The Wider Parish

The Wider Parish

The Wider Parish I look upon all the world as my parish; thus far I mean, that, in whatever part of it 1am, I judge it meet, right, and my bounden duty, to declare unto all that are willing to hear, the glad tidings of salvation. This is the work which I know God has called me to do; and sure I am, that His blessing attends it.

John Wesley For some weeks I had been entertaining thoughts concerning the manner of this new work. Before leaving Bristol (having received a pressing letter from London to come there, our brethren in Fetter Lane being in great confusion for want of my presence and advice), I wrote to Mr. Hervey weighing whatever objections I had heard against the direction that my ministry had taken! An extract from that letter is as follows:?

Objection:

"That I should settle in college." lanswered:

"I have no business there, no office, and no pupils."

Objection:

"That I should accept a cure of souls" (that is, a local parish). lanswered:

'It will be time enough to consider, when one is offered to me."

Objection:

"That in the meantime I ought to sit still; because otherwise I should invade another's office, if interfered with other people's business and intermeddled with souls that did not belong to me."

1The Reverend James Hervey was a former student of Wesley's.

2These objections and answers are taken from a letter in Works, Vol.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology I answered:

''God in Scripture commands me, according to my power, to instruct the ignorant, reform the wicked, confirm the virtuous. Man forbids me to do this in another's parish; that is, in effect, to do it at all; seeing I had now no parish of my own, nor probably ever shall.

Whom then shall I hear, God or man? 'If it be just to obey man rather than God, judge you.

A dispensation of the Gospel is committed to me; and woe is me, if I preach not the Gospel.'

But where shall I preach it, upon the principles you mentioned? Why, not in Europe,

Asia, Africa or America; not in any of the Christian parts, at least, of the habitable earth. For all these are, after a sort, divided into parishes. If it be said, 'Go back, then, to the Heathens from whence you came:' Nay, but neither could I now (on your principles) preach to them; for all the Heathens in Georgia belong to the parish either of Savannah or Frederica."

Objection:

"How is it that lassemble Christians who are none of my charge, to sing psalms, and pray, and hear the Scriptures expounded?' Is it not hard to justify doing this in other men's parishes, upon catholic principles?"

Ianswered:

"If by catholic principles you mean any other than Scriptural, they weigh nothing with me:

I allow no other rule, whether of faith or practice, than the Holy Scriptures: But on Scriptural principles, I do not think it hard to justify whatever I do."

Allow me now to tell you my principles in this manner.

"I look upon all the world as my parish; thus far I mean, that, in whatever part of it 1am, I judge it meet, right, and my bounden duty, to declare unto all that are willing to hear, the glad tidings of salvation. This is the work which I know God has called me to do; and sure I am, that his blessing attends it. Great encouragement have I, therefore, to be faithful in fulfilling the work he hath given me to do.

His servant I am, and, as such, am employed according to the plain direction of his Word, 'As I have opportunity, doing good to all men:' And his providence clearly concurs

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with his word; which has disengaged me from all things else, that I might singly attend on this very thing, 'and go about doing good.'''?

Thus, by the time I left Bristol June 12), the Revival (which some people call Methodist) was begun. For the next fifty years I would travel some quarter of a million miles and preach, so I am told, some 40,000 sermons.'

Before we change the scene, however, I must describe some events which help to capture the mood of these opening months in Bristol.° I have always thought it interesting that early in the Revival someone unsympathetically described me when I preached as resembling a standing statue, claiming that the only thing that moved was my mouth and that I read my sermons s0 rapidly that it was all you could do to follow my logic; yet hundreds were slain as if by God Himself.

Although I later used more of an extemporaneous style of preaching, God honored those earlier sermons. People cried out asifin the throes of death, begging God for mercy and forgiveness.

I remember a physician who was greatly offended at the cries of those on whom the power of God came. He was afraid there might be fraud or deception. He attended a service at Newgate and one whom he had known for many years was the first who cried out. 'He could hardly believe his own eyes and ears. He went and stood close to her, and observed every symptom, till great drops of sweat ran down her face and all her bones shook. He then knew not 3Ibid., pp. 201f.

4Wesley preached an average of 800 sermons a year for 50 years.

SWesley describes his routine for this period in his Journal: ""My ordinary employment, in public, was now as follows: —Every morning I read prayers and preached at Newgate. Every evening I expounded a portion of Scripture at one or more of the Societies. On Monday, in the afternoon, I preached abroad, near Bristol; on Tuesday, at Bath and Two-Mile-Hill alternately; on Wednesday, at Baptist-Mills; every other

Thursday, near Pensford; every other Friday, in another part of Kingswood; on Saturday, in the afternoon, and Sunday morning, in the Bowling-Green; (which lies near the middle of the city;) on Sunday, at eleven, near Hannam-Mount; at two, Clifton; and at five on Rose Green; and hitherto, as my days, so my strength hath been" (Works, Vol. I, p.

193):

John Wesley: His Life and Theology what to think, being clearly convinced, it was not fraud, nor yet any natural disorder. But when both her soul and body were healed in a moment, he acknowledged the finger of God.''6

Soon afterward, a weaver named John Haydon had an even more striking experience. I must tell you the story.

God forgive me if I enjoy the telling too much! Mr. Haydon "was (I understood) a man of a regular life and conversation, one that constantly attended the public prayers and sacrament, and was zealous for the Church...

. Being informed that people fell into strange fits at the societies, he came to see and judge for himself. But, he was less satisfied than before; insomuch that he went about to his acquaintance, one after another, till one in the morning, and labored above measure to convince them it was a delusion of the devil. We were going home, when one met us in the street, and informed us, that John Haydon was fallen raving mad. It seems he had sat down to dinner, but had a mind first to end a sermon he had borrowed on 'Salvation by Faith.' In reading the last page, he changed color, fell off his chair, and began screaming terribly, and beating himself against the ground. The neighbors were alarmed, and flocked together to the house. Between one and two I came in, and found him on the floor, the room being full of people whom his wife would have kept without; but he cried aloud, 'No; let them all come; let all the world see the just judgment of God.' Two or three men were holding him as well as they could. He immediately fixed his eyes upon me and, stretching out his hand, cried,

"Ay, this is he, who! said was a deceiver of the people. But God has overtaken me. I said it was alla delusion; but this is no delusion.' He then roared out, 'O thou devil! Thou cursed devil! Yea, thou legion of devils! Thou canst not stay. Christ will cast thee out. I know his work is begun.

Tear me to pieces, if thou wilt; but thou canst not hurt me.'

He then beat himself against the ground again; his breast heaving at the same time, as in the pangs of death, and great drops of sweat trickling down his face. We all betook

Ibid., p. 189.

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ourselves to prayer. His pangs ceased, and both his body and soul were set at liberty."""

From Bristol we went first to the surrounding cities, such as Bath. During the early months of the Revival ''there was great expectation there of what a noted man was to do to me; and I was much entreated not to preach, because no one knew what might happen. By this report I also gained a much larger audience, among whom were many of the rich and the great. I told them plainly the Scripture had concluded them all under sin—high and low, rich and poor, one with another. Many of them seemed to be a little surprised, and were sinking apace into seriousness, when their champion appeared, and coming close to me, asked by what authority I did these things. I replied, 'By the authority of Jesus Christ, conveyed to me by the (now)

Archbishop of Canterbury, when he laid hands upon me, and said, Take thou authority to preach the Gospel.' He said, 'This is contrary to Act of Parliament.' I answered,

'Sir, the conventicles mentioned in that Act (as the preamble shows) are seditious meetings; But this is not such; here is no shadow of sedition; therefore it is not contrary to that Act.' He replied, 'Isay it is; And besides, your preaching frightens people out of their wits.' 'Sir, did you ever hear me preach?' 'No.' 'How, then, can you judge of what you never heard?' 'Sir, by common report.' 'Common report, is not enough. Give me leave, sir, to ask, is not your name Nash?' 'My name is Nash.' 'Sir, I dare not judge of you by common report: I think it is not enough to judge by.' Here he paused awhile, and, having recovered himself, said, 'I desire to know what this people comes here for:' On which one replied, 'Sir, leave him to me: Let an old woman answer him. You, Mr. Nash, take care of your body

[Beau Nash was a frivolous gamester expelled from Oxford for his intrigues and wild adventures]; we take care of our souls; and for the food of our souls we come here.' He replied not a word, but walked away.

'As I returned, the street was full of people, hurrying to and fro, and speaking great words. But when any of them

Ibid., pp. 190f.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology asked, 'Which is he?' and I replied 'I am he,' they were immediately silent not really wishing to encounter me.

Several ladies followed me into Mr. Merchant's house, the servant told me there were some wanted to speak to me. I went to them, and said, 'I believe, ladies, the maid mistook; you only wanted to look at me.' I added, 'I do not expect that the rich and the great should want either to speak with me or to hear me; for! speak the plain truth, —a thing you hear little of, and do not desire to hear.' A few more words passed between us, and I retired.''8

Immediately upon my return to London (June 13) I went to the Society at Fetter Lane. I was quite concerned with the many misunderstandings and offenses that had crept in among them. I warned them (especially the women):

"Believe not every spirit, but try the spirits, whether they be of God.' I told them, they were not to judge of the spirit whereby any one spoke, either by appearances, or by common report, or by their own inward feelings: No, nor by any dreams, visions, or revelations, supposed to be made to their souls; any more than by their tears, or any involuntary effects wrought upon their bodies. I warned them, all these were, in themselves, of a doubtful, disputable, nature; they might be from God, and they might not; and were therefore, not simply to be relied on, (any more than simply to be condemned,) but to be tried by a farther rule, to be brought to the only certain test, the Law and the Testimony.''!° In just a few days, determined that we should not rest in those little beginnings of sanctification,

"the spirit of love and of asound mind" was restored.!! By Tuesday, June 19, I was back in Bristol but could hardly believe the way God had justly withdrawn His Spirit from 8Ibid., pp. 198f.

%In route to London, Wesley visited his mother in Salisbury. He seems to have put to rest any fears she might have had regarding his new-found faith (cf. Works, Vol. I, pp. 202f.). Wesley had not been in London since March 29.

11bid., p. 206; cf. Vol. II, p. 48 and Vol. VIII, pp. 253f. for an additional word on ''Testing Spirits."

"During his five days in London, Wesley spent considerable time with George Whitefield. They ministered together both by preaching and working with the Societies.

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us. In spite of our great unfaithfulness, however, the next day our hearts were sweetly drawn together and united as at first.

