have supposed that it is ' the first circuit plan.' But that is a
NORWICH
copy, from John Wesley's manuscripts, of the plan of the appointments of the preachers for the week beginning May 20,
1754.
It is reproduced in Tyerman's Life of Wesley.
Some have supposed that it is ' the first circuit plan.'
But that is a mistake.
It is, so far as we know, one of the earliest plans showing the appointments of the preachers when attending a Conference.
It is therefore an interesting document.
It gives a clear view of the London circuit in 1754.
The Foundery and the Chapel in West Street, Seven Dials, are prominent.
The preaching-houses in Spitalfields, Snowsfields, Wapping, Westminster and Deptford are included.
The list closes with the name of a new centre.
At the head of the column containing the appointments the word ' Wells' stands.
The annotator of the plan in the Methodist Magazine for 1855 explains that Sadler's Wells is meant, and Tyerman accepts that statement.
But in a note the editor of John Wesley's standard Journal saves us from confusion.
The building indicated in the Conference plan was not the old Sadler's Wells theatre, but a new place of entertainment which stood at some distance from it in what is now Lower Rosoman Street.
The Gentleman's Magazine of May, 1752, reports as follows:
' The theatrical edifice called the New Wells, near the London Spaw, was preached in [on May 17] for the first time by a clergyman Methodist, it being taken by the Rev. John Wesley for a tabernacle.'
It had been closed since 1750.
Sadler's Wells was incontinuoususeas a placeof entertainment throughout the eighteenth century.'
From the list of appointments it is possible to find out the names of some of those who attended the Conference in London.
Wesley's abbreviation of names in the plan makes positive identification difficult, but we can say with certainty that the following preachers were present: John and Charles Wesley,
Joseph Cownley, John Edwards, John Fenwick, Christopher Hopper, Thomas Mitchell, Charles Perronet, Jacob Rowell,
Robert Swindells, and Thomas Walsh.
It is probable that John Haime was also present ; but it has been suggested that ' Jo. Ha.,' in the plan, may indicate him, or John Haughton, or John Hampson. With thesenames before uscan we get light on Wesley's reference to 'the breach already made.'
If ' Jo. Ha.' stands for John Haime, we may at once say that, with 4 John Wesley's Journal, iv. 93 note,
NORWICH ee a solitary exception, all the men whose names we have just recorded ' died in the work.'
The exception is John Edwards, whose conduct in Leeds we have already described.
We expect that a discussion arose in the Conference on his proceedings ; that he answered for himself ; and that his conduct was strongly condemned.
The danger of his example was perceived, and the loyal men who were present willingly signed the agreement to which Wesley refers.
It is probable that the departure of Charles Skelton and other men who had become Dissenting ministers influenced the Conference.
When trying to trace the origin of the practice of signing ' agreements' 'in the Conference,' it is possible that we have discovered it.
On Whit-Sunday, June 2, John Wesley preached in the evening at the Foundery.
It was an experiment, and it convinced him that he had not recovered his whole voice or strength.
He says, ' Perhaps I never may.
But let me use what I have.'
In these days of feebleness a message came to him from his old friends Captain and Mrs. Gallatin asking him to visit them at Lakenham, a hamlet a mile and a half south of Norwich.
He set out from London on horseback, Charles Wesley, Charles Perronet, and Mr. Robert Windsor, a highly esteemed member of the Foundery Society, being his travelling companions.
They reached Lakenham in the evening of July ro, and were welcomed by the Captain and his wife.
From Captain Gallatin they heard a story concerning James Wheatley which showed their coming was well timed.
After his exclusion from the ranks of the Methodist preachers he had come to Norwich, and with great courage he had commenced to preach in the open air.
He continued to do so in spite of furious opposition.
His work was so successful that the Society he had gathered together built for him a preachinghouse known as the Tabernacle.
It was soon filled with an enthusiastic congregation.
It appeared as if Wheatley had recovered himself, and that a life of great usefulness was before him.
But the old weakness once more led him astray.
On the arrival of the Wesleys at Lakenham Captain Gallatin brought them the news that the whole city was in an uproar about Wheatley, whose ' works of darkness had been brought to light."
The people of Norwich were so scandalized and exasperated that they were ready to rise and tear him to
NORWICH
pieces.
The Captain seems to have mentioned the fact of the expected arrival of the Wesleys, and had found that ' the clergy were not forward to show their friendly inclination towards them.'
