Peter Bohler

Peter Bohler

Is.

Peter Bohler Oh, thou Saviour of men, save me from trusting in anything but Thee! Draw me after Thee! Let me be emptied of myself, and then fill me with all peace and joy in believing; and let nothing separate me from Thy love in time or in eternity.

John Wesley Once again the Oxford spires made me feel at home.

As we (a new friend and I) walked through the quads, I must admit that I felt some pride until a few undergraduates laughed at my friend who was bearded and rather oddly dressed. I was more than a little embarrassed and apologized (or rather made excuses), but my friend dismissed the affront by simply replying: '""My brother, it does not even stick to my clothes."

This friend was a young Moravian, recently from Germany en route to Georgia. His name was Bohler, Peter

Bohler. I had met Mr. Bohler and several of his companions nearly two weeks earlier (February 7, 1738) at the London house of a Dutch merchant, Mr. Weinantz.?

After landing at Deal on February 1, I immediately preached to a large company in the inn, and then journeyed to London by way of Feversham (where I again preached) and Blendon Hall (where I received a surprisingly warm welcome from the parents of Charles Delamotte who journeyed with us to America, against their advice). Once in London (arriving February 3), I lodged with my friend, John Hutton, greeted my brother Charles, met with Mr. Oglethorpe, and reported to the colony Trus1Wesley writes that this was "a day much to be remembered."

Journal, Vol. I, p. 436.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology tees, who had some question concerning the circumstances of my departure.?

Upon meeting the Moravians at Mr. Weinantz's I quickly obtained rooms for them near my own lodgings.

After several days which were filled with visiting friends and with preaching, I journeyed with Mr. Boéhler to Oxford. We traveled by coach, so we had considerable opportunity for conversing closely. I spoke at some length concerning my opinion of the Moravian brethren in Georgia and of my intent to return to that colony if the Trustees (no small obstacle) agreed. I also discussed my plans to visit

Herrnhut in July or August. I wanted to see for myself if this be "the place where the Christians live.'"3

While at Oxford (in spite of the incident in the University quad) we were well received by some, especially by my friend, John Sarney. Then from Oxford, Mr. Bohler and I journeyed on to the rectory at Stanton-Harcourt to visit

John Gambold. My sister Kezzy was a guest there as well.

At first I thought that Mr. Gambold had recovered fully from his mystic delusion (such a lingering virus), but Mr.

soon convinced me otherwise, stating that he even "looked like a mystic.''4

Furthermore, I had the strange feeling that BoOhler was also passing some kind of judgment upon me. The more we talked, the less I understood, at least at first. He spoke of faith almost constantly and in such a manner as I had never before heard. He kept repeating: "My brother, my brother, that philosophy of yours must be purged away." I was still seeking access to God by my own righteousness, either by outward works (I was once again at the prison upon our return to Oxford) or, more subtly, by inward works (the John Hutton lived on Great College Street near Westminster Abbey.

He was later offended by the preaching of the Methodists and the Wesleys moved to the home of his son James in Little Wild Street.

contrast to the impiety around her, Antoinette Bourignon, as a small child (after reading an account of the early apostles), kept searching for the place where the Christians lived. This story impressed

Wesley and he refers to it on a number of occasions. Cf. Journal, Vol. II, pp. 15, 16, with Bourignon's The Light of the World, Pp. xvi, "Introduction," English translation, 1696.

"*Bohler's Diary, March 6, 1738.

Peter Bohler

spiritual exercises of the mystics). So, what did Ido? More resolutions!

From Stanton-Harcourt Mr. Bohler and I returned to Oxford, where he remained for some weeks (working six hours a day in the library and forming bands among the students), while I returned to London, arriving February

21.5 After giving yet another account to the Trustees, visiting with friends, and preaching three times on Sunday, I journeyed to Salisbury in order to visit my mother who was then a guest of my sister Martha and her husband (a former student of mine), Westley Hall. En route, I had several opportunities on the coach to converse seriously with my fellow travelers, but trying to mend the wisdom of God by the worldly wisdom which teaches that we must begin serious conversation with light and then (after the mystics) leave them to themselves, all that I had said was written on the sand. I could only pray that God would not lay this sin to my charge. I quickly determined not to make the same mistake again, and I renewed my former resolution 'to use absolute openness and unreserve with all that I should converse with.''® On February 28 I saw my mother once more, but my scheduled trip to visit my brother Samuel at Tiverton was delayed by the news that Charles was dying from pleurisy at Oxford.

Back in Oxford by March 4, I found my brother much improved and Peter Bodhler at his side. Mr. Bohler and I again talked at length. It was then (after thirteen years of wandering) that I began to see holiness as the fruit of faith, not the cause. For many years I had sought to travel a route different (in effect putting sanctification before justification) from that of faith in Jesus Christ. I remember asking

Mr. Bohler, as I was ready to believe that I should stop 5The "bands" referred to here were religious societies. Schmidt writes: "the 'bands' were based upon the closest personal unity of their members, a unity derived from an awareness of the life of God hidden in them. Since this was expressed in mutual conversation, a band consisted originally of only two or three persons." Schmidt, John Wesley,

Vol. bp. 231Journal, Vol. I, pp. 440f.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology preaching, whether or not I should continue. How could I preach to others and not have faith myself? He answered:

"By no means neglect the talent which God has given to you." To which I replied: "But what can I preach?" His response: "Preach faith till you have it; and then, because you have it, you will preach faith.''"

The next day (March 6), I determined to preach this new doctrine '"'though my soul started back from the work.''8

The first person to whom I offered salvation by faith alone was a prisoner under the sentence of death. His name was

Clifford. Though I had previously refused to speak to him (since for many years I had been a zealous asserter of the impossibility of a deathbed repentance), he seemed to respond. Less than three weeks later "he kneeled down in much heaviness and confusion, having 'no rest in' his

'bones, by reason of' his 'sins.' After a space he rose up, and eagerly said, 'I am now ready to die. I know Christ has taken away my sins; and there is no more condemnation for me.' This same composed cheerfulness he showed when he was carried to execution; and in his last moments he was the same, enjoying a perfect peace, in confidence that he was 'accepted in the Beloved.'''"

Thus, my first convert to salvation by faith alone was delivered from the very fear that had plagued me for so many years. Perhaps the enemy was about to yield to me as well. I wanted a faith of my own. The words of Bohler,

"Preach faith till you have it," became motivation enough.

I would do it!

After taking a few days in order to write the account entitled, ""An affair with Miss Sophy Hopkey," Charles

Kinchin and I journeyed north preaching (as best we could) faith in Christ alone.

By March 23] was back at Oxford where my brother and I met Mr. Bohler again (he had been in London for nearly

"Journal, Vol. I, p. 442.

8Ibid.

'Tbid., p. 448.

account concerning Sophy Hopkey was written for the Trustees and the manuscript is in the possession of the W. M. Conference

Office.

Peter Bohler

two weeks). I began the conversation by asking: 'Faith alone is perhaps well enough for salvation, but how shall we become victors over sin and death?'"" He amazed me even more by the accounts he gave of the fruits of living faith—the holiness and happiness which he affirmed attended it. Yet, I objected (a Kempis and the mystics still hung on): 'But what of the Christian ethic? What of asceticism?" Bohler (Bless God), refused to give way. He explained further that everything depended upon our coming to know the Savior, and only in this way could we help others. Using the main tenet of Pietism he described the difference between "living externally to the Savior" (Christ as our ideal or the faith of a servant) and "living in the Savior" (Christ as our Savior and Lord or the faith of a son.)!1 The next morning I searched the Scriptures. The confirmation was there. This doctrine was of God. I surrendered. I needed faith as a "sure trust' in God and I knew it. Emotionally I was still involved with the mystics (I read them extensively until the end of April), but intellectually I had chosen a different route to travel. 1?

Some men are content to live with their doubts, but I was too vulnerable. First drawn to the illusion of mystical

"knowing" (most mystics after years of struggle enjoyed a fellowship with God which] interpreted as a kind of assurance, but I had waited long enough) and then to the Moravians, I wanted to feel accepted by God.*? The mystics exhorted me to practice a blind trust in God. Bohler promised mea sure trust in God. Admittedly, some of this now seems more a question of terms: the mystic called the 11B6hler's Diary, April 3, 10, 12, 13; May 13, 1738.

12The fact that Wesley was still reading the mystics can be judged from his Diary. When the Diary resumes, the mystics reappear almost immediately. For April 6 he notes: '"Began M. de Renty's Life." Haliburton appears on April 9, and on April 11 Wesley read de Renty to Miss

Molly (who was ill) and to those who attended her. On April 13 Wesley read de Renty once again. Haliburton follows on April 15 and on April

17 he began the Life of A. M. Schurmann. On April 20 Wesley talked of the mystics with James Hutton.

13Journal, Vol. I, pp. 415, 471. At Aldersgate "inward feeling' was interpreted as the "most infallible proof." Wesley writes: "I well saw no one could, in the nature of things, have such a sense of forgiveness, and not feel it."'

John Wesley: His Life and Theology process of acceptance with God, faith; whereas the Moravian called the awareness of acceptance with God, faith.

Nonetheless, the issue seemed large. It is important to remember that the mystical concept of faith (although using the same word) is not faith in the evangelical sense, but a process of ''mystical matters" directed toward union with God. This mystical union involved holiness and perfection (with a degree of assurance) while the Moravian faith involved assurance (with a degree of holiness and perfection).

Even more to the point, I finally understood that the mystics not only denied the means of grace, but endangered the very foundation upon which our acceptance with God is built—faith in the blood of Christ. According to Bohler I had falsely imagined faith to be a form of imagination or self-persuasion. At best, I had assumed that saving faith was only that of a servant (devoid of assurance) and I quickly refrained from speaking about it in order to move on to that of a son, which I had assumed came only by the process of sanctification (including rigid acetism). Bohler again and again sought to make clear that the faith of a son (including assurance), in its essential nature, was also a part of justification (the "coming to know Jesus"'). I needed to wait no longer. All that I had ever wanted from religion was no farther away than the simple act of trusting Christ alone.

This, on the one hand, was more simple; but on the other, it was infinitely more difficult. John Gambold, ina letter to my brother Charles, states the case of "religious" men (so-called) profoundly: 'The doctrine of faith is a downright robber. It takes away all this wealth (self-denial and mental refinement), and only tells us it is deposited for us with somebody else, upon whose bounty we must live like mere beggars. Indeed, they that are truly beggars, vile and filthy sinners till very lately, may stoop to live in this dependent condition—it suits them well enough. But they who have long distinguished themselves from the herd of vicious wretches, or have even gone beyond moral men— for them to be told that they are either not so well, or but

Peter Bohler

the same needy, impotent, insignificant vessels of mercy with others, this is more shocking to reason than transsubstantiation.'"4

I spent the next few weeks continuing to preach a doctrine still foreign to my heart. I did all the good I could (just in case) until April 22, when, after still another conversation with Peter Bohler (we both had returned to London), I concluded: "I have no more objection to what he said of the nature of faith." 1 was fully convinced that faith was (to use the words of our Church of England) "a sure trust and confidence which a man hath in God, that through the merits of Christ his sins are forgiven and he reconciled to the favor of God." That is to say, 'the Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit that we are the children of God," and "He that believeth hath the witness in himself."

Neither could I deny either the happiness or holiness which he described as fruits of this living faith: '"Whatsoever is born of God doth not commit sin,'" and "Whosoever believeth is born of God."?® Yet, I still could not comprehend how this faith could be given in a moment: "How a man could at once be thus turned from darkness to light, from sin and misery to righteousness and joy in the Holy Ghost. I searched the Scriptures again touching this very thing, particularly the Acts of the Apostles: but, tomy utter astonishment, found scarce any instances thereof other than instantaneous conversion; scarce any so slow as that of St. Paul, who was three days in the pangs of the new birth. I had but one retreat left; namely, 'Thus, I grant, God wrought in the first ages of Christianity; but the times are changed. What reason have I to believe He works in the same manner now?'''16

The next morning (April 23), Mr. Bohler was kind enough to hear me preach at St. Ann's. He was not satisfied. I had not been able to promise a sudden beginning of faith to those who put their trust in Christ. There14Journal, Vol. I, p. 463.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology fore, he brought with him that evening four of his English brethren who openly testified that 'God had thus wrought in themselves, giving them ina moment such a faith in the blood of His Son as translated them out of darkness into light, out of sin and fear into holiness and happiness. Here ended my disputing. I could now only cry out, 'Lord, help

Thou my unbelief!'"'1" Here faith indicated a completely new beginning, a new creation by God, not merely a restoration of a divine image, as the more naturalistic theology of 4 Kempis and the mystics suggested. Now, with both the Scriptures and experience at Béhler's back, I had no more retreat for the mind, but my heart still was not in it. I again asked as to whether I ought not refrain from preaching this way, and again he replied: "No; do not hide in the earth the talent God hath given you.''!8

On April 25 I journeyed to Blendon where I confessed my unbelief as a poor sinner who hungered after a better righteousness through faith in the blood of Jesus Christ.

Several (including my brother) were offended that I, "who had done and suffered such things,'"' should not admit to such faith.

Two days later I returned to Oxford. Mr. Bohler accompanied me as far as Kensington. He now attempted to rescue me from self-despair and urged me not to place the grace of the Savior so far from me and to believe that it was near.

By May 1, the reoccurance of my brother's illness forced me to return to London. I found my brother better than I had expected, but still "strongly averse from what he called

'the new faith.''' That evening our little Society (which later moved to Fetter Lane) met for the first time at the house of James Hutton, and under the direction of Béhler drew up its fundamental rules.