Although this present advantage over Satan (however tentative) was an encouragement, I found a few days later I "had no life or spirit in me; and was much in doubt, whether God would not lay me aside, and send other laborers into his harvest.''2 Then, once again my ministry was confirmed. While I was speaking at the Society, "one before me dropped down as dead, and presently a second anda third. Five others sunk down in half an hour, most of whom were in violent agonies. 'The pains' as 'of hell came about them; the snares of God overtook them." In their trouble we called upon the Lord, and he gave us an answer of peace. One indeed continued an hour in strong pain; and one or two more for three days. But the rest were greatly comforted in that hour, and went away rejoicing and praising God.''* Thus, my spirit revived as the doctrine I preached was used of God in effecting real change in the hearts and lives of others. Let me describe to you briefly that doctrine as I then understood it. At its heart was justification by faith alone. Furthermore, my motive for preaching thus was because thousands for whom Christ died were allowed to perish for lack of that knowledge. 'They perish for want of knowing that we, as well as the Heathens, 'are alienated from the life of God;' that 'every one of us,' by the corruption of our inmost nature, 'is very far gone from original righteousness,' so far, that 'every person born into the world deserveth God's wrath and damnation;' that we have by nature no power either to help ourselves, or even to call upon God to help us: All our tempers and works, in our natural state, being only evil continually. So that our coming to Christ, as well as theirs, must infer a great and mighty change. It must infer not only an outward change, from stealing, lying, and all corrupt communication; but a thorough change of heart, an inward renewal in the spirit of 12Works, Vol. I, p. 205.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology our mind. Accordingly, 'the old man' implies infinitely more than outward evil conversation, even 'an evil heart of unbelief," corrupted by pride and a thousand deceitful lusts. Of consequence, the 'new man' must imply infinitely more than outward good conversation, even 'a good heart, which after God is created in righteousness and true holiness;' a heart full of that faith which, working by love, produces all holiness of conversation.

"The change from the former of these states to the latter, is what I call The New Birth: 'a sure trust and confidence in God, that by the merits of Christ our sins are forgiven, and we are reconciled to the favor of God.' And from this will spring many other things, which till then we experienced not; as, the love of God shed abroad in our hearts, the peace of God which passeth all understanding, and joy in the Holy Ghost; joy, though not unfelt, yet 'unspeakable, and full of glory.'''14

This is basically the doctrine I preached until 1747: thatis justifying faith is a divine assurance that Christ loved me and gave Himself for me, which, by the nature of it, includes a sense of pardon.

'5 In 1747, however, my opinion of justifying faith as necessarily including a sense of pardon, changed. Two years previously I had engaged in a rather lengthly debate with Thomas Secker, the Bishop of Bristol, and I had refused to give ground. '® Then, I noticed that much of the testimony of those justified bore him out.

Since the issue had been raised once again at our recent Conference, I realized the necessity of examining the question again. The result of this reappraisal can best be related by a letter to Charles dated July 31, 1747:

"Beercrocomb, July 31, 1747.

DEAR BROTHER,— Yesterday I was thinking on a deMIbid., pp. 214f.

The question: "Is justifying faith a divine assurance that Christ loved me and gave Himself for me?' was posed at the Conference for 1747 and the answer was: "We believe it is." This same opinion is expressed clearly in his 'Earnest Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion" (Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 4ff.).

debate took place in the correspondence with "John Smith" a nom de plume of Secker (so it is believed, see Letters, Vol. IL, p. 42n.).

The Wider Parish sideratum among us, a genesis problematica on Justifying Faith. A skeleton of it, which you may fill up, or any one that has leisure, I have roughly set down.

Is justifying faith a sense of pardon? Negatur.

I. Every one is deeply concerned to understand this question well: but preachers most of all; lest they should either make them sad whom God hath not made sad, or encourage them to say peace where there is no peace.

Some years ago we heard nothing about either justifying faith or a sense of pardon: so that, when we did hear of them, the theme was quite new to us; and we might easily, especially in the heat and hurry of controversy, lean too much either to the one hand or to the other.

II. By justifying faith I mean that faith which whosoever hath not is under the wrath and curse of God. By a sense of pardon I mean a distinct, explicit assurance that my sins are forgiven.

I allow (1) that there is such an explicit assurance; (2) that it is the common privilege of real Christians; (3) that it is the proper Christian faith, which purifieth the heart and overcometh the world.

But I cannot allow that justifying faith is such an assurance, or necessarily connected therewith.

Ill. Because, if justifying faith necessarily implies such an explicit sense of pardon, then every one who has it not, and every one so long as he has it not, is under the wrath and under the curse of God. But this is a supposition contrary to Scripture (Isaiah 1.10; Acts x.34). Contrary to experience: for Jonathan Reeves, &c. &c., had peace with God, no fear, no doubt, before they had that sense of pardon; and so have I frequently had.

Again, the assertion that justifying faith is a sense of pardon is contrary to reason; it is flatly absurd. For how can a sense of our having received pardon be the condition of our receiving it?

IV. If you object, (1) 'lob, Thomas, St. Paul, &c., had this sense,' I grant they had; but they were justified before they had it. (2) 'We know fifteen hundred persons who have this assurance.' Perhaps so; but this does not prove that they were not justified till they received it. (3) 'We have been exceedingly blessed in preaching this doctrine.'

We have been blessed in preaching the great truths of the

John Wesley: His Life and Theology gospel; although we tacked to them, in the simplicity of our hearts, a proposition which was not true. (4) 'But does not our Church give this account of justifying faith?' I am sure she does of saving or Christian faith; I think she does of justifying faith too. But to the law and testimony. All men may err; but the word of the Lord shall stand for ever.''?'

Before moving on, let me make an additional note. It has always remained a mystery to me that in spite of my preaching justification by faith alone (let the issue of assurance, which little affects the basic doctrine, rest) there have been numerous reports throughout the Revival "that I was a Papist, if not a Jesuit. Some added, that I was born and bred in Rome; which many cordially believed. O ye fools, when will ye understand that the preaching of justification by faith alone; the allowing no meritorious cause of justification, but the death and righteousness of Christ; and no condition or instrumental cause but faith; is overturning Popery from the foundation? When will ye understand, that the most destructive of all those eras which Rome, the mother of abominations, hath brought forth,

(compared to which transubstantiation, and a hundred more) are 'trifles light as air,' is, 'That we are justified by works;' or (to express the same thing a little more decently,) by faith and works? Now, dol preach this? I did for ten years: I was (fundamentally) a Papist, and knew it not.

But I do now testify to all, (and it is the very point for asserting which I have, to this day, been called in question,) that 'no good works can be done before justification; none which have not in them the nature of sin.''"18

This reminds me that some years later, while I was preaching in Dublin, one of the congregation, after listening forsome time, cried out, shaking his head, "Ay, heisa

Jesuit; that's plain."" To which a popish priest, who happened to be near, replied loudly, "No, he is not; I would to God he was.''19

17Letters, Vol. Il, pp. 108f. This important letter describes a significant change which will bear even greater fruit.

18Works, Vol. I, pp. 218f. Cf. his basic objections to Roman Catholic doctrine (Works, Vol. I, p. 221).

17 bid:,, Vol. Tl) p99,

The Wider Parish 269, So, in the summer of 1739, using Bristol and London as our base, our ministry expanded rapidly. Sometimes traveling with Mr. Whitefield (at least for a season), my brother Charles, or other friends, we extended our preaching to other places. Since much of our activity during the next fifty years reads repetitiously (and the details can be gleaned from my Journal), allow me to describe the events and issues which come to mind.

Early in September (1739) I talked at length with my mother. Much to my surprise, she told me that until recently, she had scarcely heard of the experience of the forgiveness of sins now, or of God's Spirit bearing witness with our spirit: much less did she imagine that this was the testimony of all true believers (even though her father, Dr.

Annesley, experienced this himself shortly before his death). Therefore," she said, "I never durst ask for it myself. But two or three weeks ago, while my son Hall

[Westley Hall] was pronouncing those words, in delivering the cup to me, 'the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for thee;' the words struck through my heart, and I knew God for Christ's sake had forgiven me all my sins.''2° Less than a week later she went with us to Kennington, where there must have been 20,000 people.

There may well have been more (as in later years), but I caution against that hateful custom of painting things beyond life. "Let us make a conscience of magnifying or exaggerating any thing. Let us rather speak under, than above, the truth. We, of all men, should be punctual in all we say; that none of our words may fall to the ground.''??

Yet, in spite of the great crowds, "I wonder at those who still talk so loud of the indecency of field-preaching. The highest indecency is in St. Paul's Church, when a considerable part of the congregation are asleep, or talking, or looking about, not minding a word the Preacher says. On the other hand, there is the highest decency in a churchyard or field, when the whole congregation behave

20[bid., Vol. I, p. 222.

21[bid., Vol. II, p. 88.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology and look as if they saw the Judge of all, and heard him speaking from heaven.''??

Perhaps I should reiterate that, to the best of my knowledge, the doctrines we preach are the same doctrines preached by those clergymen faithful to the Church of England. Indeed we agree with the fundamental doctrines of the churches as clearly laid down, both in her Prayers,

Articles, and Homilies. 'But from that part of the Clergy who dissent from the Church, (though they own it not,)

I differ in the following points:

"First, They speak of justification, either as the same thing with sanctification, or as something consequent upon it. I believe justification to be wholly distinct from sanctification, and necessarily antecedent to it.

"Secondly, They speak of our own holiness, or good works, as the cause of our justification; or, that for the sake of which, on account of which, we are justified before God.

I believe, neither our own holiness, nor good works, are any part of the cause of our justification; but that the death and righteousness of Christ are the whole and sole cause of it; or, that for the sake of which, on account of which, we are justified before God.

"Thirdly, They speak of good works as condition of justification, necessarily previous to it. I believe no good work can be previous to justification, nor, consequently, a condition of it; but that we are justified (being till that hour ungodly, and, therefore, incapable of doing any good work) by faith alone, faith without works, faith (though producing all, yet) including no good work.

"Fourthly, They speak of sanctification (or holiness) as if it were an outward thing; as if it consisted chiefly, if not wholly, in those two points, 1. The doing no harm; 2. The doing good, (as it is called,) that is, the using the means of grace, and helping our neighbour.

"T believe it to be an inward thing, namely, the life of God in the soul of man; a participation of the divine nature; the mind that was in Christ; or, the renewal of our heart, after the image of Him that created us.

"Lastly, They speak of the new birth as an outward 2Ibid., p. 113.

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thing; as if it were no more than baptism; or, at most, a change from outward wickedness to outward goodness; from a vicious to (what is called) a virtuous life. I believe it to be an inward thing; a change from inward wickedness to inward goodness; an entire change of our inmost nature from the image of the devil (wherein we are born) to the image of God; a change from the love of the creature to the love of the Creator; from earthly and sensual, to heavenly and holy affections; —in a word, a change from the tempers of the spirits of darkness, to those of the angels of God in heaven.

"There is, therefore, a wide, essential, fundamental, irreconcilable difference between us; so that if they speak the truth as it is in Jesus, Iam found a false witness before God. But if I teach the way of God in truth, they are blind leaders of the blind.'

I should also add that much of the rage and madness directed toward the people called Methodist throughout the kingdom was aroused by the clergy. I remember an incident in the spring of 1743 in Wednesbury. "While I was speaking, a gentleman rode up very drunk; and after many unseemly and bitter words, labored much to ride over some of the people. I was surprised to hear he was a neighboring Clergyman. And this, too is a man zealous for the church! Ah, poor church, if it stood in need of such defenders!''?* Unfortunately our problems were not only from without. In October (1739) I returned to Oxford where "I had a little leisure to take a view of the shattered condition of things here. The poor prisoners, both in the castle and in the city prison, had now none that cared for their souls; none to instruct, advise, comfort, and build them up in the knowledge and love of the Lord Jesus. None was left to visit the workhouses, where, also, we used to meet with the most moving objects of compassion. Our little school, where about twenty poor children, at a time, had been

231bid., Vol. I, pp. 224f.

