ship bound for Dublin which only waited for a wind. But
A LONG JOURNEY
| nN
we sometimes forget that his country of origin was Germany.
As we have written about him our eyes have often turned towards the year 1738.
We have seen Charles Wesley in London bending over Luther's commentary on Galatians.
Then we have followed John Wesley to the meeting of a Religious Society held in Nettleton Court, Aldersgate Street, where he listened to one who was reading Luther's preface to the Epistle to the Romans.
It was then that his ' heart was strangely warmed,' and he felt that he did trust in Christ
—Christ alone—for salvation.
In his description of his experience he says, ' An assurance was given me that He had taken away my sins, even mine, and saved me from the law of sin and death.'
Handel had evidently felt the influence of Luther, to whom the world has never paid its debt of obligation.
We have kept John Wesley waiting in Chester for some time, and must now return to him.
He was disappointed in his hope of finding a ship ready to sail to Ireland, so made up his mind to return to Whitehaven.
Taking his wife and her daughter with him, he arrived there on Friday, July Io, 1752.
On the following Monday he bespoke the cabin in a ship bound for Dublin which only waited for a wind.
But the ship left without him.
Fortunately, another ship for Ireland had just weighed anchor, and so Wesley and his companions got on board and sailed without delay.
In those days the voyage generally occupied about twenty-four hours, but there was a head wind, and often a rolling sea.
On this occasion the passage lasted for nearly four days.
It was not until Friday evening that Dublin was reached.
The rolling seas brought great discomfort to Mrs. Wesley and her daughter.
On Saturday John Wesley went to see the new chapel which had been completed and opened.
It stood in Whitefriar Street, and was the first that had been built in Ireland.
Wesley says it was nearly of the same size and form with that of Newcastle, but had deeper galleries on three sides.
Mr.
Crookshank supplies us with details which enable us to see 'the House,' as Wesley takes care to call it, more clearly.
At each end of it there was a house for the accommodation of the preachers.
The preaching-house was said to hold a thousand persons when well filled; the galleries were *See John Wesley and the Religious Sovieties, 191, 192.
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deep and elevated, supported by massive pillars.
An upper story was divided into a suite of rooms, with movable partitions, and in the centre there was a long lobby.
Here the leaders' meetings were held and the classes and bands met.
Mr. Lunell subscribed four hundred pounds towards the erection.
For almost a century the chapel was looked upon as ' the cathedral of Irish Methodism.'
Very soon after its erection a large mob attacked it.
First of all the windows were smashed, then the mob broke open the doors.
But a company of soldiers arrived, and the chief rioters were appre- -hended.
They were prosecuted, and true bills were found against them.
But the jury, being nearly all Romanists, brought in a verdict of " Not guilty."
Mr. Crookshank says, "The apprehension and trial of these miscreants, however, struck terror into the hearts of their companions, so that the Society subsequently enjoyed great quietness, and the members could even walk unmolested through the principal streets of the city.'?
John Wesley remained in Ireland until October 11, filling up all his days with work.
It is only necessary to record the most important fact which occurred during this visit.
He had been much troubled by reports he had received concerning some of the preachers, and he determined to ascertain the facts of the case.
He went to Limerick, and on August 14 and 15 he held his first Irish Conference there.
It is fortunate that the Minutes of this Conference have been preserved.
Jacob Rowell took notes of the proceedings, and they may be found in the Appendix to the first volume of the printed
Minutes of the Conference.
Mr. Crookshank summarized the business as follows:
' There were present Messrs. Larwood, Haughton, Cownley, Fisher, Walsh, Rowell, Kead, Swindells, Whitford, and James
Morris.
They may be regarded as the entire staff of itinerants then in Ireland.
From the Minutes of this Conference we Jearn that there had been a general decay of the Societies in Ireland.
It was partly occasioned by the teaching of Antinomian and Calvinian doctrines; partly by the want of discipline; and partly by the misbehaviour of preachers.
All present declared that they did not believe in the doctrine 1 Crookshank's History of Methodism in Ireland, i. 89, 90.