One of them, however, had sent a message excusing himself for not visiting them ' until the tumult was over.'
On July 11 Captain Gallatin dined with the Mayor of Norwich, who, according to Charles Wesley, was a wise and resolute man.
His wisdom and resolution were tempered with caution, as he greatly feared the rising of the people.
The streets were ringing all day with the stories of Wheatley's wickedness.
From morning to night the mayor had been employed in taking the affidavits of women whom Wheatley had tried ' to corrupt.'
These accounts were printed and carried about the city.
It appears that during the previous year an advertisement had been printed in Norwich by the Wesleys disclaiming their connexion with Wheatley.
It had done much good.
Its effect was strengthened by Captain Gallatin's assurance, in his interview with the mayor, that Wheatley was no Methodist or associate of the Wesleys.
As the days went by, the clergy, as well as the people in general, were sensible, according to Charles Wesley, of " our inviolable attachment to the Church.'
Waiting for the subsidence of the disturbance, the Wesleys, in their retreat, continued transcribing the Notes upon the New
Testament.
But many in the city were anxious to hear them preach.
On July 16 a Norwich lady sent John Wesley an invitation to preach in her great room ; he was to stand at the window so that those outside might hear.
But, an alderman having threatened to prosecute her, she drew back ; and Charles
Wesley had to hurry to Lakenham to stop his brother.
The rest of the day was spent in ' transcribing."
On July 18 word was brought to the Wesleys that 'the gentlemen were much displeased with their disappointment,' so John and Charles
Wesley went to Norwich, where Charles Wesley preached in the evening.
John Wesley says, ' Being a little recovered from the illness which had attended me for several days, after my brother had done I spoke to the congregation for a few minutes, and promised to see them again, if God should restore my strength, at the first opportunity.'
It is a pathetic entry.
Those who watched him at this time saw that he was unfit to bear the strain and trouble of these turbulent
NORWICH PR times.
On the day after he had spoken the few confirmatory words in Norwich we see him taking his departure from Lakenham.
Charles Perronet, who had persuaded him to return to Bristol, is with him.
He is going back to the Hot Wells, his brother being convinced that the only probable means of restoring his health was to be found in that place.
Leaving Charles Wesley in Norwich for a short time, we follow John Wesley as he rides towards the south.
On his way to London he passed through Bedford ; and on Sunday, July 21, he preached there, near St. Peter's Green.
It was the first open-air service he had held for several months.
The next day he reached London, where he stayed for a short time.
We expected him to go to Bristol at once.
But he lingered.
He preached at the Foundery on July 30; and on August 5 he set out for Canterbury.
On the journey he read a book which made a deep impression on him.
Once more he came under the influence of Richard Baxter.
In Calamy's ' Abridgement ' of Baxter's History of his Life and Times there is a long list of his ' Works and Writings.'
When we examine it we find that he had paid great attention to the history of the Early Church, and especially to its Councils.
In 1659 he published his Key for Catholicks, which, in its second part, deals with the question of General Councils.
After considering the subject for several years, in 1680 his Church History of the Government of Bishops and they Councils appeared.
It was supplemented in 1682 by a book which enlarged and defended his History of Councils.
In the opinion of Dr. Barrow, Baxter's ' practical writings were never mended, and his controversial ones seldom confuted.'
In the opinion of the annotator of John Wesley's Journal the book that was read by him on his way to Canterbury was the Baxter volume published in 1680.
Wesley looked upon it as containing a clear and reliable statement of facts.
This was his conclusion when he had studied the book: 'It is utterly astonishing, and would be wholly incredible but that his vouchers are beyond all ex-eption.
. How has one Council been perpetually cursing another, and delivering over to Satan, whether predecessors or contemporaries, who did not implicitly receive their determination, though generally trifling, sometimes false, and frequently unintelligible or self-contradictory!
Surely Mahometanism was let loose to reform the Christians!
I know not but
NORWICH
Constantinople has gained by the change.'
We quote this sweeping judgement to show that while Wesley was an enthusiastic admirer of the Early Church, his enthusiasm for the rulers of the Church, ' almost in every age after St. Cyprian,' was limited.
When aman applies the touchstone of the New Testament to questions of Church government he discovers some things that incline him to think that Baxter and Wesley were not altogether wrong in their criticisms.
So far as John Wesley was concerned, his ever-increasing knowledge of ecclesiastical history broadened his outlook, and led him to take a more charitable view of Christian people who had found themselves compelled to fight the battles of Nonconformity.