On May 3 Charles, after some convincing, was persuaded by Mr. Bohler to accept "the nature of that one true living faith, whereby alone, 'through grace, we are

W7Ibid., p. 455.

18]bid.

Peter Bohler

. saved.'''19 The following day Bohler left London in order to embark for Carolina, where he was to minister among the Negroes before going on to Georgia. I wrote in my Journal:

"O what a work hath God begun, since his coming into England! Such an one as shall never come to an end till heaven and earth pass away.''?° I spent the next few weeks preaching, but I was still thorougly convinced of my lack of faith and resolved to seek it to the end. In spite of all I continued with strange indifference, dullness, coolness, and unusual relapses into sin, until Wednesday, May 24. Before the events of that day can be described, however, the final chapter in the struggle against trusting my own righteousness must be told.?% I was going to have faith as "the assurance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen" or perish in the pursuit. I determined to cut the knot which I believed to be preventing it. On April 30 I laid my Diary aside and ceased many of the spiritual exercises (apart from the normal means of grace), lest I should count these for righteousness; but one more thing had to be done.?? I had to deliver my soul to the one who had influenced me most (for good or for ill) during these torturous years. On May 14, and again on May 20, I wrote to William Law. A brief review of this correspondence with him will serve as a summary for much of what has gone before. If I were to rewrite these letters today, some of the phrases would be stated differently. Much of the language is unguarded and some of the logic suffers from overstatement, but you must remember that I was desperate! Although my preaching of faith alone had on occasion (remember the prisoner) produced results

20[bid., Vol: I, pp. 459f. Schmidt writes that "in the succeeding period Bohler became Zinzendorf's special commissioner for England and in America he met Heinrich Melchior Muhlenberg. He became a bishop and died on April 27, 1775 at Fulneck in England, following a paralysis which affected his mind" (John Wesley, Vol. I, p. 225).

21Cf. Journal, Vol. I. p. 472.

22An unexplained break in the Diary occurs on April 30, 1738. The next entry, on the same page, is "Wed. May 23, 1739." Though the explanation provided here is conjecture, it may well provide a clue.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology that I would not have thought possible, I was still a stranger to the experience myself. Law epitomized my fruitless struggle. The major thrust of this correspondence was a condemnation of his substitution of "mystical matters'"' for what I then believed to be justifying faith

(perhaps more accurately stated, the faith of ason which I still believe to be the common privilege of all those who trust Christ alone for "justification, and redemption').

The teacher and his pupil had finally parted. Although the man "I greatly reverenced and loved, the doctrine I utterly abhor'; it is ''totally subversive to the very essence of Christianity.""?3 Law had unashamedly declared himself for the mystic writers, especially the Germans. I had sided with the Moravians. Law was to become the chief representative of the Jakob Boehme type of "piety" in England. I (at least for the moment) was a follower of Peter Bohler.?4

To renounce Law at this point was to renounce mysticism at its core. My earlier rejection of the mystic denial of the means of grace (the letter to Samuel, November, 1736, and the comments on board ship a few months previous) had not begun to fathom the subtle depths exposed in these two letters. Here the atonement itself was in question. In the first letter I asked: ''Why did I scarce ever hear you name the name of Christ? Never, so as to ground anything upon 'faith in His blood?'''?5 Law's 'Pearl of Eternity" (the favorite metaphor in his Spirit of Prayer), the "touch of the Divine loadstone"' was to be sought, not by faith in Christ, but by looking within; One must "search and dig in thine own field." This mystical substitution of an internal subjective ''ascent'' emanating from within the nature of man for faith in the objective atoning work of Christ was the crowning issue.

In my second letter I again objected to the fact that Mr.

23Letters, Vol. Ill, p. 345.

24Bohler had visited Law the previous year. Wesley records a part of that interview between Bohler and Law in his letter to Law on the 14th of May: "I (Bohler) began speaking to him of faith in Christ: he was silent.

Then he began to speak of mystical matters again. I saw his state at once; and a very dangerous one in his judgement, whom I know to have the Spirit of God" (Letters, Vol. I, p. 240).

25Ibid.

Peter Bohler 191° Law had never advised me "to seek first a living faith in the blood of Christ.''?° In his reply to my first letter, he sought to defend this point by reminding me that he had recommended the treatise Theologia Germanica commenting that "if that book does not plainly lead you to Jesus Christ,

Iam content to know as little of Christianity as you are pleased to believe." I replied here "In Theologia Germanica I remember something of Christ, our pattern, but nothing expressed of Christ our atonement.''?7

To summarize, I felt there were at least five reasons why Mr. Law should be held accountable (at least in part) formy not having had faith. They were: He did not tell me plainly that I lacked it. He did not advise me once to seek or pray for it. He assumed that I had it. His advice led me from it; and finally, he recommended books to me which had no tendency to plant this faith in me, but a direct tendency to destroy good works."8 In this lay the impasse. I noted in Law a malicious lightheartedness so inconsistent with the example of other mystics like de Renty and Lopez. I would later understand that the mysticism of the Roman Catholics was significantly different from that of the Germans.

The practical pietistic mysticism of the former would eventually overrule some of the dark, speculative, passive, and unsocial mysticism of the latter, and I would once again enjoy the influence of these great and good men; but for now the break with the mystics was complete. I had condemned them in a lump and it would be several years before I could begin to sort the gold from the dross.

During these crisis days before Aldersgate I continued to preach faith. In each place that I preached, however, I was quickly informed that I should preach there no more.*? On 26[bid., p. 241.

27bid.

28Ibid., cf. Wesley, Poetical Works, Vol. 1, pp. xix-xx.

29The principal theological objection to Wesley's preaching here and throughout the Revival had to do with the sacramentalism within the Church of England which insisted that one is saved at the time of baptism (infant or otherwise) and a subsequent experience of faith is simply redundant.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology May 19 my brother contracted pleurisy again, but two days later I received the surprising news that he had found both strength for his body and rest for his soul.>° I felt like the dead sent to raise the dead, a Judas sent to cast out devils, a lion in a den of Daniels. I could only pray in my despair:

"Oh, thou Saviour of men, save me from trusting in any thing but Thee! Draw me after Thee! Let me be emptied of myself, and then fill me with all peace and joy in believing; and let nothing separate me from Thy love in time or in eternity.''3?

a full account of Charles' evangelical conversion, see his Journal, p. 146.

31Journal, Vol. I, p. 465.

AN Pooh Ro AIG J:

OF THE Rev. Mr. Joun WesteEy's JOURNAL From his Embarking for Gzorc1a To his Return to Lonpon.

What foall we fay then ?.

That \trael which follow'd after the Law of Righteoufnefs, hath not attained to the Law of Righteoufnef.

Wherefore?

Becaufe they fought it not by Faith, but as it were by she Works of the Law.

Rom. ix. 30, 31.

BREE TONL

Printed by S. and F, Farzey, Title page of the first And fold at the New School-Houfe in the Horfe-Fai 4G , : cea by fe Bookiellers in Taven aod Coabeg: se edi tion of John Wesley S Journal The PREFACE.

1. J T was in Porfuance of an Advice given by Bp. Zaylor, in his Rules for Holy Living and Dying, that about fifteen Years ago, I began to take a more exact Account than I had done before, of the manner wherein I fpent my Time, writing down how I had employed every Hour, This I continued to de, wherever I was, till the Time of my leaving

England.

The Variety of Scenes which I then paft thro', induced me to tranfcribe from time to time, the more material Parts of my Diary, adding here and there fuch little Reflections as occurr'd to my Mind.

Of this Journal thus occafionally compiled, the following is a fhort Extra&t: It not being my Defign to relate all thofe Particulars, which I wrote for my own Ufe only ; and which would an{fwer no valuable End to others, however important they were to me.

2. Indeed I had no Defign or Defire to trouble the World with any of my little Affairs: As can't but appear to every impati Mind, from my having been fo long as one that heareth not, notwithftanding the loud and frequent Calls I have had,

Preface to the first edition to anfwer for myfelf.

Neither fhou'd I of John Wesley's Journal have

The Foundry, Moorfields, London

"JOHN WESLEY PREACHING

FROM A MARKET CROSS"

/ The First Methodist Class Meeting, Bristol Christ Church College at Oxford

Gov Ht FS eT eke bee Gat 8 in Veet eco —— send get tt, .

CHARLES WESLEY, MA.

Bruomy of Gori?-Churd, Oxrons.

BRISTOL:

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Title pages of some of Wesley's publications.

Susanna Wesley and the Epworth parishioners onc anes OPN

BAN ) Charles Wesley i We Jey \y General James Oglethorpe (1696-1785)

John Wesley preaching on his father's tomb at Epworth after having been barred from the church

May 24, 1738 Faith is a divine work in us, which changes us and makes us newly born of God, and kills the old Adam, makes us completely different men in heart, disposition, mind and every power, and brings the Holy Spirit with it.

Martin Luther In little more than two months I will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the experience at Aldersgate, May 24, 1738.

Whether I had, until that moment, been accepted by God (perhaps through the faith of a servant) is a question worthy of some consideration. This should not cloud the issue, however. Even more important is the fact that it was here where I first began to understand experientially what! had been preaching for some weeks and what I have continued to preach (though hopefully with a bit more light) these many years since. As I think back over the space of half a century, let me first describe the events as I remember them, and then give you a brief analysis as I now understand what was actually taking place.

I had been preaching "faith alone" since March 6, yet with little fruit (though there must have been some fruit since the Word of God will not return void). My heart was not in it, although this was about to change.

I think it was about 5:00 in the morning when I opened my Testament on these words: "Whereby are given unto us exceeding great and precious promises: that by these ye might be partakers of the divine nature" (2 Peter 1:4). I claimed those promises with all the faith I could muster.

However, even though I believed, I had not been renewed 193.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology in the image of God.

Ihad no communion with God so that I could dwell in Him and He in me.?

As I prepared to leave my lodgings, I opened my Testament once again, this time to the words: "Thou art not far from the kingdom of God" (Mark 12:34). I remember thinking (to use the words that follow), I ""durst question Him any more." In the afternoon I was asked to go to St. Paul's. I listened to the words of the anthem closely: "Out of the deep have I called unto thee, O, Lord: Lord, hear my voice.

O, let thine ears consider well the voice of my complaint. If Thou, Lord, wilt be extreme to mark what is done amiss,

O, Lord, who may abide it? For there is mercy with Thee; therefore, shalt Thou be feared. O, Lord, trust in the Lord: for with the Lord there is mercy, and with Him is plenteous redemption. And He shall redeem Israel from all his sins.''? The phrase, 'trust in the Lord" (repeated constantly throughout) seized me.? Trust, trust, trust; I would;

I must; I could think of nothing else.

Again, wanting to retire alone that God might find me, I went very unwillingly that evening to a Society in Aldersgate Street.4 Someone was reading these words from Luther's Preface to his commentary on the Epistle to the Romans: "Faith is a divine work in us, which changes us and makes us newly born of God, and kills the old Adam, makes us completely different men in heart, disposition, mind and every power, and brings the Holy Spirit with it.

O faith is a lively, creative, active, powerful thing, so thatit is impossible that it should not continually do good works.

It does not even ask if good works are to be done, but before anyone asks, it has done them, and is always acting.''® Before I could raise my usual question (concerning

*Cf. Notes on the New Testament, 2 Peter 1:4, p. 890.

Journal, Vol. I, p. 472.

John Wesley, Vol. I, p. 262 notes that this anthem (taken from Psalm 130) probably was sung to the setting of W. Croft which frequently repeats the words: "Trust in the Lord."

"This was probably a Herrnhut "'band.'' Curnock suggests that the reader was a William Holland, a member of the Church of England in union with the German brethren (Journal, Vol. I, p. 475, n. 2).

A., German Bible, pp. 7, 9-10: quoted in Schmidt, John Wesley, Vol. I, p. 263.

May 24, 1738 I a this change that God works in the heart through faith in Christ) the Holy Spirit performed His miracle, and "I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust in Christ,

Christ alone for salvation; and an assurance was given me that He had taken away my sins, even mine and saved me from the law of sin and death.''6

I began immediately to act upon this new faith and prayed 'with all my might for those who had in a more especial manner despitefully used and persecuted me. I then testified openly to all there what I now first felt in my heart. But it was not long before the enemy suggested, 'this cannot be faith; for where is thy joy?' Then was I taught that peace and victory over sin are essential to faith and the Captain of our salvation; but that, as to the transports of joy that usually attend the beginning of it, especially in those who have mourned deeply God sometimes giveth, sometimes withholdeth them, according to the counsels of His own will.

"After my return home, I was much buffeted with temptation; but cried out, and they fled away. They returned again and again. I as often lifted up my eyes, and He 'sent me help from His holy place.' And herein I found the difference between this and my former state chiefly consisted. I was striving, yea, fighting with all my might under the law, as well as under grace. But then I was sometimes, if not often, conquered; now, I was always conqueror."'7 The worm that would not die had been dealt a fatal blow. The fire that would not be quenched was now under control.

I remember thinking:"enemy beware."

Though there would be struggle to follow, I had experienced faith. If for only amoment, I had felt peace with God.

The "new doctrine" had been written upon my heart.

Expectation had become fulfillment. Hope had become assurance. Faith had become "the evidence of things not seen." Enemy beware! If I could find thirty men totally committed to Jesus Christ, who knew such faith in Him, I 6Journal, Vol. I, pp. 476f.

7Works, Vol. I, pp. 103f.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology would give England back to God.

You might well ask: How would you interpret this experience now?8 First, let me review the case as I understood it then. I believed that I was not (though almost) a Christian before Aldersgate.° I did not have saving faith.

In my sermon "Salvation by Faith," first preached at St.