24Ibid., p. 420. Cf. p. 254; pp. 486f. for Wesley's difficulties with the clergy.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology taught for many years, was on the point of being broke up, there being none now, either to support, or to attend it:

And most of those in the town, who were once knit together, and strengthened one another's hands in God, were torn asunder and scattered abroad. 'It is time for thee,

Lord, to lay to thy hand.'

"At eleven, a little company of us met to intreat God for 'the remnant that' was 'left.' He immediately gave us a token for good. One who had been long in the gall of bitterness, full of wrath, strife, and envy, particularly against one whom she had once tenderly loved, rose up and showed the change God had wrought in her soul, by falling upon her neck, and with many tears, kissing her.

The same spirit we found reviving in others also; so that we left them not without hope, that the seed which had been sown even here, 'shall take root downward, and bear fruit upward.'''?5

I must mention that toward the end of that same month, in riding to Bradford, I read over Mr. Law's book on the new birth. I could only judge it to be "philosophical, speculative, precarious; Behmenish, void, and vain! "O what a fall is there.'''?° The evening of that same day, "I was exceedingly pressed to go back to a young woman in Kingswood. (The fact I nakedly relate, and leave every man to his own judgment of it.) I went. She was nineteen or twenty years old; but, it seems, could not write or read. I found her on the bed, two or three persons holding her. It was a terrible sight. Anguish, horror, and despair, above all description, appeared in her pale face. The thousand distortions of her whole body showed how the dogs of hell were gnawing her heart. The shrieks intermixed were scarce to be endured. But her stony eyes could not weep. She screamed out as soon as words could find their way, 'I am damned, damned; lost for ever. Six days ago you might have helped me. But it is past. I am the devil's now. I have given myself to him. His lam. Him I must serve. With him I must go to'

25Ibid., p. 228; Cf. Works, Vol. II, p. 141.

2°TDid.o V Olu, paaoa:

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I cannot be saved. I will not be saved. I must, I will be damned.' She then began praying to the devil. We began,

Arm of the Lord, awake, awake! She immediately sunk down as asleep; but, as soon as we left off, broke out again, with inexpressible vehemence: 'Stony hearts, break!

I am a warning to you. Break, break, poor stony hearts! Will you not break? What can be done more for stony hearts? I am damned, that you may be saved. Now break, now break, poor stony hearts! You need not be damned, though I must.' She then fixed her eyes on the corner of the ceiling, and said, "There he is; ay, there he is. Come, good devil, come. Take me away. You said you would dash my brains out; come, do it quickly.

Iam yours. I will be yours. Come just now. Take me away.' We interrupted her by calling again upon God: On which she sunk down as before: And another young woman began to roar out as loud as she had done. My brother now came in, it being about nine o'clock.

We continued in prayer till past eleven; when God in a moment spoke peace into the soul, first of the first tormented, and then of the other. And they both joined in singing praise to Him who had 'stilled the enemy and the avenger.' ''27

The following story has to do with the 'stillness controversy."" On November 1, 1739, I returned to London to find Philip Molther, a Moravian missionary educated at the University of Jena, who had just returned from Pennsylvania, and my old friend, August Spangenberg, preaching a kind of Quietism called "stillness" to the Society at Fetter Lane. In a remarkably short period of time many of the members were convinced that they did not have true faith and they determined to remain "still,'"" that is (as they explained themselves), to abstain "from the means of grace, as they are called; the Lord's Supper in particular; and that the Ordinances are not means of grace, there being no other means than Christ.''?8 I, however,

27Ibid., pp. 234f. The girl mentioned here was Sally Jones and this is one of many accounts demonstrating what Wesley believed to be "demon possession."

John Wesley: His Life and Theology was not impressed. In fact, I was greatly distressed. I wrote in my Journal: 'Satan gained the advantage over us more and more every day. My soul is sick of this sublime divinity. Let me think and speak as a little child! Let my religion be plain, artless, simple!''??

The controversy dragged on until the summer of 1740.

Those holding to stillness insisted that my brother and I placed too much emphasis upon the Ordinances, whereas we insisted that those holding to stillness were antinomian.3° The Moravian fear of works-righteousness made faith possible only by not using (what we term) the means of grace. They determined not to go to church; they stopped communicating, fasting, using so much private prayer, reading the Scripture, doing temporal good and doing spiritual good.3! A break was impending. On Wednesday evening, July 16, 1740, in hopes of reductio ad absurdum (revealing to them the absurdity of their own argument), I took to the Society meeting at Fetter Lane a copy of The Mystic Divinity of Dionysius which recently had been put into my hands.%? I read an extract to the effect that the means of grace are evil to those not born of God.

For the unbeliever "to read the Scriptures, or to pray, or to communicate, or to do any outward work, is deadly poison. First let him be born of God. Till then let him not do any of these things. For if he does he will destroy himself.''33 Fully expecting the Society members to see

is significant that some years later Wesley denounced Zinzendorf and the Moravians for Universalism, Antinomianism, and Quietism

(Ibid., pp. 323ff.). Zinzendorf, in turn, prophesied that the Methodists would "run their heads against the wall," to which Wesley replied: 'We will not, if we can help it'' (Ibid., p. 517).

3ibid.,, Vol. 1, pp.i278:

32This pseudonymous tract of mystical theology attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite first appeared during the fourth or fifth century. It is essentially a Neo-Platonic mystical exposition of via negationis. It was just this via negationis (a process of "unknowing" in which the soul leaves behind the perceptions of the senses as well as the reasoning of the intellect in its approach to God, the ineffable Being that transcends affirmation and negation alike) that epitomized all that Wesley had come to detest in mysticism. Thus, this work was taken by John to reveal the utter absurdity of the Moravian stillness once carried to its logical conclusion.

33Works, Vol. I, p. 281.

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immediately the absurdity of such a position, I was amazed (as one can imagine) when Mr. Bell exclaimed, "It is right, itis all right. It is truth. To this we must all come, or we can never come to Christ.''54 Following a brief debate, I was asked to preach there no more. Although I was forced to do battle with Moravian stillness for at least six more years, the final split between the Methodists and the Moravians came on the following Sunday. Again, after reading yet another paper, and without saying anything more, I withdrew, as did eighteen or nineteen of the Society.°> From that point on we moved to the Foundery which was to serve as our first Methodist preaching house in London.

In the midst of all this, my brother Samuel died at Tiverton.3© So, many things went through my mind almost at once. I was thankful to God that by the end of August,

1740, I believed that the controversy had subsided. I wrote in my Journal: 'Disputes being now at an end and all things quiet and calm, on Monday, September 1, I left

Boman. ss It is important to relate yet another chapter in that controversy before I move on quickly to describe the exact organization of the Societies. But first I must take a moment to give you an account of our school at Kingswood. I already mentioned the scene at Kingswood prior to the Revival. By summer, 1739, the miners had been tamed by a gospel of love and peace. "That their children too might know the things which make for their peace, it was proposed to build a house in Kingswood; and after many foreseen and unforeseen difficulties, in June the foundation was laid. The ground made choice of was in the middle of the wood, between the London and Bath roads, not far from that called Two-mile-Hill, about three measured miles from Bristol.''%8 34Tbid.

""IbidwEpecs2:

36Samuel, Jr., died November 5, 1739.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Here a large room was begun for the school, having four small rooms at either end as living quarters for the schoolmasters and (as it pleased God), some of the poorer children. Two persons were immediately appointed to teach.

So, as soon as the house was fit to receive them, the shell of which was nearly finished by the end of the year; our classes were begun.

Thus the Revival began to move into almost every aspect of society. Then, in January, 1741, I was surprised to find that my brother Charles, having been persuaded by Bohler, Gambold, and Hall to be still until full faith was his, ceased preaching for more than three weeks. ""Was there ever so pleasing a scheme? But where is it written?

Not in any of those books which I account the Oracles of God. I allow, if there is a better way to God than the Scripture way, this is it. But the prejudice of education so hangs upon me, that I cannot think there is. I must therefore still wait in the Bible-way, from which this differs as light from darkness.''3° Then, on February 21, 1741, "my brother returned from Oxford, and preached on the true way of waiting for God: Thereby dispelling at once the fears of some, and the vain hopes of others; who had confidently affirmed that Mr. Charles Wesley was still already, and would come to London no more.''4°

Lest we lose perspective, I must say that this period (although overshadowed by the Moravian controversy) was actually characterized by a dual theme. When was not fighting stillness, I was exhorting backsliders on to perfection. Backsliding continued to be my chief problem among the Societies, far outweighing the periodic theological disputes. Perfection began to loom as the only effective weapon. I will return to this important theme later on, but for now let me set the proper stage.

Tam still convinced that the only lasting arena for perfection is the Society. I have already mentioned the Societies

p. 297. We should not be led to believe that Wesley was not himself tempted by "stillness.'' On April 6, 1741, he writes that his

"heart burns within" him; he marvels how he refrained "from joining these men" (Works, Vol. I, p. 306).

"bid. /p..298:

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and bands. The Society (a very innocent name, and very common in London for any number of people associating themselves together) consisted of the larger or overall membership of those properly gathered (desiring only to flee from the wrath to come, and to be saved from their sins) frequently consisting of several hundred as those at Bristol, London, and later Newcastle.*! The general rules of our Societies (though extended considerably through the bands and classes across the years) are quite simply: (1) To 41Wesley's thoughts on the development of the Methodist Societies

(which were distinct from the "religious" or the '"Moravian" societies) are recorded on several occasions. In the Ecclesiastical History, for example, he cites three distinct periods of development: the Holy Club

(November, 1729); the Georgia society (April, 1736); and the London Society (May 1, 1738). On December 12, 1760, Wesley wrote to the editor of the London Magazine that "about thirty years since, I met with a book .

. called The Country Parson's Advice to his Parishioners.'' This book had been published anonymously in 1680 apparently reporting on the activities of the religious societies formed in 1678 under the influence of Dr. Anthony Horneck (who provided the "rules'') and Mr.

Smithies (J. S. Simon's John Wesley and the Religious Societies provides an excellent account of the development here). There he read: "if good men of the church will unite together .

. disposing themselves into friendly societies.

. .'" Wesley, following the example of Dr. Horneck, then adds that "a few gentlemen, then at Oxford, approved of and followed the advice." An interesting interconnection then arises with the statement from Schmidt that Horneck was influenced by the Flemish mystic Anna Maria van Schurmann (as was Wesley) and that his societies had affinities with those of more modern Roman Catholic origin such as the Jesuits or the free societies of the French Count de

Renty (Schmidt, John Wesley, pp. 318-320). We know from Wesley's Diary that about this same time (November, 1729) he began to read and use de Renty's Life. In addition, Samuel Wesley, one of the warmest supporters of the religious societies, in "a letter concerning the religious societies" (published in 1699) used de Renty in their defense stating that the religious societies were in "no sense novelties since de Renty had formed such societies as early as 1640" (Bett, W.H.S., Vol. 18, pp.