After preaching in Canterbury, Wesley felt himself in the grip of his old physical disorder.
He hastened back to London, consulted Dr. Fothergill, and was advised to return to the Bristol Hot Well without delay.
He obeyed the direction.
Reaching Bristol, he must have found the ' season' was at its height at the Old Well, and he could not bear the noise and hurry of that place. There was another 'well' farther down the river, close by the ravine where the persecuted Nonconformists used to meet in the dismal days of Charles the Second.
The well was known as the New Hot Well.
The house stood in a neighbourhood that had grim associations, for near it a gibbet once stood.
That had been removed, so the clank of chains no longer came on the night winds.
Wesley took a lodging at the New Hot Well on Wednesday, August 14.
He drank the water late in the evening and early in the morming.
But misfortune dogged his footsteps.
The day after his arrival at the New Well an accident occurred.
He says, ' But my course of physic was near being cut short by a large stone which was hung up as the weight of a jack.
I applied to my head cloths dipped in cold water, which presently stopped the bleeding, and so abated the swelling that in a few hours I found no further inconvenience.'
He seems to treat the matter lightly, but there is no entry in his Journal for more than a fortnight ; there is no doubt the accident was severe.
However, he preached now and then.
On Saturday, August 31, he preached in Weavers' Hall once more.
In October, 1751, the old place, so full of memories of the early days of Methodism,
4 John Wesley's Journal, iv.j97.
NORWICH Aas was leased by ' the Worshipfull the Company of Weavers to John Dyer, John Sprage, Daniel Jenkins, and Robert Willway, stewards of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley's Society, of and for the use of the said Mr. John Wesley and his Society.'
The old hall stood on the Somerset side of the river, and was a convenient place of meeting for Bedminster people and others.
Modern improvements have resulted in the destruction of Weavers' Hall.
Leaving John Wesley for a time in Bristol, we must return to Norwich and watch the progress of events in that city.
On our eastward journey we have much to ponder.
At the close of the seventeenth century Norwich occupied the second place among the cities of England.
When the Wesleys visited it Bristol had deprived it of that distinguished position.
Looking back to an earlier time, we see that when the Reformation began to rouse men from their lethargy East Anglia was among the first districts to welcome the new light.
At the annual meeting of the Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, held in Norwich in July, 1847, a paper was read by one of the members 'on the part taken by Norfolk and Suffolk in the Reformation.'
The name of the reader will ever be saluted with respect.
He was then a young man who had come under the influence of Dr. Arnold at Rugby, and possessed much of his master's breadth of view and charitable spirit.
It will be enough to say that his name was Arthur Penrhyn Stanley...
What did he say about East Anglia and the Reformation ?
It has been often remarked that the Reformation in England did not become the popular cause throughout the country till after the indignation excited against the opposite party by the fires of Smithfield.
London indeed, and possibly some other of the great towns, were strongly Protestant, but the country at large during the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI was either apathetic or hostile.
Such, however, was not the case with East Anglia.
In spite of the strong counter-influence of the powerful duke of Norfolk, and the excessive severity of Nix, the last Roman Cathoiic bishop of Norwich, we find that the middle and even the lower classes of Norfolk, Suffolk, and we may add Cambridgeshire, took up the cause of the Reformation with a vehemence which stands alone in the annals of the period...
It is needless to go through the proofs of this fact in detail.
The 1 See copy of the lease in W.H.S. Proceedings, ix. 195-196.
is well known that it was largely through Dean Stanley's influence that the monument to the Wesleys was placed in Westminster Abbey.
NORWICH
Lollards' Pit may still be seen, where in the hollow under the steep ascent which was then crowned with St. Leonard's Priory, the sufferers were burnt at the stake, in the presence of the crowds who assembled on the hills around, which, we are told, thus served as a natural amphitheatre, for the spectators to witness the dreadful.spectacle.
The names of Bilney, Bale, and Parker, so closely bound up with the early history of English Protestantism, are no less closely linked with the local associations of East Anglia.
Bilney was a preacher in Suffolk, endured imprisonment under the present guildhall of Norwich, and suffered on the spot just mentioned.
Bale had been a member of the great monastery of the Carmelites, or Whitefriars, which stood near the church of St. James in Pockthorpe.
Parker, was born in the parish of St. Saviour's, in the churchyard of which the tomb of his parents still remains, and has commemorated his birthplace by the Norfolk fellowships which he founded in his favourite college of Corpus Christi.