For picture of the exterior of the chapel see John Wesley's Journal, iv. 375.
See Minutes, i. 708-709, 8vo ed.
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n of absolute predestination ; but three of them added, " We believe there are some persons who are absolutely elected : but we believe likewise that Christ died for all; that God willeth not the death of any man, and that thousands are saved who are not absolutely elected.
We believe, further, that those who are thus elected cannot finally fall; but we believe that other believers may fall, and that those who were once justified may perish everlastingly."
'It was resolved, however, that in future no man should be received as a fellow labourer unless he thoroughly agreed to both Methodist doctrine and discipline; and that if any preacher violated this agreement, letters should be sent to all the Societies disowning him.
'It was also decided that if a man was not able to preach twice each day he should be only a local preacher; and that of the two, it was better to give up the evening preaching in a place than the morning; that the congregations must constantly kneel during prayer, stand both in singing and while the text was read, and be serious and silent while the service lasted, and when coming and going away.
Persons not having band tickets were not to be present at the public meetings of the bands, for this would make the tickets cheap and discourage those who had them.
'It was arranged that Quarterly Meetings should be held during the year at Cork, Limerick, Coolalough, and Lisburn, on the first Tuesdays after Michaelmas, Christmas, Lady-day, and Midsummer.
' Previous to this nearly all the preachers had been single men, without any settled allowance ; but as now at least onethird were married, it was for the first time settled that there should be a stated provision for each.
Preachers were to be allowed at least £8 ; and, if possible, {10 a year for clothing ; and {10 a year was to be allowed for the support of each preacher's wife, with something additional for children.?
'The itinerants were enjoined to preach frequently and strongly on fasting, and to practise it every Friday, health permitting.
Next to luxury, they were to avoid idleness, and were to spend one hour every day in private prayer. ...
'Ireland was divided into six rounds or circuits, called 1 Jacob Rowell says that Mrs. Edwards and her three children were to receive
and Mrs. Kead and Mrs. Morris £10; and Mrs. Fisher ten guineas.
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Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Athlone, Wexford, and the North.
Of the ten preachers present it was arranged that Messrs.
Haughton, Whitford, and Larwood should return to England, and their place be supplied by Messrs. Edwards, Greenwood, and John Fenwick; and that each preacher 'should remain for about three months in succession on his appointed round.'
The Minutes of the Limerick Conference create some anxiety in a mind that is capable of reading ' between the lines,' but, as usual, it is possible to detect the bright side.
Philip Embury was at one of Wesley's services, and we know that, on Christmas Day, he found the peace that passeth understanding.
Yonder, in Ballingarrane, we see a girl of eighteen years of age joining the Methodist Society, and entering into the same experience of salvation.
Her name is Barbara Ruckle, but she is better known to many of us, on both sides of the Atlantic, as Barbara Heck.
On October 6,? Wesley his wife and her daughter arrived at' the place now called Queenstown, hoping to embark for Bristol.
But a violent storm detained them.
It was a tempestuous season.
Towards the end of September a storm raged along the Irish coast in which more than thirty ships were lost, and it seemed as if the rough winds had returned.
But after waiting at Queenstown for five days Wesley and his companions got out of harbour and sailed for Bristol.
The weather improved ; and after three days the ship reached Kingroad.
On the voyage Wesley refreshed himself by reading Pascal's Thoughts on Religion, one of his mother's favourite books. *
John Wesley stayed in Bristol until nearly the end of October.
He does not mention the fact that, on October 16, he held a Conference there, but Myles gives us information concerning one part of its proceedings which is of special importance.
The subject of an allowance to the preachers was raised, as at the Limerick Conference.
It was agreed ' that the preachers should receive a stipend of £12 per annum, in order to provide themselves with necessaries.'
Commenting on this fact Myles says, 'Before this period the stewards of each Society supplied the preachers with what they wanted, so that they
1 Crookshank's Methodism in Ireland, i. 91-93.
Mr. Crookshank's ' Summary' of the business should be compared with Jacob Rowell's Notes.
2In Wesley's Journal, on September 14, he mentions the coming in of the New Style.