Mary's, Oxford, on June 18, 1738, I described clearly the kind of faith through which we are saved.

It was not that of a heathen, of a devil, nor even of the apostles while Christ remained upon the earth. It was faith in Christ, and in Christ alone! The heathen believes that God is and that He is faithful to reward those who diligently seek Him. The devil believes (to go much farther) that God is wise and powerful; that He is gracious to reward and just to punish; but also that Jesus is the Son of God, the Christ, the Savior of the world. While Christ was still with the apostles, they had faith and power even to work miracles, yet none of them had saving faith in Christ.

Saving faith is more than that of a heathen or a devil; it is more than a speculative, rational thing; a cold, lifeless ascent, a train of ideas in the head. Saving faith is a disposition of the heart which acknowledges the necessity and merit of His death, and the power of His resurrection; "a recumbency upon him as our atonement and our life, as given for us, and living in us; and, in consequence hereof, a closing with him, and cleaving to him, as our 'wisdom,

'What follows is how I think Wesley would have interpreted Aldersgate in 1788 (nearly fifty years later). My own analysis follows

(chapter 17).

'In fact, there were times when Wesley doubted if he was a Christian after Aldersgate. Cf. Works, Vol. I, pp. 170f.: "My friends affirm I am mad, because I said I was not a Christian a year ago. I affirm,

1am nota Christian now. Indeed, what I might have been I know not, had I been faithful to the grace then given, when, expecting nothing less, I received such a sense of the forgiveness of my sins, as till then I never knew. But that I am not a Christian at this day, las assuredly know, as that Jesus is the Christ.'"" This (the Journal entry for January 4, 1739), in my opinion, is indicative of a rather irresponsible Arminian doctrine held during the first few years following Aldersgate which convinced Wesley that if he did not at that moment feel love for and acceptance by God as the all-consuming fire, he was not a Christian. This interesting development will be described in detail later.

May 24, 1738 197): righteousness, sanctification, and redemption,' or, in one word, our salvation.''?° Furthermore, this saving faith is salvation from sin, for there is now no condemnation to them who believe in Christ Jesus. It is salvation from guilt and fear, for "they have not received again the spirit of bondage, but the Spirit of adoption, whereby they cry, Abba, Father: The Spirit itself also bearing witness with their spirits, that they are the children of God.''"?

I truly believed that I did not have this faith. I believed that I had heathen honesty, a form of godliness, and sincerity; yet, I was (so I believed) not a Christian. I wrote:

"Brethren, great is 'my boldness towards you in this behalf.' And 'forgive me this wrong,' if I declare my own folly upon the house-top, for yours and the gospel's sake."

"T did go thus far for many years, as many of this place can testify; using diligence to eschew all evil, and to havea conscience void of offence; redeeming the time; buying up every opportunity of doing all good to all men; constantly and carefully using all the public and all the private means of grace; endeavouring after a steady seriousness of behaviour, at all times, and in all places; and, God is my record, before whom I stand, doing all this in sincerity; having a real design to serve God; a hearty desire to do his will in all things; to please him who had called me to 'fight the good fight,' and to 'lay hold of eternal life." Yet my own conscience beareth me witness in the Holy Ghost, that all this time I was but almost a Christian."

I then (and still do) wanted to be altogether a Christian. I had faith as to fear God and to work righteousness, but I wanted that faith that sends the Spirit of God into my heart crying, Abba, Father. I had a measure of love for God and neighbor, but I wanted that love that engrosses the whole heart.13 I wanted to be stripped of all self-righteousness, to ~ 10Works, Vol. V, p. 9.

\fbid., pp. 10f.

12Works, Vol. V, p. 21. This quotation is from the sermon "The Almost Christian'"" which was preached at St. Mary's before the University on July 25, 1741.

13Wesley's view of the nature of saving faith here actually goes

John Wesley: His Life and Theology become naked before the naked Jesus, that God in His providence might apply His word and fulfill His promise

(as He will surely do in you). Aldersgate was the answer.

My opinion now regarding saving faith remains much the same. The understanding of my relationship to this faith prior to Aldersgate has changed, however. I now believe that there are degrees or levels of saving faith (even among altogether Christians) that can be gathered generally into two categories—the faith of a servant and the faith of a son.** I now believe that the faith of a servant (admittedly somewhat analagous to that of the "almost Christian,"" but subsequent to it), though young and immature, is acceptable to God for salvation. 15

I now see clearly that even prior to Aldersgate I had the faith of aservant.'° Again, I had heathen honesty, the form of godliness, the sincerity of a real desire to serve God (to use the description of an "almost Christian") but slightly more than that, Ihad, even then, a divine conviction which enables one to "fear God and work righteousness" (the faith of a servant).

Unfortunately, when all the preachers (including myself) "commonly called Methodists, began to preach that grand scriptural doctrine, salvation by faith, they were not sufficiently apprized of the difference between a servant and a child of God. They did not clearly understand, that even one 'who feareth God, and worketh righteousness, is accepted of him.' In consequence of this, they were apt to make sad the hearts of those whom God had not made sad.

For they frequently asked those who feared God: 'Do you know that your sins are forgiven?' And upon their answerbeyond that of Bohler's. Wesley was still a product of Bohler's influence but, still within the shadow of Aldersgate, quickly returned (if he in fact ever left it) to a more theocentristic view of God focusing upon love as the all in all. We will develop this further.

"Works, Vol. VII, pp. 195ff.

A sermon, "On Faith": cf. pp. 231ff; a sermon, ''On Discoveries of Faith," where the faith of the servant and that of the son are contrasted clearly.

mind changes during a period of theological readjustment" between the years 1763-1767. See next page.

May 24, 1738

. ing, 'No,' immediately replied, 'Then you are a child of the devil.' No; that does not follow. It might have been said,

(and it is all that can be said with propriety,) 'Hitherto you are only a servant, you are not a child of God.' You have already great reason to praise God that he has called you to his honourable service. Fear not. Continue crying unto him, 'and you shall see greater things than these.''"!"

Assurance was the issue. As a servant I had no assurance. As ason!] had a measure of assurance so as to testify a childlike confidence and love. I was an altogether Christian

(though young and immature indeed) who not only feared God and worked righteousness, but whose faith, as the ground of all, knew (though not without some relapse into sin and fear) myself to be saved from damnation, the bondage of sin, and to possess forgiveness and reconciliation with God.'®

Aldersgate was an evangelical conversation (in the Reform sense) of faith as assurance. It was not the full assurance of some (namely the Moravians as you will soon discover) but assurance nevertheless. I had then the faith of ason. The faith of a servant trusts Christ, loves God, and is accepted by God, but after Aldersgate I knew, and believed that others should know as well. I then believed that the almost Christian was not a Christian because he had no assurance. I should have focused more upon the issue of faith, not as assurance, but as the ability to fear God and work righteousness. I had this, even prior to Aldersgate.

This, however, does not diminish the significance of Aldersgate. Although I no longer believe that assurance is essential for salvation (it still remains the "common

17Works, Vol. VIL, p. 199. Aninteresting quotation from a letter to Mr.

Melville Horne is even more to the point: 'When fifty years ago my brother Charles and I, in the simplicity of our hearts, told the good people of England that unless they knew their sins were forgiven, they were under the wrath and curse of God, I marvel, Melville, they did not stone us!" (Southey, Life of Wesley, Vol. II, pp. 180f.). Cf. Sermons, Vol.

I, p. 61n; cf. also, 'The Conference Minutes,'' 1774, where assurance is not faith, but a common privilege available to the faithful.

18Less than three months later (June 11, 1788) Wesley wrote the sermon mentioned earlier, "On the Discoveries of Faith,'" where the same comparison (fresh upon his mind) between servant and son is made. Ibid. pp. 231ff., especially p. 236.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology privilege'' of every Christian), Aldersgate became the impetus for the evangelical revival.

To summarize, Aldersgate was indeed a watershed between law and grace. The experience of faith, love, and power, as well as assurance, is no small thing, but the sum total of my agonizing search for the life of God in the soul of man must be considered. Struggle alone never justifies a man; but man is rarely justified without it. Man can never be saved by works; but he can never be saved without them either. I was determined not to substitute one extreme for the other. A measure of faith had left me blind to my own dependence upon self-righteousness. I was not to be saved by works but for works. The Aldersgate experience taught me that faith alone was the source of power.

The experience of these last fifty years has proven this to be true without doubt.

Following Aldersgate I then had to pursue God as wholeheartedly by grace through faith as I had previously done by the law. I was a "brand plucked from the burning" and the intensity of my desire to serve God (since 1725) perhaps made Aldersgate inevitable: 'Unless the servants of God halt by the way, they will receive the adoption of sons. They will receive the faith of the children of God, by His revealing His only begotten Son in their hearts."' Yet, I had to keep moving. Faith is a process. Had I stopped there the experience of Aldersgate would not have lasted through the night.

So, the Aldersgate experience was the difference not between saving faith and condemnation, the almost and the altogether Christian, but between servant and son.

Assurance would become not the infallible evidence, but the common privilege. That servant faith could and must move toward that of a son was a great truth I first began to understand during my stay in Germany, but before that can be told, let me pick up briefly where I left off.

On Thursday morning, May 25, 'the moment I awaked, 'Jesus, Master,' was in my heart and in my mouth; and I found all my strength lay in keeping my eyes fixed upon him, and my soul waiting on him continually. Being again

May 24, 1738

at St. Paul's in the afternoon, I could taste the good word of God in the anthem, which began, 'My song shall be always of the loving kindness of the Lord: with my mouth will I ever be showing forth thy truth from one generation to another.' Yet the enemy injected a fear, 'If thou dost believe, why is there not a more sensible change?' answered

(Yet not I), 'That I know not. But this I know, I have now peace with God.' And I sin not today, and Jesus my master has forbid me to take thought for the morrow.

"But is not any sort of fear,' continued the tempter, 'a proof that thou dost not believe?' I desired my master to answer for me, and opened his book upon those words of St. Paul, 'Without were fightings, within were fears.'

Then, inferred I, well may fears be within me; butI must go on, and tread them under my feet.""?° This I did, experiencing alternately peace and heaviness, joy and temptation, but more peace and joy than I had ever known before. Truly the tide had turned! Preaching came easier. People responded as if by the power of God.

Yet, there was a kind of soreness in my heart not fully healed. On June 13 I decided to retire a short time into Germany to visit with my Moravian friends where God might complete His work in a more tender climate.

19Works, Vol. I, p. 104.

duo.

Germany I plainly perceived, this full assurance was a distinct gift from justifying faith, and often not given until long afterward; and that justification does not imply that sin should not stir in us, but only that it should not conquer.

Christian David On Wednesday, June 14, 1738, we lost sight of England.

The time aboard ship was brief, so my old enemy had no chance to bare his teeth; but I was nonetheless grateful fora new-found faith that kept the bit in his mouth.

Thursday morning we landed safely at Rotterdam. We were eight in all. The Englishmen, along with myself, were

Mr. Ingham (who had journeyed with us to Georgia), Mr.

Viney (Peter Bohler's interpreter in London), and Mr.

Holmes and Mr. Brown (both tailors making the pilgrimage partly for business).! Only the latter traveled with me as far as Herrnhut. One of the three Germans was Mr.

Tdltschig (who, as a result of my new experience, seemed far better disposed toward me than in Georgia). From Rotterdam we walked on to Goudart along a smooth road lined with walnut trees, accompanied for an hour or so bya kind physician, Dr. Koker. After an evening at an inhospitable inn, sleeping on bad beds, we arrived at Ysselstein shortly after 2:00 in the afternoon on June 16.

This was my first opportunity to observe the Brethren in Europe. Here we were warmly received. It was a small settlement with only three or four houses. The Community

House was still under construction (I found it completed 1The identity of John Brown is the only one in question. Cf. Schmidt,

John Wesley, Vol. I, p. 273.

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Germany 205 on my return trip). Saturday, June 17, was their intercession (or community) day, monthly occasions important to the Moravian people. Everyone was expected to be in attendance and the event lasted a full day. The celebration consisted of three great gatherings (morning, afternoon, and evening). The first, after the custom of Herrnhut, was spent in singing. The second (though interspersed with prayer and singing) focused upon their mission abroad with the reading of letters and journals from the Brethren in other parts of the world. The third consisted of a word of exhortation, the reception of new members, and concluded with prayer, for which everyone knelt. Although I excused myself from the morning gathering in order to administer the Lord's Supper to our English brethren, I willingly participated in the afternoon and evening sessions. I was impressed by the pace and timing (one event after the other while no one seemed to tire), a distinct historical and ecclesiastical consciousness, and the display of genuine primitive Christianity.

The next morning at 6:00 we took a boat down the river to Amsterdam. Here we were entertained with true Christian hospitality by a Mennonite minister, Dr. Decknatel, who had translated part of the Herrnhut hymnbook into Dutch. We remained in Amsterdam for five days, during which time I attended a Society on two occasions. The grace of our Lord Jesus was at work among us. I left

Amsterdam on June 22, much encouraged and refreshed.

We journeyed directly to Célen. The cathedral there (then still unfinished and consisting of two misshapen heaps) is conducive neither to worship nor community:

"One prays at one shrine or altar, and another at another, without any regard to, or communication with, one another.''? As we came out of the church, we saw that a crowd had gathered. Since one of our company had pulled off his hat the crowd could see that we were Protestants.

One of the zealous Catholics then cried out, "Knock down the Lutheran dog.'' We prevented any trouble simply by returning to the church.

2Works, Vol. I, p. 109.

John Wesley: His 'Life and Theology I was happy to begin our journey up the River Rhine to Mentz, arriving July 2, and the next day at Frankfurt. Since we had no pass, I could only think to send word to Johann

Bohler (a brewer and the father of Peter Béhler). He received us kindly, and after a pleasant evening we set out for Marienborn the next morning.