43-45). De Renty most likely had been discussed in the Epworth rectory and it seems almost certain that Wesley would have read his father's open letter.

It is no coincidence that de Renty also reappears at the second stage in the formation of the Methodist societies (April, 1736). As Wesley writes in his Diary for May 20, 1736: "began de Renty,"" Schmidt argues that there could be no immediate dependence on de Renty since this was four to six weeks after he had subdivided the Georgia congregation

(Schmidt, John Wesley, p. 191). Even if we did not already know that Wesley had been acquainted with de Renty for quite some time this argument could be easily overcome: Wesley's use of the word "'began" clearly did not necessarily mean for the 'first' time, as if he had never

John Wesley: His Life and Theology do no harm; (2) To do all the good we can; and (3) To attend upon all the ordinances of God.*?

As for the bands, it was soon apparent that many within the larger Society wanted some means of closer union. "In compliance with their desire, I divided them into smaller companies; putting the married or single men, and married or single women, together. The chief rules of these bands (that is, little companies; so that old English word signifies) run thus: — "In order to 'confess our faults one to another,' and pray one for another that we may be healed, we intend, (1) To meet once a week, at the least. (2)To come punctually at the hour appointed. (3) To begin with singing or prayer. (4)

To speak each of us in order, freely and plainly, the true state of our soul, with the faults we have committed in thought, word, or deed, and the temptations we have felt since our last meeting. (5) To desire some person among us (thence called a Leader) to speak his own state first, and then to ask the rest, in order, as many and as searching questions as may be, concerning their state, sins, and read it before. There are many examples where the word "began" is used for the same work on successive occasions. Wesley, for example, used the phrase "began the Light of the World'' (Madame Bourignon's treatise) on February 28 and again on April 4, 1736 (de Renty is also mentioned in a letter dated October 3, 1731). Schmidt, in spite of his misinterpretation of ""began,'' however, goes on to say that in de Renty

"he found confirmation of his own action in forming small groups of pious folk. It was an age when Romanic mysticism, Pietism, and the religion of 'free spirits' (spiritualismus) were in the air.

. (Schmidt, John Wesley, p. 191n.) Piette writes that although the societies were Anglican, the rules for the most part were mystical (Piette, pp. 370f.). He goes on to conclude that perhaps this was one of the mystics' greatest contributions to Methodism since these rules were so vitally important for future solidarity. Schmidt states that it is possible that Wesley encouraged the members of his societies to enter into a formal covenant with God, like that which he had come to know in Romanic mysticism from the example of Count de Renty (Schmidt, John Wesley, p. 191, cf. Original, p. 227). Bett concludes that ''we may fairly claim this French marquis of the seventeenth century as the real founder of the class meeting in Methodism"

(Bett, Proc. W.H.S., Vol. 18, 0. 45).

42Works, Vol. VIII, pp. 270f..

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temptations.''43 Thus, the bands were the first subdivision for the larger society. In our rules first established for Fetter Lane, the instruction was that the Society so meeting would be divided into several bands, or little companies, none of them consisting of fewer than five, or more than ten persons. It should be added that although the general Society members did not need to profess a confession of faith, the band members were (so we believed) believers. Furthermore, unlike the Society (where the leaders took responsibility), accountability among the band members was left, by and large, to the individual.

Then, in 1742, we realized the need of yet another kind of subdivision. First of all, there was the problem of those who were in the larger Society, not yet confessing faith in Christ, since they were ineligible for the band. Then, there was the problem of locale. Would it not be wise to gather those in a given area into classes regardless of their confession of faith with strong leadership accountability to direct their walk in the Lord? In February we had divided the whole Society in Bristol into little companies or classes— about twelve in each class. One person in each class was appointed to receive the contribution of the rest and bring it to the stewards each week so we could pay off the public debt. Then, two months later in London, I selected "'several earnest and sensible men to meet me, to whom I showed the great difficulty I had long found of knowing the people who desired to be under my care. After much discourse, they all agreed, there could be no better way to come to a sure, thorough knowledge of each person, than to divide them into classes, like those at Bristol, under the inspection of those in whom I could most confide. This was the origin of our classes at London, for which I can never sufficiently praise God; the unspeakable usefulness of the institution having been ever since more and more manifest.'"44 Our people would not be half-awakened. They would not be left to themselves to fall asleep again. I de43Ibid., 258. Cf. pp. 272f. and p. 307.

44Ibid., Vol. I, p. 364.

The Organization of the People Called Methodists United Society ~ SS ~ X N \Band Prayer Meetings pce? Rk actated bd Select Society !

Stranger's Society Penitents Ee ae ieee | ' accountability from the | accountability from the leadership ire individual members Ministers Assistants professing Christians Preachers Stewards Leaders Visitors of the Sick Schoolmasters People

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termined, by the grace of God, not to strike one stroke in any place where I cannot follow the blow.*®

The select societies and penitents complete the subdivision of the Society. The select societies consisted of those who "'walk in the light" and originally met with me every

Monday morning. "My design was, not only to direct them how to press after perfection; to exercise their every grace, and improve every talent they had received; and to incite them to love one another more, and to watch more carefully over each other; but also to have a select company, to whom I might unbosom myself on all occasions, without reserve; and whom I could propose to all their brethren as a pattern of love, of wholeness, and of good works." Lastly, the penitents consisted of those backsliders who were now determined to renew their first love.

As I have already explained, the key at all levels was strong discipline tempered with gentleness. I constantly

"read over the names of the United Society; and marked those who were of a doubtful character, that full inquiry might be made concerning them. At the meeting of that society, I read over the names of these, and desired to speak with each of them the next day, as soon as they had opportunity. Many of them afterwards gave sufficient proof, that they were seeking Christ in sincerity. The rest I determined to keep on trial, till the doubts concerning them were removed.''46 Coupled with this discipline I endeavored to encourage all who were weary and faint in their minds. Most of them, I found, had not been used with sufficient tenderness. 'Who is there that sufficiently

45The following paragraph from "A Plain Account of the People Called Methodist" demonstrates the personal care Wesley took with each member of the classes: 'To each of those of whose seriousness and good conversation I found no reason to doubt, I gave a testimony under my own hand, by writing their name on a ticket prepared for that purpose; every ticket implying as strong a recommendation of the person to whom it was given as if I had wrote at length, 'I believe the bearer hereof to be one who fears God and works righteousness.'"' This, of course, was the origin of the class ticket.

46Works, Vol. I, p. 306. Cf. Works, Vol. I, pp. 348; 350; 413, 415f; and Vol. Il, pp. 10; 118 for an additional word on the importance of "discipline."

John Wesley: His Life and Theology weighs the advice of Kempis, Noli duriter agere cum tentato? ('Deal not harshly with one that is tempted').''47

Perhaps the greatest test for the strength of the Society was persecution. Without such close support Satan's advocates no doubt would have won the day. Though some of the mob rioting has already been described, let me give an account or two to put these early Revival days into perspective.

The fierceness of the mobs which plagued us for many years has already been demonstrated. Although much of the trouble occurred outside the larger cities, London itself was not immune. Early in the Revival 'as I returned home one evening, I had no sooner stepped out of the coach, than the mob, who were gathered in great numbers about my door, quite closed me in. I rejoiced and blessed God, knowing this was the time I had long been looking for; and immediately spake to those that were next to me, of 'righteousness, and judgment to come.' At first not many heard, the noise roundabout us being exceeding great. But the silence spread farther and farther, till I had a quiet, attentive congregation: And when I left them, they all showed much love, and dismissed me with many blessings.''48

Again, before moving on to the routine established during these early years, let me describe the practical outworkings (so dear to my heart) of the doctrine, "salvation by faith alone." I am fully convinced ''that none shall finally be saved, who have not, as they had opportunity, done all good works; and, That if a justified person does not do good, as he has opportunity, he will lose the grace he has received; and if he 'repent' not, 'and do the former works,' will perish eternally.''*? Early in the Revival we noted in the United Society "that many of our brethren and sisters

47Ibid., Vol. II, p. 132.

Vol. I, p. 284; cf. pp. 353f.; 363; 422; 433; 436ff.; 451f.; 473; 486; 499; 504; Vol. II, pp. 44; 110; 143; 153f. All of the above references demonstrate mob noting.

Vol. I, p. 321. It is interesting that just a few days before the present quotation, Wesley criticizes Martin Luther for blasphemously speaking of good works and of the law of God (Ibid., pp. 315f.; cf. Vol. II, p. 142).

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had not needful food; many were destitute of convenient clothing; many were out of business, and that without their own fault; and many sick and ready to perish: That I had done what in me lay to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to employ the poor, and to visit the sick; but was not, alone, sufficient for these things; and therefore desired all whose hearts were as my heart, 1. To bring what clothes each could spare, to be distributed among those that wanted most, and 2. To give weekly a penny, or what they could afford, for the relief of the poor and sick. My design, I told them, was to employ, for the present, all the women who were out of business, and desired it, in knitting. To these we first gave the common price for what work they did; and then added, according as they needed.

Twelve persons were appointed to inspect these, and to visit and provide things needful for the sick. Each of these was to visit all the sick within their district, every other day: And to meet on Tuesday evening, to give an account of what they had done, and consult what could be done farther.''5° Bless God, there were only a few occasions in which I found it necessary to separate from the believers some who did not show their faith by their works. Many of our societies singularly distinguish themselves by such works.

For example, I must tell you about Tetney. 'I have not seen such another in England. In the class-paper (which gives an account of the contribution for the poor) I observed one gave eight-pence, often ten-pence, a week; another thirteen, fifteen, or eighteen pence; another, sometimes one, sometimes two shillings. I asked Micah Elmoor, the Leader, (an Israelite indeed, who now rests from his labour,) 'How is this? Are you the richest society in all

England?' He answered, 'I suppose not: But all of us who are single persons have agreed together, to give both ourselves and all we have to God: And we do it gladly; whereby we are able, from time to time, to entertain all the S[bid., p. 309.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology strangers that come to Tetney; who often have no food to eat, nor any friend to give them a lodging."'>*

For the first three years of the Revival our work had two centers—London and Bristol. Then, in May, 1742, I preached for the first time in Newcastle-upon-Tyne which provided us with a mother society for the northern counties. It was about this time that I set the routine which has remained with me these forty-three years. Most years I spent the winter in and around London traveling on to Bristol in early spring before my annual trip north during the late spring and summer months. Some years later I added an annual trip to the western counties (including

Comwall) in late summer before returning to London.

Usually I would announce the time and place of my preaching either at a parish church (though frequently unavailable) or more usually one of our preaching houses, the market cross, or other convenient spots such as a barn or field.52 I should also mention that took advantage of these trips to travel with friends, clergy, and our own preachers

(though they sometimes regretted it as they were subject to the same abuse), demonstrating not only the content and style of preaching, but also explaining the design, nature, and use of the Christian societies. After preaching, we desired those who determined to serve God to meet us separately from the great congregation for more private instruction.