And the well-known advocacy of the reforming principles by Cambridge— then doubtless, as now, the favourite university of East Anglia, is no slight indication in the same direction—Cambridge, as it has been more than once observed, ' having had the honour of educating those illustrious men, whom Oxford had the honour of burning."!
In the volume which contains the paper from which we have just quoted there is a valuable contribution from the pen of Mr. John Henry Parker, of Oxford.
It is entitled ' Arch_itectural Notes of the Churches and other Buildings in the City and neighbourhood of Norwich.'
Examining it, we find that when the Wesleys visited Norwich, in addition to the cathedral there were at least thirty churches in or near the city.
Those who visit Norwich at the present time know that in it old churches abound.
Up to 1754 the Wesleys seem to have avoided the city.
It is probable that they were influenced by their rule, 'Go always, not only to those who want you, but to those who want you most.'
Why, then, did they visit Norwich at this time?
The answer is that they went there at the call of Captain and Mrs. Gallatin, who were distressed at the condition of things produced by the conduct of James
Wheatley and the outrages committed by the mob.
There can be no doubt that the preaching of the evangelical doctrines by Wheatley during the time of his recovered stability had made a great impression on the people of Norwich.
Then came his moral failure, which produced a disastrous effect.
It threatened to bring into disrepute the doctrines he had preached.
It is no wonder that Captain Gallatin and his wife came 4 Proceedings of the Archaeological Institute, 1847, 60-61.
NORWICH we to the conclusion that a crisis had arisen which could only be met by the coming of the Wesleys.
They were men of high character ; they had revived the teaching of evangelical doctrines in many cities, towns and villages throughout the country ; and the success that had marked their course elsewhere might attend their ministry in Norwich.
Such is our own explanation of the visit of the Wesleys.
When John Wesley left Lakenham, after his visit, Charles Wesley continued the work of preaching in Norwich.
He went to the cathedral regularly, and on two occasions received the sacrament from the bishop's hands.
Once, when he was preaching in the street, among the multitude stood nine clergymen and three Justices of the Peace.
It was clear that, so far as the Church of England was concerned, his presence was not resented.
It was a rainy season, and it became necessary to obtain some place where the crowd could meet.
On Saturday, July 20, Charles Wesley had an interview with Mr. Edwards, a Justice of the Peace, who had an old, large brewhouse to let.
He had refused several offers for it, always declaring 'he would let it to none but Mr. John Wesley.'
The result of the interview was that Mr. Edwards let it on a lease for seven years.
On Monday the workmen began to put. it into repair.
When Charles Wesley saw the place he must have been tempted to rue his bargain.
It was a mere heap of rubbish, without walls, without roof, floor, doors, or windows.
He was not so accustomed as his brother to the work of building preaching-houses.
We do not wonder that he cried, ' What will this chaos produce?'
Then, when he learned that the " brewhouse ' had been originally a ' foundery,' he thought the fact was 'no bad omen.'
A Methodist Society consisting of eighteen members was formed.
Following Charles Wesley's record of this fact, we find the whole tone of his Journal seems to change.
The followers of James Wheatley began to trouble him, and the mob disturbed his services.
These were ordinary experiences ; but a greater hindrance to his work was at hand.
On Tuesday, July 30, he went to St. Peter's and heard 'a very innocent sermon on public worship'; he records, with satisfaction,
"there is no railing at present in any of the churches.'
But ominous sounds were heard all that day in the streets of Norwich.
We have already dealt with the unsavoury subject of
NORWICH | 285 the Bishop of Exeter's charge of lewd conduct against John Wesley and we have seen how that charge had found its way to York.
It was absolutely false, but it was suited to the purposes of the enemies of Methodism.
Now 'the Bishop of Exeter's letter' was being scattered among the people of Norwich.
Thomas Jackson, the editor of Charles Wesley's Journal, in a note suggests that the 'idle tale' was republished by a Norwich clergyman who got it printed in the city.
Charles Wesley's comment on ' the charge' is, ' It is too gross to pass even at Norwich.
The clergy, I hear, declare they are satisfied of Mr. John Wesley's unexceptionable character; and the generality of the people are much displeased at the nonsensical tale?
The clergy and the more intelligent people of the city dismissed the Bishop of Exeter's charge from their minds, but it delighted the mob.
The remainder of Charles Wesley's stay was marked by serious outbreaks.