At Marienborn I was pleased (if not a bit overwhelmed) to meet Count Zinzendorf, though our first conversation was cut short since I was so ill I had to lie down. For some months I had longed to visit this man face to face (though we had corresponded at some length). The Moravians seemed to reverence him as the all in all. Since his banishment from Saxony two years earlier, he had taken refuge, first in an old castle nearby, and then in another at Marienborn. We remained among the brethren there for two weeks (ten days longer than I had intended).

Iremember one exchange that was especially significant.

Someone from Frankfurt posed a question to the Count:

"Can aman be justified and not know it?" I summarized the reply in my Journal: '1. Justification is the forgiveness of sins. 2. The moment a man flies to Christ he is justified; 3. And has peace with God; but not always joy: 4.

Nor perhaps may he know he is justified, till long after. 5.

For the assurance of it is distinct from justification itself. 6.

But others may know he is justified by his power over sin, by his seriousness, his love of the brethren, and his

'hunger and thirst after righteousness,' which alone prove the spiritual life to be begun. 7. To be justified is the same thing as to be born of God. 8. Whena man is awakened, he is begotten of God, and his fear and sorrow, and sense of the wrath of God, are the pangs of the new birth.'

As I now consider the Count's response, at least two reactions come to mind immediately. First of all, he insisted that one may not know that he is justified until long after. This contradicted the teaching of Béhler (and Spangenberg) that one cannot be justified without knowing it. My own experience seemed to bear out the word of the Count, since I still had not "that joy in the Holy Ghost;

3Ibid., pp. 110f.

Germany DOTiu no settled, lasting joy. Nor had I such a peace as excludes the possibility either of fear or doubt. When holy men told me I had no faith, I had often doubted whether I had or no.

And those doubts made me very uneasy, till I was relieved by prayer and the Holy Scriptures.''4 True, the faith that I had since Aldersgate kept the enemy at bay, but I wanted him dead. I wanted the complete victory I had seen in many others. I could not bear the threat of the enemy's sting. I remember thinking: What more must I do? I dare not stop short!

Second (and not unrelated to the first), the Count insisted that ''to be justified is the same thing as to be born of God.''5 I take issue with this.© Let me explain.

To be justified is the act of God for us. To be born of God has to do with the witness of our own spirit that follows, that is the work of God in us. Faith precedes feeling." To be justified (the sovereign act of God appropriated by an utter

'Ibid., p. 162.

5It is possible that Wesley misunderstood Zinzendorf here as this seems inconsistent with the rest of his teaching and was certainly not the opinion of the Moravians as a whole (see the discussion at Herrnhut on pp. 209-11).

Wesley adds in parenthesis following number 7 above: "Not so."

Cf. Wesley's sermons, "The Marks of the New Birth' (Works, Vol. V, pp.

212ff.); ''The Great Privilege of Those That Are Born of God" (Ibid., pp.

223ff.); and 'The New Birth" (Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 65ff.) where his own doctrine is laid out in some detail. The following paragraph is typical:

But though it be allowed, that justification and the new birth are, in point of time, inseparable from each other, yet are they easily distinguished, as being not the same, but things of a widely different nature.

Justification implies only a relative change, the new birth a real, change.

God in justifying us does something for us; in begetting us again, he does the work in us. The former changes our outward relation to God, so that of enemies we become children; by the latter our inmost souls are changed, so that of sinners we become saints. The one restores us to the favour, the other to the image of God. The one is the taking away the guilt, the other the taking away the power, of sin: So that, although they are joined together in point of time, yet are they wholly distinct natures"

(Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 223f.) 7Wesley writes in his sermon, 'The Witness of the Spirit," Discourse

1: "The testimony of the Spirit of God must, in the very nature of things, be antecedent to the testimony of our own spirit.

. Since, therefore, the testimony of his Spirit must precede the love of God, and all holiness, of consequence it must precede our consciousness thereof" (Ibid., p. 127). Perhaps more to the point (concerning justification and the new birth), Wesley in his sermon, "The New Birth," further explains: 'In

John Wesley: His Life and Theology dependence upon Christ alone for salvation) is to be an heir of the promise; but to be born of God (the Holy Spirit dwelling constantly in the heart) is regeneration brought to completion in love (though perhaps still not perceptible at every moment).

The failure to distinguish between justification and the new birth is, in effect (the Count being inconsistent with himself), to insist that saving faith necessarily implies full assurance. One cannot be saved without knowing it, in fact, while any doubt remains. Though I preached this doctrine (may God forgive me) for nearly ten years, I now believe that one can be genuinely converted either in a "lower'' sense (where some doubt remains) or in a "higher" sense (where no doubt remains).® This will be developed further in a moment.?

Before leaving Marienborn, I had opportunity to observe another intercession day. The ninety Brethren from the next community (though gathered out of many nations), together with many strangers (from different parts), met for prayer and fellowship. I remember writing: ""O how pleasant a thing it is for brethren to dwell together in munity |72° I set out for Herrnhut on July 19 with Mr. Brown and Mr.

Hauptman (a native of Dresden). We journeyed by way of Jena (to see the University) and Halle. At Halle I proposed to see Professor Francke (the son of August Hermann

Francke whose name is indeed as precious ointment); but he was away.'! By the providence of God I managed to see order of time, neither of these is before the other; in the moment we are justified by the grace of God, through the redemption that is inJesus, we are also 'born of the Spirit;' but in order of thinking, as it is termed, justification precedes the new birth. We first conceive his wrath to be

Sealnie ee and then his Spirit to work in our hearts" (Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 65f.

*Ibid., Vol. I, p. 172. Cf. Wesley's sermons "Justification by Faith"

(Ibid., Vol. V, p. 61) where full assurance is the condition of justification and "The Witness of the Spirit," Discourse I (a later sermon), where full assurance is the privilege of justification (Ibid., p. 134).

the Herrnhut account on pp. 209-11. bids Vola Lip 110; "Wesley had read Francke's description of the Orphanage at Halle on his voyage to Georgia.

Germany

the Orphan House, an amazing structure large enough to house 650 children. The professor had done his work well.

O may I follow him, as he did Christ!

We reached Herrnhut (after a few difficult days and nights due to the German senseless, inhuman usage of strangers) on August 1, and remained there (as at Marienborn) for two weeks. I now had "abundant opportunity of observing whether what I had heard was enlarged by the relators, or was neither more nor less than the naked truth.''12 Mr. Hermsdorf, an old acquaintance from Georgia, did all in his power to make our stay there useful and agreeable. As a result, little time was wasted, our days being nearly filled with services and conversation. As at Marienborn, the testimonies of the power of faith amazed me—"'persons saved from inward as well as outward sin, by 'the love of God shed abroad in their hearts;' and from all doubt and fear, by the abiding witness of the 'Holy

Ghost given unto them.'''?3 I interviewed eleven of the community members. !4 Several questions concerning justification were resolved.

Again the question of faith by degrees was confirmed, but here I found a contradiction, not only of Bohler, but of Zinzendorf as well. The Herrnhut Brethren (especially

Christian David, a carpenter by trade but a most experienced spokesman) not only insisted that a man could be justified without knowing it, but they (and consistent with it) also distinguish between justification and the new birth. I recall the words of Martin Dober (one of their elders): 'It is very common for persons: to receive remission of sins, or justification through faith in the blood of Christ, before they receive the full assurance of faith; which God many times withholds, till he has tried whether they will work together with Him in the use of the first gift. ibid, Pant Lo: bid.p.,l10.

14These being Christian David, Michael Linner, David Nitschmann, Alvin Theodor Feder, Augustin Neisser, Wenzel Neisser, Hans Neisser,

Zacharias Neisser, David Schneider, Christoph Demuth, and Arvid Gradin. These testimonies were important to Wesley. Much of the material appears almost verbatim in several of his sermons.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Nor is there any need to incite anyone to seek that assurance by telling him the faith he has is nothing. This will be more likely to drive him to despair, than to encourage him to press forward. His single business, who has received the first gift, is, credo credere, et in credendo perseverare:

(To believe on, to hold fast that whereunto he hath attained:) To go on, doing his Lord's will, according to the ability God hath already given; cheerfully and faithfully to use what he has received, without solicitude for the Test, we To go farther, Christian David described an "'intermediate state'' where one (though weak in faith) has received forgiveness through the blood of Christ and a measure of assurance so as to suppose these things are so; yet, without, in the full sense, '"new hearts,'"' without the "full glorious liberty of the children of God.''?® Although their initial experiences were much like my own (some nearly identical) they had all gone beyond me describing to the man their own full assurance. Their testimonies were unmistakable. I was a Christian, yet I dare not affirm it without the constant witness of God's Spirit. I could only admit my ungodliness. That I might lay the right foundation, I pinned my hope on God's Word: "to him that believeth on God that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness." Clearly the foundation is nothing in us! This kind of utter dependence upon Christ

1SWorks, Vol. I, p. 131. These are almost the exact words used in Wesley's sermon: "On Faith" (Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 195ff.). Cf. the testimonies by Michael Linner (Ibid., Vol. I, p. 128) and David Nitschmann

(Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 129ff.) to the same effect.

6Ibid., pp. 117f. Christian David states: "Here I found the peace I had long sought in vain; for I was assured my sins were forgiven. Not indeed all at once, but by degrees; not in one moment, nor in one hour."

Cf. Ibid., p. 121, where he states farther: "I now clearly saw, we ought not to insist on anything we feel any more than any thing we do, as if it were necessary previous to justification, or the remission of sins. I saw that least of all ought we so to insist on the full assurance of faith, or the destruction of the body of sin, and the extinction of all its motions, as to exclude those who had not attained this from the Lord's table, or to deny that they had any faith at all. I plainly perceived, this full assurance was a distinct gift from justifying faith, and often not given until long afterward; and that justification does not imply that sin should not stir in us, but only that it should not conquer "' (Ibid., pp. 126f.).

Germany Hail he had brought Christian David the assurance that I wanted for myself. In a similar situation, Peter Bohler had advised:

"Preach faith till you get it!" I had faith (so as to believe for a moment), but not the joy, the constant peace. My decision was made. Though I was grateful for their teaching concerning my own acceptance (and can testify to it at times), I decided to preach full assurance till I received it.

The result was that for nearly ten years, in an effort to experience this myself, I taught (in effect) full assurance as the condition (not just the privilege) of all believers who were justified. Some years later I came to realize that I was preaching a doctrine not only foreign to the heart, but to the Scriptures as well."

If 1 may bare my soul, I now see that my doctrine of justifying faith as full assurance was due to an overgrown fear of faith as some "dark night.'" My attachment to Bohler caused me to go (as he had done) beyond his masters. I could testify to faith in Christ and even to a degree of knowing, but whenI no longer felt it, Ino longer claimed it.

If I wanted to claim it constantly I needed (or so I believed) to feel it constantly. This was the dilemma that lay at the root of my problem.

In spite of all, I left Herrnhut greatly encouraged, fully expecting this full assurance at any moment. I determined to trust Christ completely for all that was mine. Let me say to you that now, nearly fifty years later, the experience (as I then understood it) has never really come. Something else, however, has made the long pilgrimage of faith worthwhile. God began using my ministry to convert others

(many with experiences beyond my own), but before that 17This realization came to Wesley during his correspondence with 'John Smith." Wesley, between 1738 and 1747, virtually taught salvation by assurance: "Every believer hath a direct perceptible testimony"

(December 30, 1745). Following correspondence with "John Smith," however, as expressed in a letter to Charles (July 31, 1747), assurance is only the common privilege as justification by faith does not necessarily imply a sense of pardon. There is a good possibility that 'John Smith" was responsible for changing Wesley's mind on assurance. The reference to assurance as an ordinary privilege (to my knowledge) first appears in a letter to John Smith, dated March 25, 1747 (Letters, Vol. Il, p.

91), in answer to his charge against "perceptible inspiration" (cf. Ibid., pp. 97ff.).

John Wesley: His Life and Theology story can be told, I need to relate the rest of the Herrnhut episode, my own journey home, and the beginning of a 'wider parish."

During my remaining days at Herrnhut, I studied carefully the offices of the church and how the people were divided (especially their classes and bands). I examined their conferences, lectures, services (though I objected to their frequent use of mental prayer as I had with the mystics before them), and the government of their children. I remember observing the funeral of a child and was surprised that the father should (upon my query as to how he was) reply: 'Praise be the Lord, never better. He has taken the soul of my child to himself. I have seen, according to my desire, his body committed to holy ground. And I know that when it is raised again, both he and I shall ever be with the Lord.''18 How I longed to stay in a place where my old enemy had such little success among the people of God. I noted in my Journal that "I would gladly have spent my life here; but my Master calling me to labor in another part of His vineyard, on Monday, [August 14], I was constrained to take my leave of this happy place; Martin

Dober, and a few others of the Brethren, walking with us about an hour. O when shall this Christianity cover the earth, as the 'waters cover the sea.'''19

Our return trip was much as our journey out. At Hauswalde I was surprised to find that the Lutherans as well as the papists were irreconcilable enemies to the Brethren at Herrnhut. At Halle I had the pleasure of an audience with Professor Francke (who received us in a most friendly

18Works, Vol. I, p. 117. For the broader picture, see Ibid., p. 147, where a part of The Constitution of the Church of the Moravian Brethren reads: 'Most of our brethren and sisters have, in some part of their life, experienced holy mourning and sorrow of heart; and have afterwards been assured, that there was no more 'condemnation for them, being passed from death unto life.' They are, therefore, far from fearing to die, or desiring to live on earth; knowing that to them 'to die is gain,' and being confident that they are the care of him whose are the 'issues of life and death.' Wherefore they depart as out of one chamber into another.