Then, on July 30, 1742, my mother died in London. Let me describe her death even as I told it to Charles in a letter the following day: 'Dear Charles,— Yesterday, about three in the afternoon, as soon as Intercession was ended, I went up to my mother. I found her pulse almost gone, and her fingers dead; so that it was easy to see her spirit was on the wing for eternity. After using the Commendatory prayer, I sat down on her bed-side, and, with three or four of our

Sbid., Vol. II, pp. 45f.; cf. Ibid., p. 81. It should be mentioned that one of the first things Wesley did upon entering a town was to visit the sick.

52On June 6, 1742, Wesley, being denied the use of the church at Epworth, preached from atop his father's tomb (Ibid., Vol. I, p. 377; cf. p. 408).

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sisters, sang a requiem to her parting soul. She continued in just the same way as my father was, struggling and gasping for life, tho' (as I could judge by several signs) perfectly sensible, till near four o'clock. I was then going to drink a dish of tea, being faint and weary; when one called me again to the bed-side. It was past (or just) four o'clock.

She opened her eyes wide, and fixed them upward for a moment. Then the lids dropped, and the soul was set at liberty, without one struggle or groan or sigh.'"%3

Before moving on to the next phase of the Revival, let me mention our first Conference which took place at the Foundery in London on Monday, June 25, 1744 (and the five days following). Briefly, we carefully considered the doctrine of sanctification including points of discipline, relating chiefly to organization, ministers, assistants (special attention was given to this office), stewards, and leaders.** We concluded by discussing the question of union with the Moravians and Mr. Whitefield. I should mention that three years earlier Mr. Whitefield had informed me that ''he and I preached two different gospels, and therefore, he not only would not join with, or give me the right hand of fellowship, but was resolved publicly to preach against me and my brother, wheresoever he preached at all.'"'°5 My response? I could only reply: "My brother, my son Whitefield." If he was determined to fight

I was determined that he should have that field all to himself. I should add that there were three points in the debate: 1. Unconditional election, 2. Irresistible grace, and 3. Final perseverance. Some have been quick to point out that many in our societies held these doctrines. I only add: "I never ask them whether they hold them or no. Only let them not trouble others by disputing about them.''5® As **Journal, Vol. III, p. 30n. The date for Susanna's death given in the Journal and again on her tombstone in Bunhill Fields is July 23. In this letter and in the Arminian Magazine, 1781, p. 312, however, Wesley gives the date as July 30.

is in the minutes for this conference that 'The Twelve Rules of a Helper" first appear.

55Works, Vol. I, p. 305.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology for Mr. Whitefield and myself, as God would have it; we were soon once again in each other's arms.°" Six months later he wrote to me asking for pardon and seeking reconciliation.*®

As our first decade neared an end | felt confident. So confident, in fact, that about this time I considered,

"'What would I do now, if I was sure I had but two days to live?' All outward things are settled to my wish; the houses at Bristol, Kingswood, and Newcastle are safe; the deed whereby they are conveyed to the Trustees took place on the fifth instant (March 5, 1747); my Will is made; what have I more to do, but to commend my soul to my merciful and faithful Creator?"59 My old enemy seemed only a shadow quickly fading in the light of God's holy Son.

57Cf. p. 370. Wesley and Whitefield are together on May 12, 1742, with the Archbishop of Canterbury.

58George Whitefield's Letters p. 331, Banner of Faith ed., 1976.

59Works, Vol. II, p. 49.

Marriage and the Middle Years!

When I began to make the Scriptures m study, ..

. I began to see that Christians are called to love God with all their heart and to serve him with all their strength; which is precisely what I apprehend to be meant by the scriptural term perfection.

John Wesley I was in love again! A few years into the Revival I had met and developed a deep (but noble) affection for Grace

Murray of Newcastle, then living in London. She was the young widow of a master mariner lost at sea. While he was alive she had (under the preaching of Mr. Whitefield and myself) been converted and received into the London Society. At first her husband thought her beside herself and would have had her committed to the West Garden madhouse, had not her gentle and affectionate spirit overcome his bitter opposition. I personally made her one of the band leaders at the Foundery. After her husband's death, she returned to Newcastle where she lived with her mother and became one of the first-class leaders. Then, at the opening of the Orphan House in 1745, she was appointed its housekeeper. The Orphan House also served as a convenient lodging in Newcastle for our itinerant preachers.

Grace proved so useful that by the summer of 1748 I included her among my closest traveling companions, assigning her the task of organizing the female classes and bands. Then the romance progressed so rapidly that by July, 1749, we were engaged to be married. All that remained before the wedding was (according to the 'The "middle years"' here refer to the period between 1748 and 1763.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Methodist Rules): (1) to satisfy John Bennett (one of my most trusted and successful preachers who had shown more than a little interest in Mrs. Murray, but without a promise); (2) to procure my brother's consent (who I had married to Sarah Gwynne some months earlier)?; and (3) to inform all the societies in England (as my brother had done) by sending an account of the reasons on which I proceeded to every Helper, desiring their prayers.? This I was most anxious to do as Grace would not be put off indefinitely.

On Monday, July 24, 1749, Grace Murray and I, along with the rest of our company, returned to Bristol, having just completed my third journey into Ireland. The following day we rode to Kingswood where I examined closely the Society and school, putting out those who habitually neglected the Rules. It must have been then that some of the women, apparently jealous of the close relationship between Grace and myself, sought (and not without some success) to cast doubt in her mind concerning my attachment (though they were idle tales which would have easily fallen to the ground in the light of day) to another. Rather than face me directly, she allowed the wound to fester.

Satan had planted his seed; the fruit of which caused Grace to renew her correspondence with Mr. Bennett.

The first week of August was one of frustration. Our Conference met at the New Room (having been enlarged and strengthened the previous year) but little was accomplished; Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Harris "flying off" on the finer points of Calvinism.* Because everything was in such disarray, I did not have the presence of mind to notice

Grace's coolness toward me. On August 12 we returned to London. While in London we talked, but with very

2Charles Wesley was married to Sarah Gwynne in Garth on April 8, 1749.

3We must remember that Wesley insisted upon following the rules to the letter in order to remove any hint of scandal among the societies where attack was expected from every quarter.

'The information here actually comes from Charles' Journal; John is silent during this period (W.H.S., vol. V, p. 108). Harris is Howell

Harris, the staunch Welsh Calvinist.

Marriage and the Middle Years

little satisfaction. We grew apart.

On August 23 we left London, arriving in Epworth three days later, where Grace again met John Bennett. I interviewed him myself. I could readily see that Grace would force my hand. On September 6, having reached Newcastle, I asked her plainly: 'Which will you choose?" Her reply: "I am determined by conscience, as well as inclination, to live and die with you." Thinking the matter settled, we both wrote to Mr. Bennett the next day; the essence of which was: "That Grace was more and more convinced that both he and she had sinned against God in entering on any engagement at all without my knowledge and consent." My letter to Mr. Bennett was misdirected, but a copy was sent to my brother in Bristol, who quickly journeyed to Leeds where he was informed by two (who should have known better), however innocently, that Grace was engaged to Bennett and that I was resolved to marry a woman who was already promised to another:$

In the meantime (after visiting the northern societies), I had left Grace at Hindley Hill, since one of our preachers urged me to come to Whitehaven immediately. I arrived in Whitehaven on September 22. Charles (having left

Leeds) found me in Whitehaven and confronted me with protests against the proposed marriage, arguing that 'all our preachers would leave us, all our societies disperse."' I could not persuade him that he had the matter backwards.

He left Whitehaven on September 28, journeyed to Hindley Hill, where he found Grace, and took her back to Newcastle. I arrived at Hindley Hill (having lost my way) two hours later. 'I need add no more, than that if [had had more regard for her I loved than for the work of God I ve SJournal, Vol. Il, p. 421n. Apparently while in Epworth Grace (unsure of her relationship with Wesley) and John Bennett became engaged though she was already engaged to Wesley.

Charles wrote to Grace at this point: "The case thus appears to me.

You promised John Bennett to marry him—since which, you engaged yourself to another.

. And who is that other? one of such importance that his doing so dishonest an action would destroy both himself, and me, and the whole work of God" (Ibid., p. 439).

John Wesley: His Life and Theology should now have gone straight on to Newcastle, and not back to Whitehaven. I knew this was giving up all; but I knew God called, and therefore on Friday the 29th I set out again for Whitehaven." On October 3, my brother succeeded in persuading two bewildered, half-reluctant persons to marry. Sometime later he discovered his great mistake. Instead of preventing me from marrying one betrothed to another, he had coerced poor John Bennett (who was perhaps the innocent party) into marrying the one promised to me. Charles had led Mrs. Murray to believe that I, who had loved her steadfastly for ten years, '"had actually expressed the wish that, for the sake of the work of God, she would marry another. It was indeed, not a "comedy,' but a 'tragedy of errors.''®

Fortunately, an even greater tragedy (if you can believe it) was averted. Stated simply, there was no lasting breach between Charles and myself, which must, at that critical period, have either torn the Methodist society in two, or, more probably, scattered it to the winds. Bless God, the tenderness and tact of Mr. Whitefield quieted the storm.

Lest you think me insensitive, an extract from my own account written at the time describes the mood."

"OCT. 1, Sun.—I was in great heaviness, my heart was sinking in me like a stone. Only so long as I was preaching

I felt ease. When I had done, the weight returned. I went to church sorrowful and very heavy, though I knew not any particular cause. And God found me there. Not only the lessons, both morning and afternoon, containing the account of the three children in the fiery furnace, of Daniel in the lions' den, and of our Lord's walking on the water and calming the storm, seemed all designed for me; but even the psalms which were sung all the day. I found likewise much refreshment in the sacrament. When I came home, | took up a Common Prayer-Book, and opened upon these words: 'Deliver me not over unto the will of mine adverIbid., pp. 432f.

STbid., p. 440n.

might add that the extraordinary charity and self-control of Wesley himself (as demonstrated by the account to follow), played an important role as well.

Marriage and the Middle Years

Saries; for there are false witnesses risen up against me, and such as speak wrong. I should utterly have fainted; but that I believe verily to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living. O tarry thou the Lord's leisure; be strong, and He shall comfort thy heart; and put thou thy trust in the Lord' (Ps. xxvii. 14, &c).

"In the evening my heaviness returned, but with much of the spirit of prayer. It seemed to me that I ought not to linger here, and yet I knew not whither to go; till Mr.

Plerronet] asked, 'Will you go to Leeds on Tuesday?' Immediately my mind was easy. I had sent notice of being there on Wednesday evening, but it was gone out of my thoughts. I determined to go; only I was concerned to leave

Whitehaven without a preacher.

"We then poured out our hearts before God; and I was led, 1 know not how, to ask that, if He saw good, He would show me the end of these things, in dreams or visions of the night. I dreamed I saw a man bring out G[race] M[urray], who told her she was condemned to die, and that all things were now in readiness for the execution of that sentence. She spoke not one word, nor showed any reluctance, but walked up with him to the place. The sentence was executed, without her stirring either hand or foot. I looked at her, till Isaw her face turn black. Then I could not bear it, but went away. But] returned quickly, and desired she might be cut down. She was then laid upon a bed. I sat by mourning over her. She came to herself and began to speak, and I awaked.

"Mon. the 2nd I dedicated to God, in fasting and solemn prayer. We had free access to the throne of grace, and I found my will more resigned. In the evening Joseph

Cownley came, and brought me a letter from Mr.