But he continued to preach to large congregations.
Gradually the Foundery arose from its ruins and became habitable.
The Society began to meet in it ; then it was made ready for the large congregation.
On Monday, August 12, the 'House' was crowded within and without.
The time had come when Charles Wesley had to say farewell.
Notwithstanding all opposition, his mission had been successful.
As he rode away from Norwich he must have rejoiced in the conviction that the pleasure of the Lord had prospered in his hand.
At this point we lose sight of Charles Wesley fora time.
In his Journal there are no records from August 13, 1754, to September 16, 1756.
It must be remembered that his Journal has survived many perils.
The MS. was purchased of Charles Wesley, his son, the famous musician. A little time before it was bought from him it had been found among some loose straw on the floor of a public warehouse in London where furniture had been stored.
When examined it showed signs of mutilation.
Thomas Jackson, in his interesting Introduction to The Journal of Charles Wesley, says, ' He appears to have written it, from day to day, upon loose sheets of paper, and to have transmitted large portions of it to his wife and friends in the form of letters, some of which have been preserved.
Much of it, there is reason to believe, he himself destroyed ; C. Wesley's Journal, ii, 106.
NORWICH ah and it is probable that much more of it has long since perished, through the carelessness of the persons to whom it was transmitted.
That which is now published, and which is all that is known to exist, was transcribed with great neatness and accuracy, by the venerable author himself, carefully paged, and was bound in a thick octavo volume.'
When this volume was rescued from the litter of the warehouse it was found that several leaves had been cut from the binding, and yet not removed. In the presence of these facts we cease to wonder that, at several points when Charles Wesley could have assisted us to understand difficult problems, his Journal is searched in vain for information.?
At this time also John Wesley's Journal gives us only slight assistance.
The entries cease after October 28, 1754, and are not resumed until February 16, 1755.
Making use of the light we possess, we see that John Wesley spent some days in September in the West of England.
He preached at Plymouth Dock in a newly erected 'Room.'
On September 17 he rode from Bristol to Trowbridge.
He went there to open a new preaching-house.
It had been built, or purchased, by a man ' who had found peace with God while he was a soldier in Flanders.'
He had prospered in business since his discharge, and felt that he must show his gratitude to God by this gift to His people.
His name was Laurence Oliphant.
He strongly desired that John Wesley should be the first to preach in the new 'house.'
Wesley could not resist his appeal.
He was weary with his journey to Devon and Cornwall, but he mounted his horse and went on his way.
The ' House' was situated in Waidron Square, Frog Lane.* He began his service.
The people had crowded to hear him.
He gave out the first hymn.
He could bear the heat no longer, so went to the door, stood there, and preached to ' a multitude of hearers, rich and poor.'
When, later in the week, he returned to Bristol he found that his voice was failing.
But he held a watch-night, which he had not done for eleven months.
The next evening, after preaching at Weavers' Hall, his voice entirely failed.
It is a relief to find John Wesley once more in London, especially as we see that on October 7 he retired to an old
1C. Wesley's Journal, i. Intro. iv.-v.
In the Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society thereisa picture of the house after it had been made into an ordinary dwelling-house.
W.H.S. Proceedings, Viz; 101.
NORWICH
manor house and palace of the Bishops of London.
Bishop Bonner had once resided there, and it still bore his name.
Wesley describes it as ' a little place near Hackney.'
He gives a description of his retreat that provokes enyy.
He says, " Here I was as in a college.
Twice a day we joined in prayer.
The rest of the day, allowing about an hour for meals, and another for walking before dinner and supper, I spent quietly in my study.'
He was busy with the Notes upon the New Testament.
We see him at his desk, sitting in the palace once occupied by Bonner, a successor of Tunstall, that Bishop of London whose voice we seem to have heard at Paul's Cross denouncing Tindale's translation of the New Testament.
His harangue was effective ; as witness, the throwing of Tindale's books into the fire kindled in St. Paul's churchyard.
The picture of Wesley in Bonner's old home peacefully writing his Notes upon the New Testament, makes a strong appeal to the imagination of a man who is sensitive to the charm of historical contrasts.
1In a note the editor of John Wesley's Journal says that the palacestood on part of the site of the present Victoria Park Chest Hospital, not far from the Children's Home buildings in Bonner Road.
XXII
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
On April 9, 1755, John Wesley was in Manchester.