And after the soul has left its habitation, their remains are deposited in the earth, appointed for that purpose. And the survivors are greatly comforted and rejoice over them with a 'joy the world knoweth not of.'""

Ibid. py 20:

Germany

manner) and I could not help but relay the opinions I had recently heard against the Moravians. Again, to my surprise, he seemed to suggest that not all of their charges were groundless.?° From that moment on I began to havea more critical eye and recorded some concerns of my own upon my return to England, which I expressed in a letter

(though never sent).??

On our way back through Jena I visited the Pietist schools. I thought of my old friend, Spangenberg. After only two days at Marienborn (the Count being away), we continued on, reaching London on September 16. Little did I realize that upon my return the whole of England would be open to me. "A brand plucked from the burning" would then be ready to make its mark on the soul of a nation not long forgotten by a gracious and merciful

God.

On Sunday, September 17, "I began again to declare in my own county the glad tidings of salvation, preaching three times, and afterwards expounding the Holy Scriptures to a large company in the minories. On Monday, | rejoiced to meet with our little Society, which now consisted of thirty-two persons. The next day I went to the condemned felons, in Newgate, and offered them free salvation. In the evening I went to a Society in BearYard, and preached repentance and remission of sins. The next evening I spoke the truth in love at a Society in Aldersgate20Curnock (Journals, Vol. II, p. 58n) informs us that James Hutton and the Moravians believed that Francke prejudiced Wesley against the Moravians and especially against Zinzendorf. The relations between Zinzendorf and the Pietists at Halle were probably not good. Although

Wesley's contacts with the Moravians no doubt increased his appreciation for the more mystical tradition of German Pietism, Professor

Francke might well have criticized Zinzendorf and the Moravians for their likeness to mysticism. Zinzendorf was strongly influenced by Madame Guyon through Wolf von Metternich and, as a result, appealed to many of the followers of Count Marsay and Bourignonism. At any rate Wesley, from this point on, seemingly changed his opinion of Moravianism. This, therefore, is perhaps where Wesley first began to understand the true nature of the Moravian synthesis, their marriage of the simple gospel with the mystical philosophy of man (Letters, Vol. I, p.

258. Cf. Journal, Vol. V, p. 46).

21Letters, Vol. 1, pp. 257f. Wesley published this letter in September, 1741, after his breach with the Moravians (Journal, Vol. II, pp. 496f.).

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Street: Some contradicted at first, but not long; so that nothing but love appeared at our parting.''??

Less than a month after my return, I journeyed to Oxford. In walking I read the "Truly Surprising Narrative of the Conversions Lately Wrought in and About the Town of Northampton, in New England." I remember thinking to myself: "A revival in North America? If God is one God then surely He will bless this people as well." I began that moment to expect it. Jonathan Edwards was one against many, but God had prevailed. England could supply such a man as well. Little did I know that I was that man.

22Works, Vol. I, pp. 158f.

The Analysis, Part III Until his heart was 'strangely warmed' in Aldersgate Street,

Wesley neither knew, as a normal experience, the meaning of saving faith, nor had he the power to fulfill his Lord's mission,

Nehemiah Curnock Some will no doubt insist that | justify an entire section on Aldersgate.' Although it is important not to exaggerate or misrepresent Aldersgate as a single experience, an isolated moment, the proverbial ''bo!t out of the blue," the effects of the total experience were significant indeed. Although the assurance of faith, known for the first time on May 24, was not as constant (as we have already observed) as some would apparently like to believe, Wesley's life had been changed. There was virtually nothing left untouched by the events occurring between December, 1737 and September, 1738. Wesley was a different man. His works (especially his sermons) demonstrate this beyond doubt.? Consequently with Wesley, as with 'Here ''Aldersgate'' refers not just to the "heart strangely warmed," but to the larger experience, including many of the events both preceding and following May 24. It would be good to remember that the whole of Part III is entitled '""Aldersgate."'

2Prior to Aldersgate, Wesley's primary concern was with imitating the suffering Christ. He stressed the Incarnation, not the cross, as the central fact in Christianity. He emphasized man's reconciliation to God, not God's reconciliation to man. After Aldersgate, however, he emphasized the triumphant Christ and the cross as an atonement for sin; victory was assured over the power of Satan. The basic differences here can be observed clearly ina comparison between Wesley's sermons before and after Aldersgate. Compare The Almost Christian, The Lord Our Righteousness, or even the expositions on the Sermon on the Mount with any of the earlier sermons. The first of Wesley's sermons in the series on the Sermon on the Mount argues that Christianity begins where other religions leave off. Most religions maintain a degree of morality, most emphasize the poverty of spirit, conviction of sin, and renouncing ourselves: but the "first point in the religion of Christ is the not having our own righteousness' (Sermons, Vol.1, pp. 315ff., italics mine). mio

John Wesley: His Life and Theology anyone who "wipes the slate clean,'' the historian must begin his task anew. Wesley wrote to his brother Samuel: "nihil est quod hactenus feci'' (What | have hitherto done is nothing).3

Perhaps this phrase demonstrates Wesley's use of the hyperbole, but the fact remains that Aldersgate marks a point of redeparture when dealing with an ultimate influence on John

Wesley. The need for complete spiritual reconstruction expressed in this Latin phrase (it was also stated in January, 1738, when Wesley was struggling with his heaviness on board ship) reveals the magnitude of the Aldersgate experience. It is significant that Wesley, from this point on, uses two systems of chronology: one anno domini, and the other anno meae conversionis.* By the twenty-fourth of May, Wesley had overcome the objections to faith.> Faith had triumphed, exchanging its wealth of imputed righteousness for the poverty of self-righteousness.

Having said this, however, | am personally convinced that the nature of Wesley's religious conversion in 1725 and the relentless consistency of his religious pursuits beyond, made an Aldersgate (in one form or another) inevitable. Wesley, between 1725 and 1738, was more than the pharisee with a facade of religious duty disguising a deceitful heart. He was a determined seeker, through and through. God would not have denied grace to a man in dead earnest about being altogether a Christian. To be sure, the strength of Wesley's ability to reason and the passion of his pilgrimage through the various stages of development made it difficult for him to trust Christ utterly by faith alone (a doctrine thought robbery by most men of "'religious'' worth), but it had to happen.* God would not allow

Wesley to bury his talent only to become bankrupt by his own self-sufficiency. A lesser man might have failed in his attempt at self-saving acceptance much sooner and would have recog- ~ 3Letters, Vol. |, p. 263. This quotation is from & Kempis, Imitation, |.xix.1.

'Cf. Ibid., p. 262; Vol. IV, p. 298; Vol. V, p. 358, etc.

the letter from John Gambold to Charles recorded in the Journal for May 14, 1738.

''stages of development' here include Wesley's high appreciation for several dominant influences, including reason, the means of grace,

Puritanism, mysticism, etc. Sorting out the extremely complex nature of these influences (and others) combined, defines our primary goal throughout.

The Analysis, Part III

nized the need for faith much more easily, but in spite of all, Wesley was never far from the truth. He was always in process.

He never let up. He was never satisfied with less than all that God could offer. So, interpreting the larger experience (especially the months since his leaving America) is our present task.

It is an important one indeed.

Although Aldersgate (in my opinion) was inevitable, it also was absolutely necessary for Wesley, both as a Christian and an evangelist. Aldersgate did not so much make him great, for the ingredients for greatness were already there; it made him useful. Aldersgate made Wesley a Christian in the full sense of the word and directed his greatness to the needs of the people.

Aldersgate was necessary for revival. Without it, Wesley would not have known an effect upon men beyond his own special gifts. Revival is the work of God through men, not of men alone, no matter how great. Wesley would now trust God for the change he had so diligently sought to create himself.

Again, Aldersgate was not only necessary for him personally, but for his ministry among others as well.

Let us take a moment to review the larger picture before focusing upon Aldersgate. Wesley, for thirteen years, had sought Platonic ends by Aristotelian means. He sought an experience (full assurance) by works (in whatever form) that only faith could produce." The influences of childhood and early ministry had been honed and sharpened by a tremendous desire to make ''religion the business of his life," but he had no peace with God, and no joy in the Holy Spirit.

In achieving his final goal, the Deists were little help. Reason alone (though important) would not lead to an assurance of faith. His High Church tradition was little help. The means of grace alone (though important) would not lead to an assurance of faith.2 Even the Puritans were little help. Although they

7In the Analysis, Part 1V, we will see Wesley come to grips with those (especially the Roman Catholic mystics) who manifested the fruits of faith

(assurance and a degree of holiness) without clearly defining (or even understanding) the evangelical means. influenced by John Fletcher's 'Evangelical

Mysticism'' Wesley concludes that such have faith because their lives exhibit fruits that only faith could produce. Wesley would become just as concerned with the fruits of faith, as with the roots of faith.

faith for the High Church Anglicans was thought redundant since they assumed that one had it from the moment of baptism.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology spoke of evangelical faith, Wesley was so predisposed to their ascetism that he could not hear it, and ascetism alone (though important) would not lead to an assurance of faith. Solitude was little help, for time apart with God (though important), being the result of faith but not the cause, would not lead to an assurance of faith. Finally, the mystics were little help. Internal works-righteousness alone (though important) would not lead to an assurance of faith. Only after Wesley had experimented with all of these influences, to one degree or another, would he look elsewhere. Now he was ready for a change. On the journey back from America he decided to look to the Moravians. Before that door can be opened, however, another (and perhaps the strongest of all) has to be closed.

Although many Wesley scholars believe that he broke with mysticism before his journey home from America, such was not the case. The letter to Samuel in November, 1736, denounced mysticism as 'the rock upon which | nearly made shipwreck,'' but John does not begin to fathom the depths of his attachment to the mystic way as we have already noted.

The issue is still very much alive. So much so, that early in January he seriously contemplates sinking wholly into mysticism. As he reads de Renty he remembers the advice of William Law: ''Be still and go on.'

When Wesley was either troubled or afraid, his first reaction had been to turn to the mystics where his spiritual dryness could be attributed to in orco (the mystical dark night). He then read St. Cyprian who made him realize that the real source of his fear and doubt lay within, the result of sin. This is an interesting reversal. Previously he believed that his lack of faith had been God-imposed, forcing him to find assurance by *Journal, Vol. 1, p. 418. It would be good to remember that Wesley, at this point in time, read all the mystics as one and did not realize that the mysticism of de Renty (being both practical and pietistic) was far different from that of Law (being speculative and passive). Though both were mystics

(emphasizing the various steps to union with God) de Renty's mysticism (like many of the Roman Catholics) was that of service (including works of charity), whereas Law's was that of the contemplatives (being dark and unsocial). Later on Wesley understood this difference, and although the mystics at this time were soon to seem a part of an unwanted and distant dream, Wesley would again begin to see the value of their exemplary lives for convicting sinners and for challenging Christians to go on in perfection.

The Analysis, Part III

contemplating the divine spark within. Now he understood his lack of faith to be self-imposed, forcing him to find assurance by trusting Christ alone without, that is in God. Stated briefly, assurance comes from on high as a gift found by faith, not from within, as a wage earned by works. In the quiet after a storm,

Wesley lashed out at what nearly consumed him, realizing that in orco stifled spiritual growth, making one content to remain still. Old habits are not easily broken, however. At the time of writing his Journal review for January 24, 1738, he paused once again to consider the advice of his mystical mentors.

Wesley, now beginning to realize his inconsistency, was baffled. He was still a desperate man ''grasping at the edge of a precipice.'''° At this point let us return to his review which continues from a 'private paper'' quoted by Moore."

John admits to being ''tossed by various winds of doctrine."'

At first he was warned against too much stress on outward works. At the other extreme, however, the Lutherans and Calvinists "magnified faith to such an amazing size that it quite hid all the rest of the commandments.'" Wesley ''did not then see that this was the natural effect of their overgrown fear of Popery.'''2 As he became acquainted with the mystic writers, their "'noble descriptions of union with God and internal religion made everything else appear mean, flat, and insipid... even good works appear so too; yea, and faith itself." At this point Wesley more or less repeats an abbreviated form of the mystical scheme presented to Samuel earlier. He cites their exaltation of love at the expense of the means of grace. John states that he 'had no heart, no vigour, no zeal in obeying; continually doubting whether | was right or wrong, and never out of perplexities and entanglements.'''* Again we are reminded that Wesley (because of his background) was unhappy in his mysticism. This review, then, concludes with the statement that the mystics are the most dangerous enemies of Christianity (all others being but triflers). ''They stab it in the 1oWilson, "The Influence of Mysticism,'' pp. 89ff.

"Moore, Life Vol. |, p. 342.

Journal, Vol. |, p. 419.

'Ibid., p. 420.

4\bid.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology vitals; and its most serious professors are most likely to fall by them. May | praise Him who hath snatched me out of this fire.'"'5 Many who do not interpret John's statement to Samuel in November of 1736 as the ultimate break with mysticism find it here. Dunn Wilson writes that by the time Wesley landed in England he was a man freed from mysticism's fatal snare. This conclusion, however, is still premature. Although the mystical door was closed, the enemy's foot was still in it. As long as Wesley did not have the witness of the Spirit, he would be vulnerable to mysticism. Even after Aldersgate, his moments of despair almost inevitably led him to cast a longing look back to the way of the mystics. Until his fits of darkness left him reasonably free to grow in faith, mysticism hung just on the fringe, waiting to move in at the slightest sign of weakness. Nonetheless, Wesley was now prepared to try another route.