Whitefield, pressing me much to meet my brother and him at Leeds on Wednesday evening. My brother had likewise charged Joseph Cownley, 'if I would not come, to come thither himself.'

"Tues. 3.—We rode to Old Hutton, and about nine the next night reached Leeds. Here! found not my brother, but Mr. Whitefield. I lay down by him on the bed. He told me,

John Wesley: His Life and Theology 'My brother would not come till J[ohn] Blennett] and G[race] M[ urray] were married.' I was troubled. He perceived it. He wept and prayed over me, but I could not shed a tear. He said all that was in his power to comfort me, but it was in vain. He told me, 'It was his judgement that she was my wife, and that he had said so to J[ohn] Blennett]; that he would fain have persuaded them to wait, and not to marry till they had seen me; but that my brother's impetuosity prevailed and bore down all before it.'

"I felt no murmuring thought, but deep distress. I accepted the just punishment of my manifold unfaithfulness and unfruitfulness, and therefore could not complain. But! felt the loss both to me and the people, which I did not expect could ever be repaired. | tried to sleep, but I tried in vain; for sleep was fled from my eyes. I was burning fever, and, more and more thoughts still crowding into my mind,

I perceived if this continued long it would affect my senses.

But God took that matter into His hand, giving me, on a sudden, sound and quiet sleep.

"Thurs. 5.—About eight one came in from Newcastle, and told us, 'They were married on Tuesday,' My brother came an hour after. I felt no anger, yet I did not desire to see him. But Mr. Whitefield constrained me. After a few words had passed, he accosted me with, 'I renounce all intercourse with you, but what I would have with an heathen man ora publican.' I felt little emotion. It was only adding a drop of water to a drowning man, yet I calmly accepted his renunciation, and acquiesced therein. Poor Mr. Whitefield and John Nelson burst into tears. They prayed, cried, and entreated, till the storm passed away. We could not speak, but only fell on each other's neck.

"Jlohn] Blennett] then came in. Neither of us could speak, but we kissed each other and wept. Soon after I talked with my brother alone. He seemed utterly amazed.

He clearly saw I was not what he thought, and now blamed only her; which confirmed me in believing my presage was true, and I should see her face no more.''!°

"This account is from a hand-written draft now in the British Museum, It is quoted in the Journal, Vol. Il, pp. 433ff.

Marriage and the Middle Years ZI, I can only now say: "The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away: Blessed be the name of the Lord!'" Who can fathom the ways of God, or so it would seem if you will but hear the rest of my story of love and matriage.

Less than a year-and-a-half later I was once again clearly convinced that I ought to marry. On Monday, February 18,

1751 (my journey north being delayed a second time due to a stubborn ankle sprain making it impossible to walk), I took Molly Vazeille, the widow of a London merchant, as my wife.'! We had planned to wed upon my return (giving me an opportunity to fulfill the Rules to the letter); but the delay made it such that I was fearful of putting her off inordinately.12 Furthermore, my brother Charles was again resisting at every turn; so, I believed it best to settle the matter (even without fulfilling the necessary Rule) that some healing might occur during my absence. 3 Happily, while I was away, he called upon my wife, kissed her and assured her that he was perfectly reconciled to her and to me,4¢ During the early fifties I began making trips into Ireland and Scotland. Thinking the Scots unteachable, I actually

"The date for the wedding could have been February 19. The Gentlemen's Magazine and The London Magazine list the two dates (February

18 and 19) respectively. The wedding is not mentioned in the Journal.

Molly Vazeille was the wealthy widow of a London merchant. She was perhaps introduced to Wesley by Mr. Blackwell (a close friend to both) soon after the Grace Murray episode.

"Wesley made a defense before the London Society describing both his intent and purpose, but due to the circumstances (described above) it was not until the night before the wedding.

Wesley did not allow Charles even to know the name of his intended. Charles did not attend the wedding. It is interesting that if Wesley had disregarded the rules earlier he would have married Grace

Murray and if he had followed them here (no doubt remembering the episode with Grace, not to mention Sophy) he would not have married

Molly Vazeille. Wesley makes surprisingly few references to her in the Journal. See, for example, Vol. II, pp. 224, 240, 251, 257, 281, 329, 418,

426.

M4In fairness it should be mentioned that Charles' fears were not altogether unfounded. His own marriage had proven difficult. Furthermore, the Revival depended upon Wesley's leadership at this point. The character and absolute loyalty to his own principles and methods was all important. He had to be one with himself if the people he led were to follow in unbroken ranks.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology made four trips into Ireland (beginning in August, 1747) before entering Scotland in April, 1751. From that time on the trips were made more or less alternately until the present time.

About this time the rest of my yearly routine was more firmly established. Along with the northern journey I added an annual trip into Cornwall, usually in late summer. Throughout the year I frequently preached three times a day with little or no exhaustion.15 Oddly enough, the more I used my strength the more I had. Even today "I am often much tired the first time I preach in a day; a little the second time; but after the third or fourth, I rarely feel either weakness or weariness." '° The work of the Revival has always been interesting and full of surprises. "I find it useful to be in such a state of suspense, wherein I know not what will be the next hour, but lean absolutely on His disposal, who knoweth and ruleth all things well.''?"? There were always trials, some large, some small. The mobs, the disputes, always kept us humble. We were continually thanking God for yet another opportunity to grow in grace.

I remember one journey almost laughingly: "I had borrowed a young, strong mare, when I set out from Manchester. But she fell lame before I got to Grimsby. I procured another, but was dismounted again between Newcastle and Berwick. At my return to Manchester, I took my own: But she had lamed herself in the pasture. I thought, nevertheless, to ride her four or five miles today; but she was gone out of the ground, and we could hear nothing of her. However,

I comforted myself, that I had another at Manchester, which I had lately bought. But when I came thither, I *SCf. Works, Vol. III, p. 21. where we read that Wesley preached thirty times in eleven days.

Vol. II, p. 256. Just a month after his marriage Wesley writes with incredible naivete:

'I cannot understand, how a Methodist Preacher can answer it to God, to preach one sermon, or travel one day less, in a married, than in a single state. In this respect surely, 'it remaineth, that they who have wives be as though they had none''"'

(Ibid., p. 224).

MIbid., p. 268.

Marriage and the Middle Years

found one had borrowed her too, and rode her away to Chester.''#* At this point, let me put the Revival itself back into larger perspective. By the middle years (or so they may be termed) I was keenly aware of what God was doing among us. In June, 1755, I wrote in my Journal: "Froma deep sense of the amazing work which God has of late years wrought in England, I preached in the evening on those words,

(Psalm cxlvii.20,) 'He hath not dealt so with any nation,' no, not even with Scotland or New-England. In both these

God has indeed made bare his arm; yet not in so astonishing a manner as among us. This must appear to all who impartially consider, 1. The numbers of persons on whom

God has wrought: 2. The swiftness of his work in many, both convinced and truly converted in a few days: 3. The depth of it in most of these, changing the heart, as well as the whole conversation:

4. The clearness of it, enabling them boldly to say, 'Thou hast loved me; thou hast given thyself for me:' 5. The continuance of it. God has wrought in Scotland and New-England, at several times, for some weeks or months together; but among us, he has wrought for near eighteen years together, without any observable intermission. Above all, let it be remarked, that a considerable number of the regular Clergy were engaged in that great work in Scotland; and in New-England, above an hundred, perhaps as eminent as any in the whole province, not only for piety, but also for abilities, both natural and acquired; whereas in England there were only two or three inconsiderable Clergymen, with a few young, raw, unlettered men; and these opposed by well nigh all the Clergy, as well as laity, in the nation. He that remarks this must needs own, both that this is a work of God, and that he hath not wrought so in any other nation.''?9

It must also be mentioned that one of the most significant reasons for the continuance of our Revival (apart from our manner of preaching and the organization of ~ I8Ibid., p. 265.

MIbid., p. 335. Cf. an interesting statement on the following page where Wesley gives what he believed to be the reasons for the slowdown of the Revival in Scotland and New-England (Ibid., p. 336).

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Societies) was the book and tract distribution." We not only preached the whole gospel (including both justification and sanctification), but plenty of literature ("all true, all agreeable to the oracles of God: As is all practical, unmixt with controversy of any kind; and all intelligible to plain men.")?1 was made available to all our societies, classes, and bands. Although the pressure of time forced me to publish many things either written or abridged while on horseback, the material was sound of doctrine and experience.??

I was utterly amazed that some misinformed people would accuse us of profitee: ing.2? When I settled my temporal business about this t me I commented: "It is now about eighteen years since [| began writing and printing

20Between 1749 and 1756 The Christian Library (a series of extracts from the works of well-known divines composing a fifty-volume collection of works of 'Practical Divinity') was published. Cf. Ibid., p. 278.

21Wesley, Christian Library, ''Preface," pp. ivf.

22Some might profit from a word concerning Wesley's method of abridgement. Wesley was a master at the art of abridgement, selecting from the material available that which related to his own personal concern and interest and also that which would be of general use to Methodism as a whole. Usually taking the latest English edition, he extracted only the heart, freely modified to suit his own ends, yet still retaining the original meaning. He achieved this by eliminating much of the illustrative, controversial, or irrelevant (to his ends) material, seeking brevity, clarity, and readability through paraphrasing, modernization (e.g., '""phanatic'" becomes "enthusiast''), and rearrangement. He omitted foreign phrases, and theological and philosophical arguments. He made few additions (except for the preface and summary sections) but his omissions and footnotes (where there are no footnotes he edits more carefully) pinpoint his conflicting opinions. Richard

Green states that Wesley carefully weeded out what he thought unscriptural. Monk rightly points out that '""Wesley's deletions, changes, and embellishments indicate his theological affinities and differences''

(Robert Monk, John Wesley, His Puritan Heritage, p. 54).

23Cf. Works, Vol.II, p. 64. Aletter dated July 14, 1747, speaks for itself:

"Rev. Sir, I was exceedingly surprised when I was informed yesterday of your affirming publicly in the church, in the face of a whole congregation, 'Now Wesley was sent down for an hundred pounds; and it must be raised directly. Nay, it is true.' O Sir, is this possible? Can it be, that you should be so totally void (I will not say of conscience, of religion, but) of good-nature, as to credit such a tale? and of good manners and common sense, as thus to repeat it?

"IT must beg that you would either justify or retract this; (for it is a point of no small concern;) and that I may know what you propose to do, before I set out for London." Wesley never received a reply.

Marriage and the Middle Years

books; and how much in that time have I gained by printing? Why, on summing up my accounts, I found that on March 1, 1756, (the day I left London last,) I had gained by printing and preaching together, a debt of 1,235 pounds."'?4 Although we handed out tracts (most of them written by myself) by the thousands, they were always given away without donation." I personally lost more than

200 pounds on The Christian Library alone."® Eventually, ''a proposal was made for devolving all temporal business, books and all, entirely on the Stewards; so that I might have no care upon me (in London at least) but that of the souls committed to my charge."'?"? Even in more prosperous years I never spent more than thirty pounds a year on myself. Any surplus was given to the poor or toward the expenses of the Revival.?8 To this day I have worn neatly mended shirts, never a wig, and frequently cut my own hair to save the price of a barber.

