497

There is a use for some (but not many) ceremonies in the Christian church according to Calvin, however. The choosing of these ceremonies is to be guided by the consideration of brotherly love and Christian freedom on the one hand and the maintaining of necessary order on the other. Certain observances can, when rightly used, also function as exercises of piety for God's glory, when they are not made binding on the conscience. The type of ceremonies one ought to observe, however, changes according to time and need.498

The concept of good works is briefly discussed here in terms of the relationship between good works and justification, their underlying motivation, their relationship to self-abnegation, and their putting into practice.

Calvin maintains that no work is truly good without faith. It is only works proceeding from faith and a regenerate heart that are genuinely pure.499

Therefore good works play no role in justification itself, a concept maintained on similar lines in the commentary on Galatians. However, provided that one is already justified, one can talk of rewards for good works, which God in his grace gives,

494It may be the place to note, however, that some of the material presented in the added chapter on ceremonial observances in the Institutio of 1543/45 can also be found in the Institutio of 1539 in the chapter on the authority of the church. Compare CO 1.pp. 1039-1066 (Institutio 1539) with CO 1.13.1-34

(Institutio 1543/45). See also CO 1.LV-LVI.

497Rursum quam praeciso necessitate stringant conscientias ad servandum quidquid iubent, non est ignotum. Hic dum reclamamus, causam habemus cum Paulo communem, qui nullo modo patitur fideles conscientias in hominum servitutem redigi. CO 1.13.9. Calvin probably refers here to Gal. 5.1, though the verse is not explicitly mentioned in Institutio 1543/45.

498CO 1.13.22-23, CO 1.13.28, 31-33.

499Quare purificationem cordis praecedere oportet, ut quae a nobis prodeunt opera benigne a Deo excipiantur. Porro solam fidem esse, qua corda hominum purificantur, spiritus sanctus per os Petri asseruit (Act. 15,9), unde constat primum esse in vera vivaque fide fundamentum. CO 1.10.35. forgiving the remaining imperfection of the good deeds of the believers.500

However, as added in 1543, the rewards are rather a fruition of faith than properly speaking due to works.501

The underlying motivation for genuine good works is love, which is a fruit of faith and proceeds from a good conscience.502 Similarly to Luther, Calvin identifies love of self as a measure of loving our neighbour, and further maintains the importance of loving even our enemies.503 The love of one's neighbour is described in the second Table of the Decalogue. Accordingly, the Ten

Commandments provide a rule to follow in putting love into practice in works of love, bearing in mind that the commandments entail not only a prohibition but also a positive command to protect and preserve one's neighbour with a feeling of affection, for instance, in fulfilment of the sixth command prohibiting killing.504

The last chapter of Institutio 1539 on Christian life is the only one of those under review in this study which has remained completely untouched in 1543/45. Calvin affirms that the whole Scripture can be summarised under two headings, 1) as the drawing of humans to love of justice and 2) as giving a rule of life for them to follow in his law when humans have come to Christ (tertius usus legis).505 A further desciptor of Christian life is self-abnegation both toward God and humans. Self-abnegation toward humans is directly related to good works. One ought to see the image of Christ in one's needy neighbour, which removes all excuses for refusing help to anyone needing aid.506 Calvin states in an eloquent passage,

Say, "He is contemptible and worthless"; but the Lord shows him to be one to whom he has deigned to give the beauty of his image. Say that you owe nothing for any service of his; but God, as it were, has put him in his own place in order that you may recognize toward him the many and great benefits with which God has bound you to himself.507

503Quin etiam, quo magis exprimeret Dominus quanta propensione nos in proximorum dilectionem agi oporteret, ad nostril amorem (quia nullum habebat vehementiorem aut validiorem affectum) tanquam ad regulam exegit. CO 1.3.84.

504CO 1.3.61-62. Calvin lists the Ten Commandments differently to Luther so that the command prohibiting the making of idols and bowing down to them is identified as a separate command (2nd command) and the one forbidding lust is seen as one instead of two as in Luther (10th command).

Compare e.g. CO 1.3.15-1.3.39, 1.3.78-79 with e.g. WA 30a.283.19-284.3, 289.21-291.31 (Kleine 505Porro duabus potissimum partibus incumbit haec, de qua loquimur, scripturae institutio. Prior est, ut iustitiae amor, ad quem alioqui natura minime propensi sumu, animis nostris instilletur, ac inseratur; altera, ut nobis norma praescribatur, quae nos in iustitiae studio aberrare non sinat. CO 1.21.2.

507Dic contemptibilem ac nihili: at eum Dominus esse demonstrat quam imagines suae decore dignatus sit. Dic nullis eius officiis te esse obaeratum: at eum velut in vicem suam substituit Deus, erga quem tot ac tanta recognoscas beneficia quibus te sibi devinxit. CO 1.21.10.

The self-abnegation Calvin discusses is lived out by putting the law of love into practice by helping others with everything one has.508 Further, it is faithfulness in one's daily calling, which is pleasing to God above all other good works, however impressive any other kind of good works may seem in the sight of the world.509

Ministry, in addition to the chapter on ceremonial observances, is another subject which is discussed in much more detail in Institutio 1543 than in that of 1539. A possible reason for this may be seen in the fact that in his new responsibility as the principal creator of the church policies in Geneva, Calvin had had to give closer attention to the issues of church observances and ministry since his return from Strasbourg to Geneva in 1541.