He remained there for five days, preaching and caring for the Society, and finding time to continue his work on the Notes upon the New Testament.
On April 14 he left and went to Liverpool, a place in the Manchester 'round.'
It was his first visit.
When he was a boy the population of Liverpool was about eight thousand ; at the time of his visit it was eighteen thousand five hundred.
He was much impressed by its appearance and by the manners of its people.
He thought that in forty years more it would become nearly equal to Bristol.
The prosperity of Bristol was not altogether unconnected with the slave trade, and Liverpool was also engaged in that lucrative traffic.
Wesley's description of Liverpool and its inhabitants makes a pleasant picture— It is one of the neatest, best built towns
I have seen in England.
I think it is full twice as large as Chester.
Most of the streets are quite straight.
Two-thirds of the town, we were informed, have been added within these forty years. ... The people in general are the most mild and courteous I ever saw in a sea-port town, as indeed appears by their friendly behaviour, not only to the Jews and Papists, but even to the Methodists.'
In the Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society the Rev.
Frederick M. Parkinson has given interesting particulars concerning early Methodism in Liverpool.
It is difficult to speak of its introduction with precision ; but we know that a little Society was gathered together which met in 'a small, dingy, and inconvenient room in Cable Street.'
We cannot say when this room was taken, nor how long it was occupied : but before Wesley's visit a piece of ground had been purchased in Pitt Street, and a preaching-house had been erected on it.
Mr. Parkinson points out that in Gore's Directoryitis stated that on May 7, 1754, the building was 'recorded ' as ' a meeting-house
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
for Dissenters.'
That is a valuable piece of information.
We have alluded to the fact that the newly built ' House' in Bristol had been similarly' ' recorded' under the provisions of the Toleration Act.
We have no wish to diminish the force of the compliment Wesley paid to the people of Liverpool, but the mildness and courtesy displayed to the Methodists may have arisen, in some of them, because the Pitt Street ' House ' was under the protection of the law.
Wesley describes the building as ' little larger than that at Newcastle.'
He preached in it in the evening of the day of his arrival to a large congregation, and then every morning and evening during his stay, abundance of people gladly attending the services.
He was told that many of them were ' dear lovers of controversy ' ; but, he says, 'I had better work.
I pressed upon them all repentance toward God and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.'
At his last service, on Sunday evening, April 20, he preached, and afterwards explained the ' Rules of the Society,' and strongly exhorted the members to adorn their profession by all holiness of conversation.
After visiting Liverpool Wesley stayed for a few days in Bolton.
He found that the number of the members of the Society was a little reduced.
'The sons of strife' were on every side, but his words of encouragement inspirited the little flock.
He left the Bolton Methodists ' holding on their way, looking straight to the prize of their high calling.'
Leaving Bolton, he spent some days in visiting the Yorkshire Societies.
During this time his mind was occupied with serious thoughts concerning the Conference that had been summoned to meet in Leeds on May 6.
He was conscious of the exceptional importance of the subjects that would have to be discussed ; he prepared himself for their consideration, and hoped for their settlement.
Wesley's prolonged illness was a serious test of the stability of the Methodist Societies.
We have watched them and have wondered at the way in which that test was borne.
A man who holds the theory of Wesley's ' autocracy' is bewildered by the spectacle of the steady progress of the Societies during this trying time.
We have no respect for that theory.
Those who hold it overlook the fact that Wesley's constant aim was to share the power he undoubtedly possessed, with lay preachers,
1W.H.S. Proceedings, i. 1006.
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
leaders, stewards, trustees, and other reliable officers of the Societies.
It is true that he was ' the final authority ' in cases of local dispute ; but no one who has followed our descriptions of the Conferences he held will fail to see the freedom of discussion that characterized ' the conversations,' and the manner in which Wesley afterwards carried out their decisions.
When trying to discover the reason of the progress of the Societies during his illness, we add to the forces we have mentioned another which, in some respects, was more mighty than any of them.
The Societies were kept together, and flourished at this period, by the loyalty and enthusiasm of their members.
The members had joined the Societies by an act of their own free will, and had the right to leave them when they pleased.
But the mass of them had gone through a spiritual experience that had opened their eyes to the supreme importance of Christian fellowship.
They valued the truth of the doctrines that had been brought to light by the Methodist preachers.
They rejoiced in the change the preaching had effected in themselves, their families, and in the lives and homes of their neighbours.
They valued the renewal of strength which came to them week by week, in their class-meeting, and in the warm-hearted services in the preaching-house.