One last word must be said about our distribution of literature.29 Much of the writing (however unhappily) had

to do with the defense of our cause. I remember thinking on numerous occasions: "How much rather would I write practically than controversially! But even this talent I dare not bury in the earth.'"3° Most of this work was tiresome.

Occasionally I was drawn into the conflict with those who wrote weak, bitter, scurrilous invectives against the people called Methodist. I rarely meddled with such people the second time however. Their writing was "too

24Works, Vol. II, p. 385. Cf. Vol. Ill, p. 503, italics mine.

25Cf. Ibid., Vol. Il, pp. 3, 60, 413. Wesley wrote numerous tracts; including those to a "Swearer," a "Drunkard," and a "Smuggler."

26Cf, Ibid., p. 278. Wesley writes concerning The Christian Library:

"Perhaps the next generation may know the value Ont:

27[bid., p. 279. This did little good. Wesley's book account was handled rather clumsily throughout.

28[bid., Vol. IV, p. 243. On another occasion Wesley writes to the tax assessor in London that he had but two silver spoons; one in London and one in Bristol and that he would never have more while men around him still wanted bread.

29Wesley not only wrote and published devotionally, he wrote in the secular fields as well, including histories, admittedly oriented toward the Methodist view (Ibid., Vol. II, p. 209); and grammars (Ibid., pp. 175,

23).

30[bid., Vol. Il, p. 433.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology dirty for me to touch."'"31 I would only add: "O that I might dispute with no man! But if I must dispute, let it be with men of sense.''32

The mobs still raged throughout the middle years of our ministry, though this seemed only to unite the strong and weed out the careless. Satan, however, had a more effective tool. Again, the one problem that has plagued us from the beginning is backsliding. Even among our strongest societies consisting of members full of zeal and good desires, experience has taught me to ask: ""How long will this continue!''33 In most, though God has helped them thus far, "only till the fowls of the air come and devour the seed.

Many of the rest, when persecution or reproach begins, will immediately be offended; and in the small remainder, some will fall off, either through other desires, or the cares of the world, or the deceitfulness of riches.''34 It was sometimes difficult to be realistic without shortening the arm of God, because of our pessimism. All too frequently "I found many of the first were become last, being returned 'as a dog to the vomit.'''35 I remember an unfortunate account from Ireland. A certain gentleman "was at the point of death, by a violent rupture: While they were praying for him in the society, he was at once restored to perfect health. He continued in health for several years, and in the knowledge and the love of God: But no sooner did he return to folly, than his disorder returned; and in some months it put an end to his life. He died as stupid as an ox.''36 Another painful memory hangs in my mind. A young man from Rufforth, "remarkably serious and well-behaved, and rejoicing in his first love, who set out but a few minutes before me, was thrown by his horse, and (as it is termed) broke his neck. Just at the instant, a person going by, who *Ibid., p. 442. Cf. Ibid., p. 445 where Wesley describes a humorous, if not pathetic, account of a play entitled 'Methodism Displayed."

32Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 81.

Ibid., Vol. IL, p. 141.

pp. 141f. Backsliding was especially prevalent among the rich (cf. Ibid., pp. 409, 486, 518, 523).

3SIbid., p. 184.

Marriage and the Middle Years

. understood the case, took hold of him, and pulled it into its place. O mystery of Providence! Why did not this man die, when he was full of humble, holy love? Why did he live, to 'turn from the holy commandment' which was then written in his heart?''3"

It is as true as Jesus is the Christ; the only way to keep Methodists alive is to keep them moving. Since Frederica there has been but one prevention for such violence played upon the souls of well-meaning Christians—going on to perfection. This is an obvious solution, for those who press forward persevere. But alas, though God made such practical divinity necessary, the devil made it controversial. We must, however, "resist the devil,"' or he will not "flee from us!'' So, controversy or not, we preach perfection; a plain account of which (though necessarily brief) I give to you now.38

In 1756 I wrote to a friend: '"When I began to make the Scriptures my study (about seven-and-twenty years ago),

I began to see that Christians are called to love God with all their heart and to serve Him with all their strength; which is precisely what I apprehended to be meant by the scriptural term perfection.'"39 As for some specifics, I simply and plainly add that perfection, or perfect love (which excludes

SIDid 42p. 259; 38Keep in mind that though Wesley's views on perfection represent his most consistent line of thought reaching back to his religious awakening in 1725 (and for that reason this is the doctrine least affected by Aldersgate; Wesley rarely, if ever, refers to the experience at Aldersgate when explaining the origin and development of this Christian ideal); his opinions do change somewhat (see Analysis, Part IV). The view stated here, except where otherwise defined, represents his more mature doctrine of perfection articulated between the years 1756 and 1763.

As Wesley's care of souls extended, he saw more and more the necessity of both justification and sanctification as works of grace. His Journal regularly reports the different experiences from this point on (cf. Works,

Vol. Il, pp. 120ff.).

39Letters, Vol. III, p. 157. In order to establish continuity across the years, Wesley frequently referred to the sermon, "Circumcision of the Heart," first preached before the University in 1733 (cf. Plain Account of Christian Perfection, Works, Vol. XI, pp. 367), though it was undoubtedly edited somewhat during the period now under consideration. For a good review of Wesley's thoughts on perfection cf. Works, Vol. VIII, p.

429; Vol. X, p. 450; Letters, Vol IV, p.212; pp. 157f.; Works, Vol. XII, p.

397; and Vol. XI, pp. 394f.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology sin except by reason of ignorance or mistake) is accomplished by faith alone and is consequently instantaneous

(though preceded and followed by a gradual work); and, it should be expected now, at any instant.4° Lest, however, some should run their heads into a noose, let me caution: It is not absolute (that is angelic or adamic);4! and it is not merely a moral or ethical aspiration, a set theological creed.

It is a doctrine related to practice, a dynamic concept validated by actual experience. The experiences that I have recorded (and there have been hundreds to testify) could be summarized thus: ""Constant communion with God the Father and the Son fills their hearts with humble love'';42 that is to say: 'They feel no inward sin; and to the best of their knowledge commit no outward sin: They see and love

God every moment, and pray, rejoice, give thanks evermore: They have constantly as clear a witness from God of sanctification as they have of justification.''43 Let me illustrate with a particular.

writes on December 5, 1762: "To take away one ground of contention from many well-meaning people, in preaching on, 'The kingdom of heaven is like a grain of mustard-seed,' I endeavoured to show at large, in what sense sanctification is gradual, and in what sense it is instantaneous: And (for the present, at least) many were delivered from vain reasonings and disputings" (Works, Vol. III, p. 123. Cf. Ibid., p. 67). The diagram on the following page is designed to assist you in focusing especially upon the acts of grace which are instantaneous and those which are gradual.

"1Cf. Ibid., p. 126. There was a break among some Methodists as to whether or not perfection was absolute. Maxfield, for example (cf. Ibid., p. 136), made it such that it was unreachable.

42Ibid., Vol. II, p. 528. Wesley comments: "Now this is what I always did, and do now, mean by perfection."

pi 530..Cf; Ibid-} Vol: Ii, p. 75, for a similar account.

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SUINJYIUYS

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'a8ueyp sayeyal Jo ssausnoa}y3i pajnduy "ystyD ut yyey ysno1y) sn 40] s20p pod weUM ssausnoayy3u payindul

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Judith Beresford "was always an innocent, sober young woman, having the form of godliness, till she was convinced of sin, and soon after justified. She was a pattern both of piety and industry. Notwithstanding her fortune and her sickliness, she was never unemployed; when she had no other work, working for the poor. And the whole tenor of her conversation was such, that itis still acommon saying, 'If Miss Beresford is not gone to heaven, nobody ever will.'

"She had a vehement love to the word of God, and spared no pains in order to hear it. Frequently she would not go to bed all night, lest she should miss the morning preaching. She lost no opportunity of meeting with her brethren, to whom her heart was closely united: Nor was she afraid or ashamed to own the poorest of them, wherever she met them, and whatever company she was in. The very sight of them occasioned a joy in her soul, which she neither could nor desired to hide.

"When her weakness confined her to her room, she rejoiced with joy unspeakable: More especially when she was delivered from all her doubts concerning Christian perfection. Never was any one more athirst for this, for the whole mind that was in Christ. And she earnestly exhorted all her brethren, vehemently to press after it.

"The more her bodily strength decayed, the more she was strengthened in spirit. She called upon all that were with her, 'Help me to rejoice; help me to praise God.'

Having no fear, but a jealousy over herself, lest she should exceed in her desire to be with Christ.

"As soon as I came to Ashbourn, she sent for me, and broke out, 'I am just at my journey's end. What a mercy, that I who have done so little for God, should be so soon taken up to him! O, I am full of the love of God! I dare not exercise my faith fully upon God: The glory of the Lord is so great, that I cannot bear it: 1 am overwhelmed: My natural life is almost gone, with the brightness of his presence. Sometimes I am even forced to cry out, Lord, stay thy hand till I come into glory.' lasked, 'Have you lately felt any

Marriage and the Middle Years

remains of sin in you?' She said, 'I felt pride some weeks ago.' And it seems this was the last time. She added, 'Ihave now no will; the will of God is mine. I can bring my dearest friends before the Lord; and while I am praying for them, the glory of the Lord so overpowers me that I am lost, and adore in silence the God of heaven.' She cried out, 'Tell all from me, that perfection is attainable; and exhort all to press after it. What a blessing is it, that I have no weary hours; though I am confined to my bed night and day, and can take scarce any thing but water to refresh me, yet lam like a giant refreshed with wine.'

"Afterward she broke out, 'If I had lived in what the world calls pleasure, what a miserable creature should | have been now! What should I be if I had no God on my side? When the fire has made me bright, then I shall go to my God.' She prayed largely for all states of mankind: But particularly for the prosperity of the church; and for the society at Ashbourn, that God would continue and increase his work among them.

"When she altered for death, she called for her mother and brothers, to each of whom she gave an earnest exhortation. Then she said, 'Now I have no more to do here; I am ready to die. Send to Mr. W[esley], and tell him I am sorry I did not sooner believe the doctrine of perfect holiness.

Blessed be God I now know it to be the truth!' After greatly rejoicing in God, for two days more, she said one morning,

'I dreamed last night I heard a voice, Christ will come to-day for his bride. It is for me. He will come for me to-day.' Anda few hours after, without one struggle, or sigh, or groan, she sweetly fell asleep.''44 Let me at this point anticipate a few of your questions with some notes from the Plain

Account:

44]bid., Vol. II, pp. 400-403. Following a funeral service in the New Room, Bristol (October 28, 1762) Wesley notes: "Many years ago my brother frequently said: 'Your day of Pentecost is not fully come; but I doubt not it will: And you will then hear of persons sanctified, as frequently as you do now of persons justified.' Any unprejudiced reader may observe, that it was now fully come. And accordingly we did hear of persons sanctified, in London, and most other parts of England, and in Dublin, and many other parts of Ireland, as frequently as of persons justified; although instances of the latter were far more frequent than

John Wesley: His Life and Theology

"Can those who are perfect grow in grace?"

"Undoubtedly they can; and that not only while they are in the body, but to all eternity."