The fact is quietly noticed.
8For Pascal and Wesley, see articles by Mr. Brigden in W.H.S. Proceedings, vii. 60, 84.
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Rs received no money except what was voluntary from individuals and a little from the stewards to pay their travelling expenses.
The consequence was, some popular preachers had abundance, while others were comparatively destitute.
By this regulation the evil was remedied.
But it was some years before this rule was universally adopted.
On Sunday, October 29, the day before John Wesley left Bristol, we find an entry in his Journal which makes a strong appeal to us..
He says:
Sunday, the 29th, was a useful day to my soul.
I found more than once trouble and heaviness, but I called upon the name of the Lord, and He gave me a clear, full approbation of His way, and a calm thankful acquiescence in His will.
I cannot but stand amazed at the goodness of God.
Others are most assaulted on the weak side of their soul, but with me it is quite otherwise.
If I have any strength at all (and I have none but what I have received), it is in forgiving injuries.
And on this very side am I assaulted more frequently than on any other.
Yet leave me not here one hour to myself, or I shall betray myself and Thee !
There is little doubt that the editor of his Journal is right when, in a note, he says, 'We may safely assume that the sorrows of his married life are becoming acute.'
This paragraph reminds us of some of the cipher entries in his earlier Diaries ; but, from its place in the Journal it seems to appeal to his friends for kindly judgement and the help that comes through sympathy.
At a later stage we shall have to deal with the consequences of his unfortunate marriage, but, while seeing both sides of a question that is still debated, we must be touched by Wesley's appeal.
As we continue to watch him he seems to us a man whose life was ' guided by faith and matchless fortitude.'
John Wesley got back to London on Saturday, November 4, after an absence of more than seven months.
His Sermon Register shows that on Sunday he preached at the Foundery, at Spitalfields, at West Street, and at Westminster.
As to the last-named place, the annotator of his Journal tells us there is a tradition that either at that time or later the preaching-room at Westminster was on, or near, the site of the * Chronological History, 76, 4th ed.
The reception of money by ' the popular preachers ' was in defiance of ene of the ' Rules of an Assistant.'
See John Wesley and the Methodist Societies, 217.
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Wesleyan Methodist Central Hall, opposite Westminster Abbey.
At this point we lose the assistance of the Journal so far as the closing month of 1752 is concerned.
We must leave Wesley busy preparing books for The Chnstian Library, brooding over his loss of money caused by this enterprise, and cherishing a hope that the next generation might know the value of it.
XIX
A CRITICAL YEAR
THE year 1753 occupies an important place in the history of Methodism, but the describer of its events meets with special difficulties.
The entries in John Wesley's Journal are often disappointingly brief, and blank spaces are not infrequent.
As for Charles Wesley's printed Journal, it fails us almost altogether.
The entries begin on November 29 and cease after December 6; they are not resumed until July 8, 1754.
We derive little help from the letters appended to his Journal.
Many of them are headed with the day of the month, but the year is left to the researches of the ingenious explorer.
It is fortunate that we have some light on the principal events of the year.
On March 19, 1753, John Wesley set out from Bristol.
He was accompanied by his wife.
After an eight days' journey they reached Chester.
The scene there was changed.
A new mayor had been elected who refused to be mob-ruled.
His name was Thomas Broster.
Wesley says he was a man of courage and honesty, who would not suffer a riot of any kind.
No one talked of ' pulling down houses'; there was peace through all the city.
On April 3 Wesley visited Bolton ; once more there was sunshine on the threshold of his long northern journey.
The members there were increased in grace no less than in number; they ' walked closely with God, lovingly and circumspectly with one another, and wisely towards those who are without.'
Recent occurrences had shaken but not shattered the Society.
Encouraged by what he had seen in Chester and Bolton, Wesley made ready for his long journey.
He was on his way to Scotland.
Mrs. Wesley was with him; and on April 14 he met a lay preacher who was also to be his travelling companion.
His name was John Hampson; he is well known to those who are acquainted with the early history of
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Methodism.
Two days later we see the little company at Bowness, in Cumberland.