They reverenced and loved John Wesley.
In his absence they found a strong reason for an increase of their loyalty ; they stood firm to their allegiance, hoping for the coming of the day when they would see his face once more.
We may dismiss our fears concerning the stability of the Societies, but we cannot close our eyes to the dangers which revealed themselves at the approaching Leeds Conference.
We have already noted the disappearance of friendly clergymen and the loss of valued lay preachers.
The latter fact was emphasized by the meeting of the Conference in Leeds, for John Edwards's new chapel in that town stood there as a warning.
The Leeds Conference of 1755 occupies a prominent place in the history of Methodism.
John Wesley's record of the business transacted is brief, but the instructed eye perceives that matters of supreme interest were discussed by those who were present.
A short report of the Conference appears in the Appendix to the first volume of the printed Minutes, but we consult it in vain for information on the main subject of the 'conversations.'
We are told that it occupied the attention of
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
the Conference ' for several days,' but the information about it is meagre and somewhat misleading.
The Minutes represent "the light that failed.'
It is fortunate that we are not disappointed when we look in other directions for steady illumination.
In Thomas Jackson's Life of Charles Wesley and in Tyerman's Life and Times of John Wesley, we get the information we need.
In describing the events of the Conference of 1755 both writers treat them as of the utmost importance.
Tyerman says that 'it was an infinite mercy that Methodism was not dashed to pieces' at this time ; Thomas Jackson uses more measured language, but is equally convinced of the peril that then threatened the Societies.
The principal subjects discussed concerned the administration of the sacraments by the lay preachers, and the formal separation of the Societies from the Established Church.
The two subjects were so closely related that it was inevitable that they should be considered at the same time, and the Conference discussed them for nearly three days.
The debates in the Leeds Conference had 'a long foreground.'
The necessity of going to church to receive the sacrament from the hands of a persecuting clergyman had been often questioned by the harried members of the Societies.
In addition the character of many of the clergy of the eighteenth century is well known to those who have dared to face disagreeable but undeniable facts.
John Wesley had a painful experience which must have led him to understand the reluctance of many of his people to receive the sacrament at church.
The man who repelled him from the sacrament in Epworth Church was drunk at the time.
Having driven Wesley from the Lord's Table, this clergyman proceeded to | administer the sacrament to those who wished to receive it
— from his hands.
The spirit of John Wesley's old parishioners must have risen at this spectacle.
It is also a recorded fact that some clergymen, although they refrained from driving the Methodists from the sacrament, were accustomed to pass them over when they distributed the elements at the communion rail.
It is no wonder that, under such circumstances, conversations took place in the homes of the people, and that suggestions were made that would provide means of escape from a dilemma.
The Wesleys were for ever insisting on the duty of frequent communion, and the clergy in many places were
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
resisting the approach of the Methodists to the Lord's Table.
These persecuted people must have looked with envy towards London and Bristol, where the sacrament was regularly administered by the Wesleys.
Why should not the same privileges be secured for the Methodists throughout the country ?
So far as the members of the Societies who were Dissenters were concerned, they went to their own chapels and received the sacrament from the hands of ministers who had not been episcopally ordained.
In the Methodist Societies there were many people who had been gathered out of the world and had never frequented the churches.
Why should they run the risk of being repelled from the sacrament by men who had raised the mob against them and violently persecuted them?
Why could they not receive the sacrament from the hands of their own preachers ?
These important questions were discussed throughout the country, the feeling in favour of their settlement being especially strong in the North of England.
Without waiting for the decision of the Conference, a few of the preachers began to administer the sacrament of the Lord's Supper to small groups in some of the Societies.
Tyerman has preserved a valuable extract from Charles Wesley's shorthand diary which throws light on this fact.
It is as follows:
1754, October 17.—Sister Macdonald first, and then Sister Clay, informed me that Charles Perronet gave the sacrament to the preachers
Walsh and Deaves, and then to twelve at Sister Garder's, in the Minories.
October 18.—Sister Meredith told me that her husband had sent her word that Walsh had administered the sacrament at Reading.
October 19.—I was with my brother, who said nothing of Perronet except ' We have in effect ordained already.'
He urged me to sign the preachers' certificates ; was inclined to lay on hands; and to let the preachers administer.
October 24.—Was with my brother.
He is wavering ; but willing to wait before he ordains or separates.?
The dates of these entries in Charles Wesley's diary are significant.