The next part of the Analysis involves what | refer to as ''the Moravian Synthesis.'"'® After the year 1735 (the height of Wesley's mystical experiment), the Moravians became associated with many of the critical phases in his spiritual development.

'lbid.

should examine briefly the history of the Moravians which reveals the origin of this synthesis. Toward the latter part of the seventeenth century,

Philip Spener rallied the devotional circles within Lutheranism in order to recall personal piety (thus he is known as the founder of Pietism). Spener, partially through the influence of Jean de la Badie (the Labadists, like the Quietists, emphasized 'immediate inspiration' and they rarely celebrated the Eucharist) and, according to Ronald Knox, partially through the influence of the Roman Catholic devotional authors like Gregory Lopez, gave a mystical turn to Spener's evangelical fervor (R. Knox, Enthusiasm, pp. 398ff.). The personal interior religion of Spener and his collegia pietatis (devotional meetings which met twice weekly in his house) greatly impressed A. H.

Francke who extended the influence of the Pietists at Halle where, in 1696, he founded his Paedagogium and his Orphanage. In turn, Francke (whose mystical bias we have already mentioned) passed this synthesis of mysticism and reform theology on to Nikolas Zinzendorf, the founder of the ""Herrnhuter Brudergemeine,"" who was educated at his Orphanage in Halle. Ronald

Knox writes that the Moravians owed their existence, as a system of thought, to Spener and the Pietists (Ibid.). Yet, the Moravians had no creed as such: their particular brand of spirituality simply emphasized a high degree of spiritual discipline. In many ways Moravianism (like Jansenism and even

Methodism) involved a reaction against the deistic thought which offered Christianity without Christ. The Moravians, therefore, while appealing to Wesley's inbred fear of external works, also struck a blow at the root of his mystical philosophy of internal works-righteousness.

The Analysis, Part III

Their impression of peace during the Atlantic storms, Spangenberg's questions concerning Wesley's "inner witness'' (Vulliamy describes this encounter as a ''momentous experience'), and finally the introduction to Peter Bohler, are all important to Wesley's evangelical conversion and have a direct bearing on his ultimate break with mysticism as well.

The Moravians were to serve as a kind of '"decompression chamber' for Wesley, in that they had a strong Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith tied to a rich mystical heritage.

According to Alexander Knox, the Moravians ''weaned'' Wesley from mysticism.'"? The Moravian synthesis of mystical piety and reform theology appealed to Wesley's greatest weakness and fulfilled his greatest need. Both Spangenberg and Bohler combined a strong sense of mystical piety with the internal witness of the Holy Spirit appropriated through faith in Jesus

Christ. Their experience in both of these areas impressed Wesley and the resulting synthesis was appealing to him, especially now. Earlier, in Georgia, Wesley had ears only for the mystical

Quietism of the Moravians. We mentioned that they "dotted all the 'i's'"" in Lutheran theology and consequently taught that there could be no salvation by any action or work.'® They recommended a completely passive attitude extremely close to the mystical writers that he had been reading at the time

(Madame Bourignon, for example). Deeply involved in yet another mystical experiment, Wesley had found it relatively easy to seize upon Spangenberg's Quietism and then substitute his own ''internal'' works-righteousness for the Moravian faith in Christ. By February, 1738, however, Wesley was ready to listen to the other side of the Moravian synthesis, but it would take someone who understood Wesley's mystical mind to lead him from it. In Georgia he had continued in his mystical exercises in hopes of raising himself to a ''coveted pitch of Christian rectitude.''"'® The bankruptcy of his mystical selfdiscipline during that season of trial, 'humbled him almost to despondency, and predisposed him for listening to the lessons of Peter Bohler.''?° '7Southey, Life of Wesley, Vol. Il, p. 322.

'8Ronald Knox, Enthusiasm, p. 410.

'9Southey, Life of Wesley, Vol. Il, pp. 300f.

20lbid.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology When the two men first met (February 7, 1738), Bohler (like

Spangenberg before him) immediately sensed Wesley's need.

Although the mystical common denominator in both Bohler and Wesley recognized in religion much the same end, the means were vastly different. Bohler, like Wesley and the mystics, emphasized holiness, but as the fruit of faith, not the cause. He stressed the means of justification more than the end result of sanctification. Yet, Wesley was drawn to Bohler because he could build upon a ''new"' foundation—justification by faith, and still retain holiness and perfection as the end of religion.

By the time Bohier left for Carolina (May 4, 1738), Wesley was intellectually prepared for Aldersgate.2! Whereas previously he had understood faith only in the mystical sense of a blind trust in God (an inferior state eventually to be ''swallowed up in love''), he now understood faith in the evangelical reform sense, or perhaps it is more accurate to say in the sense of the sixteenth-century Anglican reformers.2? Consequently, his statement in the Journal! (January, 1738) that ''he had from the very beginning valued faith,'' carried little weight since it was written at a time when he did not really understand faith.

Wesley insists in a letter to his brother Charles, dated July 31, 1747, that before this time (1738) he had heard nothing about either justification by faith or a sense of pardon.

At this point it should be mentioned that Wesley was prone to overreact at times. When he exaggerated or overreacted to the doctrine of justification by faith, most would agree that it was in the area of assurance.

It has been suggested that Wesley struggled in mysticism for as long as he did because he was seeking in mysticism an experience of assurance which did not exist, at least in the initial stages. For the mystic (in spite of the deluge of phrases concerning an immediate communion with God) there was no 1After April 30, 1738, the unexplained break in the Diary occurs. The next entry, on the same page, is ""Wednesday, May 23, 1739."

various modern books (Cannon, Cell, Deschner, Williams, Schmidt, etc.) portray Wesley heir to the continental reformers (Outler adds:

''a notion which would have shocked Wesley'') Wesley's concept of faith at this time is taken largely from the sixteenth-century Anglican reformers.

Neither Luther nor Calvin appear in the Christian Library.

The Analysis, Part III

assurance and no sensible comfort from God for those who could not master the dark night of the soul. Since Wesley was incapable of reaching even this inferior stage of mysticism, assurance was perhaps the one thing he wanted most. One can imagine the impact of a Moravian synthesis on Wesley which offered (within the context of a quasi-mysticism) the promise of assurance, involving not the dark night of the soul, but faith in Jesus Christ.

Ronald Knox, in fact, sees this period between November, 1736, and May, 1738, as a watershed between Quietism (with its emphasis on perfection) and Jansenism (with its emphasis on assurance).?3 By the first of May, however, Wesley had left this fence in favor of the promise of assurance. This assurance was perhaps the one thing most responsible for Wesley's leaving the mystics for the Moravians. Pope's Compendium of Christian Theology states that the mystic teaching is opposed to the doctrine of assurance, or at best is indifferent to assurance.?* Although the Moravians nurtured the Quietistic approach to grace (both were against the formalization of worship and both minimized external works-righteousness) the major difference between the Moravian and the Quietist (apart from the question of the atonement) lay in the area of assurance. The Moravian enjoyed a peace of mind through the conviction that he stood in God's favor while the Quietist mystic preferred to remain ignorant of his acceptance with God.?5 The mystic wished to love God regardless of the prospect of assurance. Faith which led to "'pure love'' coveted no sense of divine protection. The mystics in general, and William

Law in particular, exhorted Wesley to accept his heaviness as the discipline of God.?¢ Ronald Knox states correctly that Wesley hated Law's ''darkness.''?"? His formula of trust without assurance made a melancholy thing of religion. Spangenberg and Bohler, on the other hand, reinterpreted this mystical in 23Knox, Enthusiasm, p. 435.

4Ibid., pp. 410f.

25Pope, Compendium, Vol. Ill, pp. 123f. quoted in A. S. Yates, Doctrine of Assurance.

26Cf. Law on the 'dark night of the soul,'" Law's Works, Vol. IV, pp.

135-136.

27Knox, Enthusiasm, pp. 480ff.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology orco, exhorting Wesley not to be content, but "to believe in your Jesus Christ.''28 It is significant that Wesley now turns to the personal application of Bohler's doctrine and away from the broad generalities of Law's.

Wesley, in the final analysis, although drawn to the Moravians through their mysticism, was eventually driven to the Moravians because their synthesis emphasized the one thing that he wanted most and that mysticism alone could not promise: assurance.

Before moving on to the crisis days from May 14 to May 24, we should ask the question whether or not Wesley himself was aware of the significance of the Moravian synthesis for his partial break with mysticism. The evidence seems to suggest that he did not fully understand the nature of the significance of this synthesis. There is a good possibility that just as Wesley's preoccupation with mysticism in early 1736 blinded him to the theological strengths in Moravianism (faith and assurance), so his preoccupation with faith and assurance in 1738 blinded him to the theological weaknesses in Moravianism (mystic

Quietism). Yet, the effectiveness of the Moravian influence resulted from its synthesis. The mystical flavor in Moravianism made their doctrine of faith palatable.

Consciously or unconsciously, the Moravian appeal for Wesley was as strong as it was because they couched a ''new'' doctrine within a familiar setting. If, however, the Moravian affinity for mysticism in 1738 was an asset for Wesley (which it undoubtedly was, as it served to wean him from his mystical

"'depths''), it later revealed itself as a liability. Perhaps Wesley did not fully appreciate the nature of the Moravian synthesis until the events of Fetter Lane.2° Once free himself from the subtlety of the mystical trap he was able to react against what he had earlier failed to understand. In a letter to the Moravian brethren, dated August 8, 1740, he writes that the mystics 'mix religion with man's wisdom and accommodate it to the mystic theory.'' Again on April 2, 1741, he criticizes their scheme for | a from Bohler to Wesley (May 8, 1738) quoted in the Journal, Vol. aD:

22The controversy at Fetter Lane over Moravian ''stillness'' dates roughly from November 1, 1739 to July 20, 1740. See pages 273-275.

The Analysis, Part III 225" being "mystical and not Scriptural.'"

A more complete explanation of these and other similar accusations will be presented in the Analysis, Part IV. Suffice it for now to say that Wesley's partial break with mysticism was now near completion. The fruit of the Moravian synthesis reveals itself clearly during the crisis period leading up to Aldersgate.

The crisis broke during the eleven-day period, May 14 to May 24 (which includes the time of Charles Wesley's

"evangelical'' conversion on May 21). We have established that the Moravian inner tranquility and assurance (seasoned with just enough of the mystical spirit to make it palatable) appealed to John Wesley's troubled mind and melancholy spirit: yet the Moravians also unmasked the true depths of the mystical error. The problem with mysticism went deeper than

Wesley's previous objections (registered in November, 1736, and in January, 1738) indicated. There he criticized their denial of the means of grace while the most dangerous mystical heresy extended even to Pelagianism.*° All of this is clearly demonstrated in Wesley's correspondence (dated May 14 and 20) with William Law.*!

Since Wesley (at this point) was aware of the issue himself, these letters have been described in some detail in the biographical chapter.?2 We need only to be reminded that Law, by »way of Boehme, in 1737, chose a route deeper into mysticism.

Wesley, by way of Bohler, in 1738, incapable of the mystical alternative, was driven deeper into the tradition of the English and continental reformers. In spite of their parting sentiments concerning the means of religion, however, their concept of perfection as the end of religion remained much the same.

Any eventual similarities should not cause us to underestimate their differences. Tyerman states (somewhat naively) that the difference between Wesley and Law led to ''an estrangement between two great and good men which ought never have existed.''33 The differences between Wesley and the Mys30Pelagianism (to state it simply) seeks access to God by works, not by faith. Cf., Orcibal, p. 91f.

/etters, Vol. 1, pp. 238-244.

32See chapter 15.

33Tyerman, Life and Times, Vol. |, p. 188.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology tics (as represented by Law) at this point, however, were perhaps even greater than Tyerman imagined. Law, placing sanctification before justification, proclaimed the duty of holiness, but lacked the power. Again Wesiey's earlier reaction against the mystic denial of the means of grace had not even begun to fathom the subtle depths of mysticism revealed in these two letters. Here the whole of the atonement is in question. Intellectually, Wesley was now committed to salvation by faith alone.

Wesley's theology was changing at its core. Perhaps this can be observed best by his attitude toward the mystic exaltation of love.34 His strongest criticism of this imbalance appears in the 1756 letter to Law. According to mysticism, God's love "'postulated an ultimate unity and singleness of being and will behind all manifestation.''3> Boehme (who influenced Law) had one bias—''God is love''—and consequently the phrase, the '"'wrath of God,'' was for Law a contradiction in terms.?¢

This, of course, affected the mystical concepts of original sin.

Law's Spirit of Prayer, for example, denies the imputation of sin: contrarily, the volume of Wesley's Works in the Jackson edition entitled ''Original Sin" strongly emphasizes this doctrine within the context of God's justice and righteous indignation. Consequently, another key to Wesley's rejection of mysticism can be seen in the fact that Wesley emphasized sin and repentance leading to faith in Christ while the mystic emphasized love and self-discipline. The mystical "'imitation'' was concerned primarily with sanctification, not justification.

Wesley, on the other hand, exalted faith as the condition of "pardon and justification.'' Salvation and faith presumed

God's initiative. The only condition of faith was yielding to prevenient grace which led to repentance as one turned griefstricken with sin, fleeing the wrath to come, to the love of God revealed in His crucified, but risen Son.?" For the mystic,

This is not to overstate our case and lose perspective, however. Perfect love as the fruit of faith becomes the most telling characteristic of one going on to perfection. See chapter 19.

Brazier Green, John Wesley and William Law, p. 102.

36Cf. Law's Works, Vol. V, p. 156. Even "'hell'' is a creation of God's love; cf. Law's Spirit of Prayer (Part |, p. 27), 'no wrath (anger, vindictive justice) ever was or ever will be in God''; and Letters, Vol. Ill, p. 246.