The landlord of the inn where they had stayed is guiding them over the Frith; and as they ride along we hear a fragment of their conversation.
It was on a subject with which Wesley was familiar.
The guide asks, "How much a year do you get by preaching?'
Wesley tells him ; and then shows him that the principal reward he received was the consciousness that by his preaching men were being saved.
We hear the landlord's voice no more; he was silent through sheer astonishment.
Dumfries was reached; then the travellers proceeded to Thornhill, where they stayed the night.
Wesley long remembered this ride.
He found the road over which he travelled far better than the turnpike road between London and Canterbury.
The inns also excited his admiration.
He says, ' What miserable accounts pass current in England of the inns in Scotland!
Yet here, as well as wherever we called in our whole journey, we had not only everything we wanted, but everything readily and in good order, and as clean as I ever desire.'
On April 17, setting out from Thornhill at about four o'clock in the morning, the travellers reached Glasgow.
Wesley's home there was with the Rev. Dr. John Gillies, at whose invitation he had come to the city.
He was the minister of the College Church, and was a man in full sympathy with the work that was being done by Wesley and Whitefield.
At the time of Wesley's visit he was waiting for clearer light on the possibility of the consciousness of personal salvation; it may be that his invitation to Wesley had its origin in a desire to consult him on that great spiritual experience.'
On Wednesday, April 18, at seven o'clock in the evening, Wesley attended a service in the College Church.
There was such a large congregation that he had much difficulty in getting into the building.
Dr.
Gillies was the preacher.
Before he concluded the service with 'the blessing' he announced that a meeting would at once be held, at which some hymns would be sung, and he suggested that those who were so minded might retire.
His announcement only slightly diminished the congregation.
Wesley says that ' scarce any stirred till all was ended.'
It must be remembered 1 Dr. Gillies was the first biographer of Whitefield, and the author of the once well-known Historical Collections of the Success of the Gospel.
See Tyerman's Life and Times of Wesley, ii. 164-166.
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aK that the singing of 'hymns' in churches in Scotland was an innovation much resented by some people who were only familiar with the singing of ' psalms' in public worship.
In this historic ' after-meeting ' Dr. Gillies gave out four hymns, which were sung by a choir of about a dozen young men.
In a letter to Wesley Dr. Gillies tells him of the effect of the innovation he had introduced.
He says:
The singing of hymns here meets with greater opposition than I expected ; serious people are much divided.
Those of better understanding and education are silent; but many others are so prejudiced that they speak openly against it, and look upon me as doing a very sinful thing.
I beg your advice, whether to answer them only by continuing in the practice of the thing, or whether I should also publish a sheet of arguments from reason, and Scripture, and the example of the godly.
Your experience of dealing with people's prejudice makes your advice of the greater importance.
I bless the Lord for the benefit and comforts of your acquaintance.?
On the next day Wesley preached twice in the open air at a place about a quarter of a mile from Glasgow.
The weather continued so wet and the wind so blustering that Wesley, on Friday, April 20, was prevented from carrying out his intention of preaching in the same place.
Dr. Gillies, however, came to his assistance.
He desired him to preach in his church.
He did so.
The request and his own compliance with it filled Wesley with amazement.
In his Journal there is a cry of astonishment:
'Surely with God nothing is impossible!
Who would have believed, five and twenty years ago, either that the minister would have desired it or that I should have consented to preach in a Scotch kirk!'
He attended the church on Sunday, April 22, both morning and evening, and was delighted with the reverence of the congregations.
He says, 'The behaviour of the people was beyond anything I ever saw but in our congregations.
None bowed or courtesied to each other, either before or after service ; from the beginning to the end of which none talked, or looked at any but the minister.'
The conduct of a well-trained Methodist congregation was Wesley's ideal of reverent behaviour in public worship; his comparison was a great compliment to Dr.
Géillies's audience.
On the same day he preached twice in the open air and once in the prison.
In the latter place he was 1Tyerman's Life and Times of Wesley, ii. 164, 165
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again impressed by the good conduct of the hearers.