It was on October 19, 1753, that John Wesley returned to London at the beginning of the sickness that laid him aside from his itinerant work for many months.
It is no wonder that Charles Wesley in his agitation, sought counsel from other people.
He seems to have had recourse to Lady Huntingdon 1Tyerman's Life and Times of Wesley, ii. 202 note.
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
in his distress.
She was at Clifton, and, being consulted, she expressed her conviction that she could not but believe that John Wesley had ' laid on hands' ; otherwise the lay preachers would not have administered the sacraments.
We may at once dismiss the thought of John Wesley's secret ordination of the men who had commenced to administer the sacraments; and we know that Charles Wesley did not spare her ladyship's convictions.
He sought other counsel.
He turned to Walter Sellon, who had been a lay preacher and a master at Kingswood
School, but had taken orders in the Church of England; he was a curate at Smithsby, near Ashby-de-la-Zouch, and at two" other places in Leicestershire.
Atmore says he was very useful in that neighbourhood.
He faithfully preached the gospel.
Those who were brought to God by his ministry were united to the Methodist Societies.
Sellon attended the Methodist services; and Atmore says, 'He considered the preachers as his brethren, and treated then accordingly."
If his example had been followed throughout the country it is possible that the question of 'separation from the Church' would not have then arisen.
The relation of the Church to the Methodists in Smithsby was ideal; at that time it was almost unique.
It is with no pleasure that we read Charles Wesley's letters to Walter Sellon.
Tyerman bluntly says, ' These letters are not worthy of the man who wrote them.
The scruples of men like Cownley, Walsh, and the two Perronets deserved respect, instead of being denounced as "' pride—cursed pride.''"
Jackson, Charles Wesley's faithful and indulgent biographer, dealing with the accusations brought against the preachers, says, 'The men were not children, either in years, understanding, or piety.
They were rebuked, but not convinced ; and were left to utter their complaints in all directions.
To treat them in this manner was only to restrain the evil fora time.
It was not removed.'?
We have described Thomas Jackson as the indulgent biographer of Charles Wesley.
He does not stand alone.
We must remember that while, at this time, John Wesley was gaining much light on the Nonconformist position and was perceiving its strength and reasonableness, Charles Wesley's
2 Atmore's Methodist Memorial, 381.
Tyerman's Life and Times of Wesley, ii. 203 ; Jackson's Life of Charles Wesley, fi, 78. The letters of Charles Wesley appear in these volumes.
A MEMORABLE CONFERENCE
devotion to the Church of England was swiftly increasing.
As a pioneer, in earlier days, he had struck into paths that led the Methodist people into departures from that Church ; but now his love for it deepened into an overmastering passion.
We have watched the progress of the change that came over him.
When he left the University, so far as we are able to read his thoughts, he had no intention of becoming a clergyman.
Then came the Georgia episode.
He was selected to go there as Oglethorpe's private secretary and secretary for Indian affairs.
At the time when the arrangement was made he was not in holy orders.
Dr. John Burton, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, who was responsible for recommending the Wesleys to the Georgia trustees, was of opinion that it would be well if Charles Wesley were ordained.
After some persuasion he yielded, and the whole course of his life was changed.?
It is possible that Charles Wesley's reluctance to become a clergyman arose from his high conception of the dignity and responsibility of the office.
That reluctance being overcome, we know how he acted during his six months' stay in Georgia.
He developed an extreme form of High Churchmanship that annoyed the people, and had much to do with his return to England.
After his return the great event of his life occurred.
He was converted.
He became an ardent evangelist, and for a considerable time the High Churchman in him was subdued.
But although his work in Georgia had failed, and his ' irregular ' actions in England had brought a rich harvest of success, now and then the vision of a clergyman's life in a parish attracted him.
We know that early in 1739 the living of Cowley became vacant and he offered for it but did not obtain it.
After his marriage, the life of a wandering evangelist who was frequently weakened by sickness became irksome, and the position of a parish clergyman regained some of its attraction.
In his Journal there is a suggestive letter.
Like many of his letters, the year when it was written is omitted.
Thomas Jackson sighs over this tantalizing habit.
In arranging Charles Wesley's letters there is one which must have been written in the ' fifties.'
It is headed ' Knightsbridge, July 25,' and it contains a postscript dated 'Sunday afternoon.'
The letter 3 John Wesley and the Religious Societies, 112.
2 Thid., 238.