7Green, Wesley and Law, pp. 84ff.

The Analysis, Part III

however, there was no need for divine reconciliation, since there was no wrath between God and man, except man's.*8

Man must, therefore, allow the example of Christ to turn his wrath to love. Wesley replaced the mystical reproach for the historical incarnation and the objective atonement with a strong doctrine of original sin.3° Justification had to precede sanctification.

Although Aldersgate was more than a moment ('the heart strangely warmed''), we dare not underestimate the significance of the Society meeting on May 24. Signs of Aldersgate appear as early as 1725 (Wesley received a foretaste of ''sensible comforts'' from a Kempis) and Wesley was convinced of his need for faith as early as March 1, 1738; yet, the influence of this experience is far-reaching.

The 1725 awakening created in Wesley a desire for holiness which would find fulfillment only through faith in Christ.

Perhaps in order to purify his motives, to intensify his desire, or even to increase his ultimate joy, God tarried; but eventually

Aldersgate was God's answer to Wesley's prayer first recorded in. 1725.

Having said this, we must realize that although Wesley was never really far from the kingdom of God for the duration of his spiritual quest, to refer to the accelerated religious fervor of 1725 as the conversion is to detach it arbitrarily from his experience as a whole. To disregard the full significance of the fact that Wesley continued to fight his own personal battle until

Aldersgate when he was virtually ''beaten into submission' is to substitute one exaggeration (1725) for another (1738). John, in 1725, had yet to learn by experience that internal and external righteousness are the effect, not the cause, of saving faith. Wesley's venture into mysticism blinded him from recognizing the need for faith in Christ and delayed his experience of the heart until 1738.4° Although he recognized his need for power and correctly identified its source in the Holy Spirit, in his romance with mysticism he failed to understand that the power of the Holy Spirit was appropriated through a personal faith in Christ. Most of the classical works on Wesley (written

John Wesley: His Life and Theology or edited by men like Curnock, Telford, Sugden, Tyerman,

Jackson, and Simon) emphasize the fact ''that until his heart was 'strangely warmed' in Aldersgate Street, he neither knew, as anormal experience, the meaning of saving faith, nor had he the power to fulfill his Lord's mission.''4' Aldersgate linked his understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit to God through justification by faith.

The concluding events of Part Ill to be analyzed have to do with the journey into Germany. It is interesting that though the Moravians in Marienborn and Herrnhut described degrees of faith following their conversions (suggesting that full assurance usually came sometime after justification), they all testified to full assurance as a present reality. Wesley wanted this full assurance, the constant witness of the Spirit with his spirit that he was a child of God. For the next nine years (in a letter to Charles, dated July 31, 1747, he seems to have altered his opinion) saving faith, for Wesley (as with Bohler and Spangenberg), was nearly synonymous with full assurance. Later, full assurance would become the ''common privilege" for Christians: but for now at least, it was an indispensable quality of faith. One does not have to agree with Wesley here to understand how the doctrine evolved. Aldersgate was the turning point (there can be no question about it), but it still did not provide the abiding witness described by Bohler. Surprisingly, he decides once again to preach what he did not have himself.42 He would preach ''full assurance till he had it,'' even if it meant that he was not himself a Christian when doubts were upon him. One needs to realize that when Wesley, during the months to follow, claimed that he was not a Christian, this did not mean that he had not been a Christian. It simply meant that he did not know it then and a Christian, in order to claim the promises of God, had to know it as a present reality. As described above (and in the last chapter), Wesley later altered this opinion and even later altered other more fundamental opinions as well. Not only would full assurance become the "common privilege,' but any assurance at all. One did not ~-41Journal, Volo} ipa:

"Wesley, for the whole of his life, had no qualms about 'wanting the world to know what he knew not himself' (Letters, Vol. V, pp. 15ff.)

The Analysis, Part III ©

have to know he had faith; he simply had to have it.*? After 1767, Aldersgate would no longer be interpreted as a conversion from condemnation to saving faith, but as a ''conversion'' from the faith of a servant (clearly acceptable to God) to the faith of ason. One should not, however, allow this amended interpretation (which will be described more fully) to detract from the importance of Aldersgate. Again, Wesley, prior to Aldersgate, had no power, no peace, no joy, no heart, no expectation to see God at work among his people.** He did not preach faith (as he did consistently for the rest of his life) and there was no revival. Now, all this was to change!

"This will be developed further in chapter 20.

44At the risk of repeating myself, it should be reiterated that prior to Aldersgate the word faith is never used in the personal sense in any of his extant pre-1738 sermons. He never uses the phrase 'Justification by faith."

He speaks of faith less than a dozen times total and only in terms of the faith of the church or the Christian faith. After Aldersgate, however, his sermons are literally permeated with this important doctrine and personal faith becomes the all in all.

Bibliography, Part III"

Primary Sources John Wesley, A Christian Library Consisting of Extracts From and Abridgments of the Choicest Pieces of Practical Divinity, Which Have Been Published in the English Tongue.

Bristol (1749-55), 50 vols.

ACollection of Hymns for the Use of the People Called Methodists (1780).

, Explanatory Notes Upon the New Testament (1755).

, An Extract of the .

. Journal from His Embarking for Georgia to His Return to London. Bristol (1739).

Journal. Curnock, ed.

Letters. Telford, ed.

, Poetical Works of John and Charles Wesley. Collected and arranged by G. Osborn (1868-72), 13 vols.

, Sermons on Several Occasions, 1st ed., in 4 vols.

(1746-60); 4th ed., in 8 vols. (1787-88); Vol IX (1800).

, Standard Sermons, 4th annotated ed., Edward H.

Sugden, ed. (1955-56), 2 vols.

, Works, Pine.

, Works, Jackson, ed.

Green, Richard, Bibliography.

Union Catalogue of Publications.

Secondary Sources Abbey, C. J., The English Church and Its Bishops.

Baker, E. W., Herald of the Evangelical Revival.

Baker, Frank, Charles Wesley.

"Study of Wesley's Readings,'" LOHR.

Cannon, William R., The Theology of Wesley.

Cell, George C., The Rediscovery of John Wesley. New York (1935).

Coke, Thomas, and Moore, H., Life.

Davies, Rupert E., The Church in Bristol. Bristol (1960).

Francke, August Hermann, Pietas Hauensis.

Green, Brazier, Wesley and Law.

1For details on abbreviated sources see Bibliographies, Parts I and II. pie K

Bibliography Green, Richard, John Wesley.

Green, V. H. H., The Young Mr. Wesley.

, John Wesley.

Jackson, Thomas, Life of Charles Wesley.

Knox, Ronald A., Enthusiasm; a Chapter in the History of Religion With Special Reference to the XVII and XVIII Centuries. Oxford (1950).

Law, William, Weeks.

Léger, A., La Jeunesse de Wesley.

Moore, Henry, Life.

Orcibal, Jean, "Les Spirituels Francois."

Outler, Albert C., ed., John Wesley. New York (1964).

Overton, J. H., John Wesley.

, William Law.

Piette, Maximin, John Wesley in the Evolution of Protestantism. New York (1937).

Rattenbury, J. E., The Conversion of the Wesleys. London (1938).

Schmidt, Martin, John Wesley, Vol. I.

Simon, John S., John Wesley and the Methodist Societies.

London (1923).

Southey, Robert, Life. 2 vols.

Telford, John, Life.

Tuttle, Robert G., Jr., 'Influence of the Roman Catholic Mystics on Wesley."

Tyerman, Luke, Life of John Wesley.

, Life of George Whitefield.

Vulliamy, C. E., John Wesley.

Wesley, Charles, Journal, Telford, ed.

Wesley Historical Society, Publications and Proceedings.

Whitefield, George, The Works. J. Gillies, ed. London (1771-72), 6 vols.

, Journals. I. Murray, ed. London (1960).

Whitehead, John, Life.

Williams, Colin, John Wesley's Theology Today. New York (1960).

Wilson, D. Dunn, "The Influence of Mysticism on Wesley."

Woodward, Josiah, The Religious Societies in Canaan.

Part IV The Revival

Setting the Stage The work of God still prospers exceedingly. Sinners—men, women, and children-are still convinced and converted to God every day; and there are exceeding few who draw back, as they are much united in affection, and watch over each other in love.

John Wesley Today is Friday, April 4, 1788. I just received a letter from Samuel Bradburn, one of our preachers in London, informing me that my brother died last Saturday and will be buried tomorrow.! I can only give thanks to God who will raise up His saints at that general resurrection when earth and sea shall give up their dead and He "shall wipe away all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more pain: for the former things are passed away. And he that sat upon the throne said, Behold, I make all things new.''?

Mr. Bradburn wrote: 'He had no disorder but old age (being in his 80th year). He had very little pain. His mind was as calm as asummer evening. He fell asleep so quietly that they who set by him did not know when he died.'

Bless God! If a Methodist cannot drop into dust rejoicing, at least he can die in peace. "What a comfort it is to think the Lord liveth! Nay, and that our union with our human friends will be more perfect hereafter than it can be while we are encumbered with the house of clay.''*

1Charles Wesley died on March 29, 1788, and was buried in Marylebone parish churchyard.

?Revelation 21:3.

3Journal, Vol. VII, p. 367n.

4Letters, Vol. VIII, p. 56.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology I spoke with you last in Birmingham (nearly two weeks ago) where I remained four days during which I preached no less than eight times and always to a crowded congregation.* While in Birmingham, when I was not preparing or preaching sermons, I managed to redeem the time by writing letters, conversing, reading, and praying. I also served communion, baptized, and met with the Society and bands.

At 11:00 on Wednesday, March 26, I arrived at Wednesbury. Our Society there is the mother society of Staffordshire. After dinner with Mr. Turner I prayed and conversed, pausing only for tea before preaching at 6:00 a sermon preached the Sunday before from Luke 24:34: "The Lord is risen indeed." After the sermon, I met with the Society, had supper, and conversed before praying myself to bed at 9:30.

Although the Methodists at Wednesbury (as in Birmingham) have recovered from the threat of Antinomianism, I think an even greater victory (though perhaps not more dangerous) was won against all manner of persecution.® Although a small tract entitled ""Modern

Christianity exemplified at Wednesbury" gives a full account of these "surprising transactions," let me describe some of them to you now.

Less than five years into the Revival (1743) the mob of Wednesbury "hired for that purpose by their betters, broke open their poor neighbors' houses at their pleasure by night and day; exploited money from the few that had it; took away or destroyed their victuals and goods; beat and wounded their bodies; threatened their lives; abused their women, (some ina manner too horrible to name,) and openly declared they would destroy every Methodist in the country: the Christian country, where His Majesty's innocent and loyal subjects have been so treated; and are now,

5The texts for those sermons were:Philippians 3:13; Luke 24:34; Romans 8:33; Luke 24:26; 1 Peter 1:3; Colossians 3:1; James 2:22; and 2

Corinthians 5:15.

The "threat of Antinomianism'" here was the tendency among some to exalt God's grace almost to the complete exclusion of the necessary fruits or works to follow.

Setting the Stage

by their wanton persecutors, publicly branded for rioters and incendiaries!''"

Rather than defend our cause by argument (a cause already defended by the verdict of time) let me give you a few paragraphs, taken chiefly from my Journal, describing the most memorable events without embellishment. You who are candid and reasonable can judge for yourselves.

Thursday, October 20, 1743—'After preaching to a small, attentive congregation (at Birmingham), I rode to Wednesbury.

. | was writing at Francis Ward's, in the afternoon when the cry arose, that the mob had beset the house. ... The cry of one and all was, 'Bring out the Minister; we will have the Minister.' I desired one to take their captain by the hand and bring him into the house.

After a few sentences interchanged between us, the lion was become a lamb. I desired him to go and bring one or two more of the most angry of his companions. He brought in two, who were ready to swallow the ground with rage; but in two minutes they were as calm as he. I then bade them make way, that I might go out among the people. As soon as I was in the midst of them, I called for a chair; and standing up, asked, 'What do any of you want with me?'

Some said, 'We want you to go with us to the Justice.' I replied, 'That I will, with all my heart.'.

"The night came on before we had walked a mile, together with heavy rain. However, on we went to BentleyHall, two miles from Wednesbury. One or two ran before, to tell Mr. Lane they had brought Mr. Wesley before his

Worship. Mr. Lane replied, 'What have I to do with Mr.

Wesley? Go and carry him back again.' By this time the main body came up, and began knocking at the door. A servant told them Mr. Lane was in bed. His son followed, and asked what was the matter. One replied, 'Why, they sing psalms all day; nay, and make folks rise at five in the morning. And what would your Worship advise us to do?'

'To go home,' said Mr. Lane, 'and be quiet.'

"Here they were at a full stop, till one advised, to go to 7Works, Vol. I, p. 454.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology Justice Persehouse, at Walsal. All agreed to this; so we hastened on, and about seven came to his house. But Mr.

Persehouse likewise sent word, that he was in bed. Now they were at a stand again; but at last they all thought it the wisest course, to make the best of their way home.''® About fifty of them undertook to escort me, and their rage seemed abated, but they were quickly reinforced (or rather attacked by another mob) and I was delivered from one pit to another.

To attempt now to speak was vain, 'for the noise on every side was like the roaring of the sea. So they dragged me along till we came to the town; where seeing the door of a large house open, I attempted to go in; but a man, catching me by the hair, pulled me back into the middle of the mob. They made no more stop till they had carried me through the main street, from one end of the town to the other. I continued speaking all the time to those within hearing, feeling no pain or weariness. At the west end of the town, seeing a door half open, I made toward it, and would have gone in; but a gentleman in the shop would not suffer me, saying, they would pull the house down to the ground. However, I stood at the door, and asked, 'Are you willing to hear me speak?;' Many cried out, 'No, no! knock his brains out; down with him; kill him at once.'