Ali the felons, as well as the debtors, behaved with such reverence as he had never seen in any prison in England.
Few clergymen had a wider experience of prison-preaching, and. the commendation, therefore, possessed exceptional value.
On Monday, April 23, he left Glasgow and went to Edinburgh.
He had intended to go round by Kilsyth to see Mr. Robe, the minister of that town, who was dying.
But the weather prevented him.
We can imagine the solemn joy with which these two great revivalists would have talked together and strengthened each other's hands.
But, so far as we know, on this earth they never met.
Wesley passed through Edinburgh, and on April 24 reached Berwick.
Two days later he went to Alnwick, where he had a special meeting of the Society.
The members had been harassed above measure by a few violent Predestinarians, who had at length separated from them.
In Wesley's comment on their departure, we find a valuable statement of his position in respect of persons who differed from him in their opinions.
Speaking of the separatists he says, 'It is well they saved me the trouble, for I can have no connexion with those who will be contentious.
These I reject, not for their opinion, but for their sin; for their unchristian temper and unchristian practice; for being haters of reproof, haters of peace, haters of their brethren and, consequently, of God.'
Having comforted the distracted Society at Alnwick, he returned to Newcastle, where, on May 4, he held the first General
Quarterly Meeting of all the stewards in the neighbourhood 'in order thoroughly to understand both the spiritual and temporal state of every Society.'
After visiting several towns and villages in Northumberland and Yorkshire, towards the end of the month of May, Wesley reached Leeds and held an important Conference.
It began on May 22.
His own description of it is terse, and gives us but slight information concerning its proceedings.
He says, 'Most of our preachers met and conversed freely together ; as we did, morning and afternoon, to the end of the week, when our Conference ended with the same blessing as it began, God giving us to be not only of one heart but of one judgement.'
The description gives us no idea of the subjects discussed and 1 For Mr. Robe and William Darney see ante, 26.
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ie the conclusions reached.
It is fortunate that we are not left in uncertainty, for the ' conversations' of the Conference concerned matters which had a strong influence on the future of Methodism.
Once more Jacob Rowell, whom we met at the Limerick Conference, shall guide us.
His carefully written report of this Leeds Conference was afterwards printed, and_ is to be found in the Appendix to the first volume of the revised
Minutes of Conference, issued in 1862.:_ Let us watch this company of early Methodist preachers and note the business they transacted.
Wesley says that 'most of the preachers' attended this Conference.
The list given by Rowell contains the following names: John Wesley, William Grimshaw, and John Milner, who were clergymen; Samuel Larwood, John Haughton, Christopher Hopper, William Shent, John Edwards, William
Hitchens, John Fisher, Thomas Walsh, James Jones, John Nelson, Francis Walker, Joseph Jones, Thomas Mitchell, Nicholas Gilbert, John Hampson, Edward Perronet, Jonathan
Maskew, Matthew Lowes, Jacob Rowell, John Haime, Jonathan Catlow, William Fugill, John Turnough, James Scholefield, and Enoch Williams, who are described as ' Travelling Preachers.'
In addition there were present sixteen ' Local Preachers'; that is men who assisted the Wesleys 'in one place.'
The names of some of them are familiar to us.
We know Thomas Colbeck, Thomas Lee, and Francis Scott ; the following are not so well known: Titus Knight, Benjamin
Beanland, Joseph Bradley, John Johnson, Thomas Slaton, Thomas Johnson, William Allwood, John Thorpe, Matthew
Watson, William Parker, J. Coats, William Greenwood, and John Greenwood.
There were therefore forty-four preachers present at this Conference.
England, Wales, and Ireland were represented ; and a far-seeing eye may read in this little assembly a prophecy of times that were to come.
We will note the most important items of business transacted by this Conference.
It was determined, first of all, that in future the Conference should be held in London, Bristol, and Leeds, 'by turns.'
This arrangement seems like a first step in the direction of holding a ' yearly Conference of the People called Methodists.'
It also secured opportunities of attending the Conference for preachers who were stationed in 1 See Minutes of Conference, i. 717-720.