The concept of ministry is discussed by Calvin in the context of the Catholic practice of ministry, which he critiques. Calvin maintains the priesthood of all believers in Institutio 1539, in opposition to a priesthood deriving from Peter (or the pope).510 Further, Calvin sees the task of the pastor as being to preach the gospel and to administer the sacraments. However, he does not accept practices identified as being outside of God's Scriptural order such as the sacrifice of the mass.511

Calvin further maintains that the minister's calling to office is to take place in an orderly way and points out the importance of choosing a specific location where to pastor a church (in contrast to itinerant preaching).512 The discussion on ministry is continued further on the basis of Institutio 1543/45 because of the more comprehensive treatment of the subjects.513

Calvin begins with a consideration of the reason why ministry is needed (God could do his work without human assistance). Calvin affirms that ministry is legitimated by the fact that God has chosen to proclaim his Word by the mouth of humans.514 God has placed a high honour on the office of ministry,515 a subject which is important within the commentary on Galatians. Calvin also compares the task of teachers and pastors and asserts the difference of their

509Poterit forte interdum nonnihil in speciem laudabile designare; sed illud, qualecunque sit in conspectu hominum, apud Dei thronum respuetur. … (Calvin's last sentence of Institutio), 'Hic et eximia consolatio nascetur, quod nullum erit tam sordidum ac vile opus, in quo modo tuae vocationi pareas, quod non coram Deo resplendeat et pretiosissimum habeatur.' CO 1.21.37.

511CO 1.19.30, pp. 1087-1088.

512CO 1.19.30, p. 1088.

513Institutio 1539 also discusses various aspects of the minister's calling, but the treatment in the Institutio 1543/45 is more comprehensive. Compare CO 1.8.45-50 (Institutio 1543/45) with CO 1.19.30, pp.1089-1093 (Institutio 1539. Beginning from CO 1.19.31, the text of the Institutio 1539 and 1543/45 is essentially the same, dealing with the appropriate ceremony for the appointment to ministry.

514CO 1.8.34. One may see a connection here to the practice of Calvin to expound Scripture verse by verse in his sermons. By the time Calvin died, he had preached through most of the Bible. responsibility as being that teachers focus solely on expounding the Word while pastors, in addition to preaching the Word, are also responsible for administering the sacraments and church discipline, and also delivering exhortations and warnings to those under their care.516

As a matter of interest, Calvin makes a rather striking reference to the office of an apostle 'in our day' (nostro tempore) in his consideration of the office of an apostle, which most likely is a reference to Luther, highlighting the high regard he had for the German reformer.517

While Calvin maintains the necessity of an inner call from God to ministry,518 his consideration of the calling focuses on the external means of an orderly calling to ministry. There are four aspects Calvin outlines on an orderly calling to ministry (who to choose, how, by whom and by what ceremony). First, only those should be chosen for the position of ministry, who fulfil the requirements laid down in the Bible (e.g. Tit. 1.9, 1 Tim. 3.1-7), with necessary qualities for the task given by God. Second, the appointment to ministry ought to take place with honour and holy awe, together with prayer.519 Third, while God chose the apostles with a direct call (per Christum / Deum), as Paul indicates about the nature of his calling in Galatians, even the apostles where also appointed by the agency of the church. The indirect call through the agency of the church is the proper means for choosing ministers today, Calvin affirms (calling through humans – per hominem).

Calvin also gives some attention to the question whether the appointment to ministry ought to take place by the votes of the people or by a council of pastors, and concludes that the best method is to use a combination of the two, so that pastors preside in a council where the votes of the people settle who is appointed to ministry.520 Fourth, having given attention to various scriptural ways of appointment to ministry, he concludes that the most appropriate ceremony is the laying on of hands by several pastors.521

516CO 1.8.38. See also CO 1.8.39-40.

517Calvin's statement can be found in a section where he details the various church offices named in Eph.

4.11 (apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors, teachers). While he maintains that the term apostle primarily refers to the disciples of Christ and Paul, he suggests that God at times raises apostles, or at least evangelists, ut nostro tempore factum est (as has happened in our day). CO 1.8.34. Considering

Calvin's statements elsewhere, he probably means Luther. See section 2.4.3.4. for further discussion.

518Calvin maintains that the inner call from God is necessary so that one can perform the task of ministry with good conscience, knowing that one is not in the position for gain, but out of true interest for the welfare of the church. De solemni vacatione loquor, quae ad publicum ecclesiae ordinem spectat; arcanam vero illam, cuius sibi quisque minister coram Deo conscious est, ecclesiam testem non habet, omitto. Est autem bonum cordis nostril testimonium, quod neque ambitione, neque avaritia, neque ulla alia cupiditate, sed sincero Dei timore, et aedificandae ecclesiae studio, oblatum munus recipiamus. CO

There is not much difference in how the concepts discussed above (justification, work of the Holy Spirit, law, good works and ministry) are treated in the Institutio 1539 as compared to the edition of 1543/45. The later edition primarily adds detail and occasionally accentuates certain concepts more, with the exception of the added chapter on human traditions and additional material on ministry (though even in these areas much of the foundational material can be found in the 1539 edition). Further, it is evident that Calvin's Institutio treats several of the concepts relevant to Calvin's Galatians in a more comprehensive way than in the commentary. This brings to mind Calvin's own recommendation of referring any further query on particular theological issues treated only briefly in his biblical commentaries to a more detailed treatment in the Institutes.522 On the other hand, the commentary highlights Calvin's thought in relation to the specific subjects of Paul's epistle to the Galatians, and underscores important aspects of Calvin's theology not emphasised in Calvin's Institutes.523 Furthermore, for the purpose of this study, there is the additional advantage of being able to compare Calvin's and Luther's thought on the specific issues treated within Galatians.

523See e.g. the discussion on the role of faith in justification and Calvin's view on the first use of the law, both of which are treated in illuminating detail in Calvin's Galatians, even as compared to Calvin's

Institutio. Compare sections 3.2.1. 3.2.3. and 5.1.1.2. and 5.3.2. of this study.