Others said, 'Nay, but we will hear him first.' I began asking, 'What evil have I done? Which of you all have I wronged in word or deed?' And continued speaking for above a quarter of an hour, till my voice suddenly failed:

Then the floods began to lift up their voice again; many crying out, 'Bring him away! Bring him away.'

"In the mean time my strength and my voice returned, and I broke out aloud into prayer. And now the man who just before headed the mob, turned, and said, 'Sire, I will spend my life for you: Follow me, and not one soul here shall touch a hair of your head.' Two or three of his fellows confirmed his words, and got close to me immediately. At the same time, the gentleman in the shop cried out, 'For shame, for shame! Let him go.' An honest butcher, who 8Ibid., pp. 436f.

Setting the Stage

was a little farther off, said, it was a shame they should do thus; and pulled back four or five, one after another, who were running on the most fiercely. The people then, as if it had been by common consent, fell back to the right and left; while those three or four men took me between them, and carried me through them all. But on the bridge the mob rallied again: We therefore went on one side, over the milldam, and thence through the meadows; till, a little before ten, God brought me safe to Wednesbury; having lost only one flap of my waistcoat, and a little skin from one of my hands.

"I never saw such a chain of providences before; so many convincing proofs, that the hand of God is on every person and thing, overruling all as it seemeth him good.

"The poor woman of Darlaston, who had headed that mob, and sworn, that none should touch me, when she saw her followers give way, ran into the thickest of the throng, and knocked down three or four men, one after another. But many assaulting her at once, she was soon overpowered, and had probably been killed in a few minutes, (three men keeping her down and beating her with all their might,) had not a man called to one of them, 'Hold,

Tom, hold!' 'Who is there?' said Tom: 'What, honest Munchin? Nay, then, let her go.' So they held their hand, and let her get up and crawl home as well as she could.

"From the beginning to the end I found the same presence of mind, as ifI had been sitting in my own study. But took no thought for one moment before another; only once it came into my mind, that if they should throw me into the river, it would spoil the papers that were in my pocket. For myself, I did not doubt but I should swim across, having but a thin coat, and a light pair of boots.

"The circumstances that follow, I thought, were particularly remarkable: 1. That many endeavoured to throw me down while we were going down-hill ona slippery path to the town; as well judging, that if I was once on the ground,

I should hardly rise any more. But I made no stumble at all, nor the least slip till I was entirely out of their hands. 2.

That although many strove to lay hold on my collar or

John Wesley: His Life and Theology clothes, to pull me down, they could not fasten at all: Only one got fast hold of the flap of my waistcoat, which was soon left in his hand; the other flap, in the pocket of which was a bank note, was torn but half off. 3. That a lusty man just behind, struck at me several times, with a large oaken stick; with which if he had struck me once on the back part of my head, it would have saved him all farther troubie. But every time the blow was turned aside, I know not how; forI could not move to the right hand or left. 4. That another came rushing through the press, raising his arm to strike, on a sudden let it drop, and only stroked my head, saying,

'What soft hair he has!' 5. That I stopped exactly at the Mayor's door, as if had known it, (which the mob doubtless thought I did,) and found him standing in the shop, which gave the first check to the madness of the people. 6.

That the very first men whose hearts were turned were the heroes of the town, the captains of the rabble on all occasions, one of them having been a prize-fighter at the beargarden. 7. That, from first to last, I heard none give a reviling word, or call me by any opprobrious name whatever; but the cry of one and all was, 'The Preacher! The Preacher! The Parson! The Minister.' 8. That no creature, at least within my hearing, laid any thing to my charge, either true or false; having in the hurry quite forgot to provide themselves with an accusation of any kind. And,

Lastly, That they were as utterly at aloss, what they should do with me; none proposing any determinate thing; only,

'Away with him! Kill him at once!'

"By how gentle degrees does God prepare us for his will!

Two years previous a piece of brick grazed my shoulders. It was a year after that a stone struck me between the eyes.

The month before this incident I received one blow, and that evening two; one before we came into the town, and one after we were gone out; but both were as nothing:

For though one man struck me on the breast with all his might, and the other on the mouth with such force that the blood gushed out immediately, I felt no more pain from the blows, than if they had touched me with a straw.'"

'Ibid., pp. 437-440.

Setting the Stage

"T cannot close this head without inserting as great a curiosity in its kind as, I believe, was ever yet seen in England; which had its birth within a very few days of this remarkable occurance at Walsal.

Staffordshire.

To all High-Constables, Petty-Constables, and other of His Majesty's Peace Officers, within the said County, and particularly to the Constable of Tipton: (near

Walsal:) WHEREAS, we, His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the said County of Stafford, having received information that several disorderly persons, styling themselves Methodist Preachers, go about raising routs and riots, to the great damage of His Majesty's liege people, and against the peace of our Sovereign Lord the King:

These are, in His Majesty's name, to command you and every one of you, within your respective districts, to make diligent search after the said Methodist

Preachers, and to bring him or them before some of us His said Majesty's Justices of the Peace, to be examined concerning their unlawful doings.

Given under our hands and seals, this day of October, 1743.

J. Lane.

W. Persehouse. ?% From Wednesbury I continued north on Thursday, March 27 (Mr. Turner traveling with me), passing through Dudley, where I preached at noon on 2 Corinthians 5:19:

"God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself."

Dudley, too, was formerly a den of lions, but the steady behavior of the Society has made an impression on most of the town. I had much liberty of spirit to explain the "taking away that enmity (between God and man), which could no otherwise be removed than by the blood of the Son of God.''11 Such a change! My, how does "a praying congregation strengthen the Preacher.''!?

10These were the justices to whose houses Wesley was carried, and who refused to see him. Ibid., p. 441.

Wesley, Notes on the New Testament, p. 657.

12Works, Vol. II, p. 165.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology At 6:00 in the evening I preached at Wolverhampton on Luke 13:23: "Are there few that be saved?" Nearly thirty years ago, since no one had yet preached in the open air in this furious town, "I was resolved, with God's help, to make a trial, and ordered a table to be set in the inn-yard.

Such a number of wild men I have seldom seen; but they gave me no disturbance (their intent being but to stare), either while I preached, or when I afterwards walked through the midst of them.''!3 I was not always so fortunate, however. I remember, during those unruly days, being struck with a stone flung by a Mr. Moseley whose vicious act pursued him, bless God, until he was soundly converted in Noah's Ark Chapel. Now, it seems, the last will be first.

Last Friday morning I was up at 4:00, prayed, had tea, and conversed with Mr. Turner before leaving town by carriage. I arrived at Madeley at 12:30 (a pleasant village, surrounded by trees and hills) where I immediately visited with my dear friends there, especially Mrs. Fletcher, whose health had surprisingly improved. What an impression was left upon those good people by her late husband who some affectionately called (and I think correctly), the "Shropshire saint."

John Fletcher, Swiss by birth and education, came to England in 1752. Although I knew and admired him almost from the time of his arrival, we did not become close friends until he came to Madeley in 1760.

I soon became so impressed by his total devotion that I once believed that he would be the one to succeed me in sustaining the Revival, but God has taken him from us.

Perhaps God will continue His work by the example of this exceptional man as related in my Life of Fletcher. In this Life

Mr. Fletcher is portrayed as a man constantly pleading with God to take fuller possession. Once while prostrate in prayer, he received a vision of Christ bleeding on the cross.

He sat up two whole nights a week in order to enter more deeply into communion with God through reading, meditation, and prayer. He would not even move from his chair

'3Tbid., Vol. Ill, pp. 47f.

Setting the Stage 243, without first looking to God. I must admit that for many years I despaired of finding any inhabitant of Great Britain that could compare in any degree with Gregory Lopez, or Monsieur de Renty. But no person can ever say that Mr.

Fletcher was at all inferior to them. Did he not experience as deep communion with God, and as high a measure of inward holiness, as was experienced by either one or the other of those burning and shining lights?

At 1:30 I had dinner and continued to converse and pray with my Shropshire friends until tea. At 6:00 I preached on Colossians 3:1: "If ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God." The congregation was surprisingly large, and they listened with joy while I applied that happy verse. After preaching I ate and again conversed before praying myself to bed at 10:00.

On the day that my brother died I was up at 4:15, praying, writing, and preaching before 8:00 on Hebrews 12:1:

"Wherefore seeing we also are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight, and the sin which doth so easily beset us, and let us run with patience the race that is set before us."' Little did I realize that my brother was at that moment among those witnesses. As best as I can ascertain, the very moment my brother fell asleep, our congregation was singing the words from his hymn: "Come, come, let us join our friends above that have obtained the prize." To be sure, I feel the loss of my brother deep within my heart. I do not despair, however. Being cut off from any worldly hope, I can simply and nakedly hang upon the living God; bless His name.

That same day I went over to Salop where two poor wretches were executed in the afternoon. This had a sobering effect upon the people so that our preaching house was more crowded than I have ever seen it before. "It was given me to speak strong words, such as made the stout-hearted tremble. Surely there is now, if there never was before, a day of salvation to this town also."* 14Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 411.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology The next day (being Sunday) I returned to Madeley and preached to crowded congregations both morning and afternoon. How long will these good Methodists be an example for all those yet to follow?

From Madeley I continued north, leaving last Monday morning, traveling through Stafford, Lane-End, Burslem,

Newcastle-Under-Lyne, Leek, and Congleton, arriving here at Macclesfield this afternoon at 4:00 during a violent storm. At Stafford I preached at noon; at Lane-End (a village two or three miles from N ewcastle-Under-Lyne) at 6:00, but the chapel could not contain one third the congregation.

On Tuesday (April 1), we made our way to Burslem.

There ''the work of God still prospers exceedingly.

Sinners—men, women, and children—are still convinced and converted to God every day; and there are exceeding few who draw back, as they are much united in affection, and watch over each other in love.'"15 There have been at least two great revivals at Burselm. One, twenty-five years ago, when the power of God and the fire of His love was kindled among the people. Then again, just last year

(1787), an account of which is recorded in my Journal:

"Observing the people flocking together, I began half an hour before the appointed time. But, notwithstanding this, the House would not contain one half of the congregation: So, while I was preaching in the House to all that could get in, John Broadbent preached ina yard to the rest.

The love-feast followed; but such aoneasI have not known for many years. While the two or three first spoke, the power of God so fell upon all that were present, some praying, and others giving thanks, that their voices could scarce be heard: And two or three were speaking at atime, till I gently advised them to speak one at a time; and they did so, with amazing energy. Some of them had found peace a year ago, some within a month or a week, some within a day or two; and one of them, a potter's boy, told us, "At the prayer-meeting I found myself dropping into hell; and I cried to the Lord, and he showed me he loved

1STbid.

Setting the Stage

me. But Satan came immediately, and offered me a bag of money, as long as my arm; but I said, '"Get thee behind me,

Satan.''' Several also testified that the blood of Christ had cleansed them from all sin. Two declared, after bitter cries, that they knew their sins were just then blotted out by the blood of the Lamb; and I doubt not but it will be found, upon inquiry, that several more were either justified or sanctified. Indeed there has been, for some time, such an outpouring of the Spirit here, as has not been in any other part of the kingdom; particularly in the meetings for prayer. Fifteen or twenty have been justified in a day.

Some of them had been the most notorious, abandoned sinners, inall the country; and people flock into the society on every side; six, eight, or ten, in an evening.''?°

Wednesday I was at Newcastle-Under-Lyne. Yesterday, after crossing over to Leek in the afternoon where we no longer plow upon the sand before the fruit appears, I arrived at Congleton in time to preach in the evening. I have here part of a letter written by a Methodist, dated

August 1, 1762, which describes the beginning of our revival there: "The work of God for sometime stood still here; but at the love-feast, on the 21st of March last, (glory for ever be to God!) there was an out-pouring of his Spirit among us. Five persons were assured of their acceptance with God, of whom, by his free grace, I was one; four believed he had not only forgiven their sins, but likewise cleansed them from all unrighteousness. Many more have since found him gracious and merciful: Nor is his hand as yet stayed at all.'"" Yet, I fear so now. Though the congregation yesterday included the minister, the mayor, and several aldermen, "they seemed astonished while I opened and strongly applied, 'Thou shalt have no other gods before me./"%®

Here at Macclesfield the work of God goes steadily on. I recall a description of the beginning of the revival here as well. I received the following account: "In March last

16Ibid., pp. 365f.

17}bid., Vol. III, p. 108.

18Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 412.

John Wesley: His Life and Theology (1762), after a long season of dryness and barrenness, one

Monday night John Oldham preached. When he had done, and was going away, a man fell down and cried aloud for mercy. In a short time, so did several others. He came back, and wrestled with God in prayer for them. About twelve he retired, leaving some of the brethren, who resolved to wrestle on till they had an answer of peace. They continued in prayer till six in the morning; and nine prisoners were set at liberty. They met again the next night; and six or seven more were filled with peace and joy in believing: So were one or two more every night until the Monday following, when there was another general shower of grace; and many believed that the blood of Christ had cleansed them from all sin.''19

What a blessing to see so many continuing to rejoice in the Lord. Just this evening I preached again on John 9:4: "I must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day: the night cometh, when no man can work." Just now I stand convicted by my own preaching. Perhaps the news of Charles' death has sobered me. Though my old enemy is now as bleary-eyed as I, the thought of dying still has its effect. Since my brother's death is still fresh upon my mind, and so many memories are impressed upon me, I thought it might be a good time to share with you the story of our Revival, which God has accomplished these fifty years.

'Tbid., Vol. III, pp. 109f.

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