"Can they fall from it?"

Question:

Answer:

Question:

"I am well assured they can; matter of fact puts this beyond dispute. Formerly we thought one saved from sin could not fall; now we know the contrary. We are surrounded with instances of those who lately experienced all that I mean by perfection. They had both the fruit of the Spirit, and the witness; but they have now lost both.

Neither does any one stand by virtue of anything that is implied in the nature of the state.

There is no such height or strength of holiness as it is impossible to fall from. If there be any that cannot fall, this wholly depends on the promise of God."

Answer:

Question:

"Can those who fall from this state recover it?"

"Why not? We have many instances of this also.

Nay, it is an exceeding common thing for persons to lose it more than once, before they are established therein.''45

"What if one should die in a state justified but not sanctified?"

Answer:

Question:

"T believe they would be saved, because I am persuaded none that has faith can die before they are made ripe for glory. This is the doctrine which I continually teach, which has nothing to do with justification by works. Nor can it discourage any who have faith, neither weaken their peace, nor damp their joy in the Lord. True believers are not distressed hereby, either in life or in death; unless in some rare instant, wherein the temptation of the devil is joined with a melancholy temper.''*¢ Answer: they had been for twenty years before. That many of these did not retain the gift of God, is no proof that it was not given them. That many do retain it to this day, is matter of praise and thanksgiving. And many of them are gone to Him whom they loved, praising him with their latest breath; just in the spirit of Ann Steed, the first witness in Bristol of the great salvation; who, being worn out with sickness and racking pain, after she had commended to God all that were around her, lifted up her eyes, cried aloud, 'Glory! Hallelujah! and died" (Ibid., Vol. III, p. 116).

'SIbid., Vol. XI, pp. 426f.

Marriage and the Middle Years 305\.4

Is it any surprise that the more I converse with true believers, the more I am convinced that they sustain a "great loss for want of hearing the doctrine of Christian

Perfection clearly and strongly enforced. I see, wherever this is not done, the believers grow dead and cold. Nor can this be prevented, but by keeping up in them an hourly expectation of being perfected in love. I say an hourly expectation; for to expect it at death, or sometime hence, is much the same as not expecting it at all.''4"

As I read over my letters for the years 1756-1763 they are filled with advice related to the pursuit of perfection; that is, to guard them who are saved from sin, and from every occasion of stumbling. I urged those under my care to quit trifling companions;*® to praise God continually;*? to reject all comfort which does not flow from the spirit of adoption;*® to maintain all simplicity, watching unto prayer and yielding not to indolence or spiritual laziness;*' to control wandering thoughts, bringing all of them into the captive obedience of Christ;5? and to set aside some time daily for reading and other private exercises.°?

Toward the close of the middle years I was ill much of the time and even near death on several occasions.*4 In the fall of 1752, for example, I found myself indisposed with an illness that lasted for a full year. One morning I arose extremely sick but believed it would go away quickly. The following day, though I was considerably worse, I could not think of sparing myself; so, "I determined, if it were possible, to keep my word, and accordingly set out soon after four for Canterbury. At Welling, I was obliged to stop;

47Works, Vol. III, p. 113.

48Letters, Vol. III, p. 206. Cf. Works, Vol. II, p. 241. Wesley writes: "A young gentlewoman, who was with us where we dined, hastened away to prepare for the ball. But before she was half dressed, she was struck, and came down ina flood of tears. Nevertheless, she broke through, and in a few hours danced away all her convictions."

49Letters, Vol. II, p. 208.

Sbid., p. 212.

SiIbid., p. 215; cf. pp. 218f.

S2Ibid., p. 243.

S3Ibid., p. 240; Vol. IV, p. 103; cf. "Conference Minutes,'"' 1762.

54Cf. Works, Vol. II, p. 41 where Wesley is rumored dead due to a throw from his horse. He escaped miraculously with only a few bruises which failed to slacken his pace "one hour in the day."

John Wesley: His Life and Theology after resting an hour, I was much better; but soon after I took horse, my sickness returned, and accompanied me to Brompton, near Chatham. In the evening I preached to a serious congregation, and again at five in the morning. We came to Canterbury about one, when I was presently seized with the cold fit of an ague. About twelve I fell fast asleep, and waked well at seven in the morning.''5° Within a month the fever, my cough, and the pain in my left breast was so troublesome that my strength almost failed me.

Thinking that my end was near I composed the words for my tombstone:

Here lieth the Body of

JOHN WESLEY

A brand plucked out of the burning:

Who died of aconsumption in the fifty-first year of his age, not leaving, after his debts are paid, ten pounds behind him: praying, God be merciful to me, an unprofitable servant!*®

Early in January, being no better, I took a lodging near the Hot Well (near Bristol) in order to drink the water.57 I remained there until March 4, but did not resume preaching (after an intermission of four months) until March 26.

SIDI. Pa0s:

p. 309. It is interesting that while Wesley writes: "I ventured to meet the society; and for near an hour my voice and strength were restored, so that I felt neither pain nor weakness" (Ibid.); Charles

Wesley writes for the same period: 'All last Tuesday they expected his [John's] death every hour" (Charles Wesley's Journal, November 29,

1753).

*'Wesley's routine continued even in the midst of his consumption.

For January 7, 1754, he wrote: "I went on now in a regular method, rising at my hour, and writing (The Notes on the New Testament) from five to nine at night; except the time of riding, half an hour for each meal, ae the hour between five and six in the evening" (Works, Vol. II, p.

310).

Marriage and the Middle Years

, Although the weakness stayed with me (in varying degrees) for several years, I tried not to indulge my vile body.

I continued my regular ministry only seeking to avoid contention, being more sensitive than usual to the opinions of others.5

In November, 1756, I purchased an electrical apparatus that had proved useful to me personally during the past few years. It usually brought immediate help for a number of disorders.°? As I studied more carefully the cure of diseases I began asking myself: 'Why then do not all

Physicians consider how far bodily disorders are caused or influenced by the mind; and in those cases, which are utterly out of their sphere, call in the assistance of a Minister; as Ministers, when they find the mind disordered by the body, call in the assistance of a Physician?''©°

My illness taught me several valuable lessons, but one in particular. My old enemy had lost his hold. I determined to turn his own tactic against him. The fear of death not only leads to doubt, but also to a serious consideration (however brief) about the things of God. I was in Newlyn, for example, when I was informed that a strong, healthy man was found dead in his bed the morning before. Many were startled: 'So I endeavoured to deepen the impression, by preaching on those words, 'There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave, whither thou goest.'''°1 Such a method must be used only sparingly, however. This sort of fear soon wears off. Once in Ireland I observed crowds hurrying to witness the execution of a poor deserter. "I believe some of them retained serious impressions for near four-and-twenty hours! But it was not so with the soldiers: Although they walked one by one, close to the bleeding, mangled carcase, most of them were as merry within six hours, as if they had only seen a puppet-show.''6?

Ibid., p. 288 and Journal, Vol. IV, p. 103n.

59Works, Vol. II, p. 388; cf. Ibid., p. 517, where he revises and perfects the "Treatise on Electricity,'" and Vol. III, p. 240, 311; VOlOIV sip.

60[bid., Vol. II, p. 479.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Thus, the Revival continued without decline through the middle years. In London, during the early 60s, "I found the work of God swiftly increasing here. The congregations, in every place, were larger than they had been for several years. Many were from day by day convinced of sin. Many found peace with God. Many backsliders were healed, yea, filled with joy unspeakable. And many believers entered into such a rest, as it had not before entered into their hearts to conceive.''® Furthermore, our basic principles were continually being reinforced. "I was more convinced than ever, that the preaching like an Apostle, without joining together those that are awakened, and training them up in the ways of God, is only begetting children for the murderer. How much preaching has there been for these twenty years all over Pembrokeshire! But no regular societies, no discipline, no order or connexion; the consequence is, that nine in ten of the once-awakened are now faster asleep than ever:

Our discipline did not quench the Spirit, however. Spiritual gifts were still prevalent in spite of some dry, formal, orthodox men, who ridiculed whatever gifts they did not have themselves, and decried real, scriptural Christianity as either madness or imposture.® This is not to say that our people did not need a word of caution. They were to avoid running to either extreme. Earlier "the danger was, to regard extraordinary circumstances too much, suchas outcries, convulsions, visions, trances; as if these were essential to the inward work, so that it could not go on without them. Perhaps the danger is to regard them too little, to condemn them altogether; to imagine they had nothing of God in them, and were an hinderance to his work.''®®

63Ibid., pp. 72f.

p. 519. Following this quotation Wesley notes several rules regarding such extraordinary circumstances: "1. God suddenly and strongly convinced many that they were lost sinners; the natural consequence whereof were sudden outcries and strong bodily convulsions: 2.

To strengthen and encourage them that believed, and to make his work

Marriage and the Middle Years

At this point, though it pains me, I must relate the account regarding the consequence of my marriage. I have put it off long enough. If we ever properly loved each other

(and I doubt that we did), it lasted but a few months. My wife was insanely jealous, refusing to accept the tone and advice of my correspondence (especially with young women) in the spirit in which it was written.® I could not perform any of my duties in my usual manner.®§ We lived together only occasionally for twenty years. In 1771 she decided to live with her married daughter in Newcastle, proposing "never to return." I could only comment: ""Non eam reliqui: Non dimisi: Non revocabo."'

From that point on (though her daughter persuaded her to return to me) we lived and traveled together only sparingly. Though she shared our homes both in London and Bristol, for the most part, even while we were together we were apart. Then, years after our separation, she died."°I was not informed until four days later. There have been times when I wished that we never had met. I am certain that she must have felt the same way; but surely God will somehow even glorify Himself by this unfortunate match. more apparent, he favoured several of them with divine dreams, others with trances and visions: 3. In some of these instances, after a time, nature mixed with grace: 4. Satan likewise mimicked this work of God, in order to discredit the whole work: And yet it is not wise to give up this part, any more than to give up the whole. At first it was, doubtless, wholly from God. It is partly so at this day; and he will enable us to discern how far, in every case, the work is pure, and where it mixes or degenerates." (Cf. Ibid., Vo. III, p. 131.) Here Wesley resists such abuse.

It should also be noted that at this point Wesley is fascinated by strange stories often recorded in the Journal as visions or even apparitions

(Ibid., Vol. II, p. 369).

67Wesley was counselor to several men and women. I personally have no question whatever regarding the integrity of John Wesley. If some will not believe me then believe Alexander Knox. In an appendix to Southey's Life there appears an objective (Knox, a Calvinist, takes issue with Wesley at several points where a theological issue was to be raised) account regarding the moral character of Mr. John Wesley.

68Remember, Wesley expected to do just this. He expected married life to change nothing (but his fellowship at Oxford, which he resigned immediately. Cf. Works, Vol. II, pp. 231f.). See note 16 of this chapter.

Latin phrase is translated: "I did not desert her: I did not send her away: I will never recall her."

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Utlimately, the work of revival is still God's work. He continues to bless us abundantly, far more than we could ever have imagined. I have few regrets, except perhaps regarding my poor wife. She was so miserably married to a man perhaps already married, to a cause.

7°Molly died on October 8, 1781.

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